Inequality of educational_opportunity_in_higher_education

Graduate School of Social Sciences
Msc International Development Studies

Master’s Thesis

Inequality of Educational Opportunity in Higher Education
São Paulo, Brazil

Michal Ragowan
January 2013

Cover photo: Classroom of the public secondary school E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin in São Paulo, Brazil

Michal Ragowan Inequality of Educational Opportunity in Higher Education Page 2

Inequality of Educational Opportunity in Higher
Education
São Paulo, Brazil

Michal Ragowan
Student number: 10156984

Supervisor: Dr. Xavier Bonal Sarró
Second assessor: Drs. Margriet Poppema

Amsterdam, January 2013

Master’s Thesis
Msc International Development Studies
University of Amsterdam


Supervisor

Dr. Xavier Bonal Sarró
Sociology, Anthropology and International Development Studies
Plantage Muidergracht 14
1018 TV Amsterdam
The Netherlands
E-mail: F.X.Bonal@uva.nl
http://www.uva.nl/over-de-uva/organisatie/medewerkers/content/b/o/f.x.bonal/f.x.bonal.html

Second Assessor

Drs. Margriet F. Poppema
Senior Lecturer International Development Studies
Human Geography, Planning and International Development Studies (GPIO)
Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences (FMG)
Plantage Muidergracht 14
1018 TV Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Phone: 020-5255035 / 020-5257409
E-mail: M.F.Poppema@uva.nl
http://www.uva.nl/profiel/m.f.poppema


Abstract

In Brazil, the educational system acts as an elitist entity which serves students from high-income classes.
Therefore, the structural inequalities present throughout the country are reflected in the area of education
as well. Public education at primary and secondary educational levels is of poor quality. Here the pupils
do not receive the necessary preparation for the entrance exam of a public university. Conversely, pupils
who have the privilege to attend private primary and secondary schools are sufficiently prepared and
succeed in entering a public university. In Brazil, at the higher educational level, public universities are
of much better quality than private universities. Pupils who attend public schools are left with the
educational opportunity of attending low-cost private universities. The purpose of this research was to
explore how socio-economic factors influence the access of low- to middle-income students to public
higher educational institutions. Additionally, the aim was to research the educational experience of
students from low- to middle-income classes who are attending low-cost private universities. Moreover,
the aim was to explore the quality of low-cost private universities and the perceptions and expectations of
the students in reference to their educational opportunities.
The research took place in São Paulo, Brazil, where I conducted 22 semi-structured in-depth
qualitative interviews. I interviewed 22 students from the following different low-cost private
universities: Centro Universitário Sant’anna (Unisant’anna), Universidade Nove de Julho (Uninove),
Universidade Paulista (Unip) in São Paulo and Ribeirão Preto and, finally, Centro Universitário
Anhanguera de São Paulo (Anhanguera). Additionally, I conducted participatory research activities with
children, ranging from 16 to 21, at three different public secondary schools in São Paulo. For this, I
visited the following secondary schools: E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin, E.E. Augusto Meirelles Reis Filho
and E.E. Casimiro de Abreu.

Key words: privatization; higher education; educational opportunities; inequality; São Paulo.


Acknowledgements

I very much enjoyed conducting this research in São Paulo, Brazil, and there are several people who I
would like to acknowledge and thank, because they helped me in one way or another during this research.
First of all, I would like to acknowledge and thank my supervisor, Dr. Xavier Bonal Sarró. He helped me
find my respondents and guided me through the entire process from the field to the thesis writing.
Additionally, I would like to thank my family who supported me through this research. I would like to
thank my translator, Leonel Marini, who helped me with the translations during the first ten interviews. I
also want to thank Maria Antonieta Penido, who welcomed me to her home and helped me get to know
São Paulo. Moreover, I want to thank Mara Paulini Machado who invited me to stay at the house of her
aunt and uncle during my stay in São Paulo.
Furthermore, I would like to thank Camilla Croso who referred me to Romualdo Portelo and José
Marcelino Rezende Pinto from Universidade Paulista. Moreover, I would like to thank Romualdo
Portelo who introduced me to Carlos Bauer from Uninove and Renata Marcilio Candido from
Anhanguera. These professors provided me with the contact information of several of their students.
Additionally, I would like to thank José Marcelino Rezende Pinto who referred me to Ana Paula Leivar
Brancaleoni from Unip in Ribeirão Preto. Thanks to Ana Paula and her sister Renata Brancaleoni, who
helped me with translations, I was able to conduct six interviews in Riberão Preto with the students from
Unip. Moreover, I would like to thank George Longhitano from Unisant’anna for introducing me to his
students. Of course, I would like to thank all the students who participated in the interviews and who
spared an hour of their time to help me in this research. Especially, I would like to thank Guilherme Reis
who invited me to visit the three public secondary schools where he was teaching. Thanks to Guilherme,
I was able to visit these schools and get a first-hands impression of the quality of public education at
primary and secondary levels. This was quite an experience.


Table of Contents

Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………..5
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………………………....6
Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………………….......7
Glossary………………………………………………………………………………………………..9
1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..10
2. Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………………………...12
2.1. Globalization agenda…………………………………………………………………………...12
2.2. Processes of privatization………………………………………………………………………12
2.2.1. Privatization of education……………………………………………………………....13
2.3. Effects on educational policy…………………………………………………………………...15
2.4. Educational opportunities………………………………………………………………………16
2.5. Equity and the reproduction of inequalities..…………………………………………………...18
2.6. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………...20
3. Research Methodology…………………………………………………………………………….21
3.1. Research questions……………………………………………………………………………...21
3.2. Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………21
3.3. Units of analysis………………………………………………………………………………...23
3.4. Methods…………………………………………………………………………………………23
3.5. Limitations and ethics……...……………………………………………………………………27
3.6. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………28
4. Context: Introducing São Paulo, Brazil…………………………………………………………..29
4.1. Socio-economic background........................................................................................................29
4.2. Educational policy in Brazil…………………………………………………………………….33
4.3. Sistema educacional Brasileiro…………………………………………………………………35
4.4. Accessibility to higher education……………………………………………………………….40
4.5. Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………45
5. The Influence of Socio-Economic Factors………………………………………………………...46
5.1. Real opportunities of students from low- to middle-income classes……………………………46
5.1.1. Doing a pré-vestibular or cursinho……………………………………………………...47
5.1.2. Introducing low-cost private universities………………………………………………..49
5.1.3. Applying for a bolsa……………………………………………………………………..53
5.2. Influence of socio-economic factors on access………………………………………………….55


5.2.1. Parental influence………………………………………………………………………..55
5.2.2. Household income……………………………………………………………………….58
5.2.3. Previous schools…………………………………………………………………………60
6. The Educational Experience and Expectations…………………………………………………...67
6.1. Conditions under which the educational experience takes place………………………………...67
6.1.1. Maintaining a job………………………………………………………………………...67
6.1.2. Attending classes at night………………………………………………………………..67
6.1.3. Minimum grade average to maintain bolsa……………………………………………...68
6.2. Quality of low-cost private universities…………………………………………………………69
6.2.1. Evaluation of the quality………………………………………………………………...69
6.2.2. Perceptions of the educational experience and quality………………………………….76
6.3. Expectations regarding further educational and professional opportunities…………………….78
6.3.1. Further educational opportunities……………………………………………………….78
6.3.2. Further professional opportunities………………………………………………………78
6.3.3. Inequalities………………………………………………………………………………80
7. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………...82
7.1. Findings of the research……………………………………………………………………83
7.2. Reflection on the methodology…………………………………………………………….85
7.3. Suggestions for further study………………………………………………………………85
Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………………87
Appendix I: Interview Guide………………………………………………………………………….93
Appendix II: Overview Respondents…………………………………………………………………96


Glossary

Bolsa Scholarship
CAPES Foundation Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Educational
Personnel, linked to the Ministry of Education
CNPq National Council of Scientific and Technological Development,
linked to the Ministry of Science and Technology
Concurso público Public examination in order to work in a public area
Cursinho / Pré-vestibular Preparatory course to prepare students for the vestibular and in
some cases for the ENEM exam
Educacão de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) Education for both youth as adults, where students can complete
their primary and secondary schooling (previously referred to as
supletivo)
Educação professional (nível técnico) Professional education (technical course) of two years, usually
done after secondary school
ENADE National Survey of Student Performance
ENEM Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio (National Examination of
Secondary Education)
Ensino fundamental Primary school
Ensino médio Secondary school
Ensino superior Higher education
FIES Student Financing Programme (loan scheme)
FUNDEB Fund for the Maintenance and Development of Basic Education
and Enhancement of Educational Professionals
FUNDEF Fund for Maintenance and Development of the Fundamental
Education and Valorization of Teaching
Ministério da Educação (MEC) Ministry of Education
Particular Private
ProUni University for All Programme (scholarship programme)
Pública Public
Supletivo Education for both youth as adults (now called EJA)
Vale refeição Meal allowance or meal voucher
Vestibular Entrance exam of higher educational institutions


1. Introduction

In Brazil, the segregated educational system causes for an unjust distribution of educational opportunities.
The educational system in Brazil offers more and better quality education to children from the more
affluent classes of society. Conversely, poor families, who often have a different cultural, ethnic and
linguistic background, have less educational opportunities and receive education of inferior quality.
In Brazil today, processes of capitalist expansion are derived from neoliberal policies. These
processes have caused for the area of education to increasingly become a space open to the rules and
regulations of the market. Moreover, the current globalization agenda has greatly affected global and
national policies, impacting educational development and equity. The expansion of capitalist and market-
led economies and the decentralization of the state have resulted in processes of privatization and the
increasing expansion of private schools. The privatization of education has caused for educational
reform, affecting educational policies. Moreover, the privatization of education has greatly affected the
educational opportunities of students from low- to middle-income classes.
Furthermore, in reference to the privatization of education, higher education has become a great
field of interest for profit-seeking business. Educational policies, such as the Global Campaign for
Educational for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goal Two to achieve universal primary
education, focus on sending all children to primary and sometimes secondary schools. Moreover, the
little budget governments have for education is primarily devoted to primary education. Therefore, the
gap of investment in higher education is filled by private investors.
In the case of Brazil, private schools at primary and secondary educational levels are of much
better quality than public schools. Therefore, children from the more affluent classes of society are sent
to private primary and secondary schools. Conversely, at the higher educational level, public universities
are considered more prestigious and of much better quality than private universities. To enter these
public universities, the student must pass the vestibular, which is the entrance exam. This exam is to such
an extent difficult that usually only children pass, who have attended private primary and secondary
schools. Contradicting, children from low- to middle-income classes who do not share the privilege of
attending private schools generally do not pass the vestibular. This leaves the students from low- to
middle-income classes with the educational opportunity of attending low-cost private universities, but
most of these students do not have the economic conditions to pay for tuition fees. Some students
manage to obtain a scholarship which enables them to attend a low-cost private university. Nevertheless,
the education at these universities is of inferior quality in comparison to the quality of education at public
universities. Therefore, access to good quality education and the unjust distribution of educational
opportunities are pressing issues in Brazil. Moreover, the Brazilian educational system serves the affluent


classes of society, greatly reflecting the inequalities present throughout the social-, political- and
economic system in Brazil.
At the start of the sugar production in the coastal areas of Brazil, which made use of slave labor,
the means of production were controlled by a small group of owners. The colonial period lasted from
1500 to 1822 and focused on the accumulation of wealth based on property. In agriculture, there was a
significant growth in productivity, but the great concentration of land ownership prevented the
democratization of possession of the land (CEBRAP 2012: 15). This “led to extreme exploitation of
workers in the absence of social policies, dragging down standards of living in the countryside.”
(CEBRAP 2012: 15) As a result, mass migration occurred as people moved to the city in the search of
employment and opportunities. This caused for a transformation of Brazil towards urbanization, initiating
the industrialization, which lasted from 1930 to 1980. Conversely, these changes did not bring about a
just and democratic society. “It became an authentically capitalist inequality, tied to monetary wealth,
which exploited differences of region, race/color and gender to create a working class, in which the
majority of its members did not have social and labor rights.” (CEBRAP 2012: 13) Moreover, by the
1980s the economic growth had stalled, poverty grew and inequality became more pronounced, marking
the beginning of the crisis. However, with this also came an end to the military regime and the
establishment of the Brazilian Federal Constitution as of 1988, introducing the first steps towards a
democracy. The structural causes of inequality are embedded in Brazil’s historic trajectory, “producing
exclusion and contributing to wealth concentration in the hands of the few” (CEBRAP 2012: 3). “Poverty
in Brazil remains high and social inequality in the country reaches extreme levels.” (CEBRAP 2012: 23)
Moreover, “Brazil remains among the five most unequal countries in the world” (IMF 2011).
This thesis is divided into seven chapters. Now I will discuss the theoretical framework, which
are the theories and the academic debate in which I placed my research. I will then discuss the research
methodology and explain which methods I used and the reasons behind this. Furthermore, I will discuss
the context and my empirical findings. The following two chapters will discuss the data collected in São
Paulo. Finally, I will complete this thesis with a conclusion.


2. Theoretical Framework

In this chapter, I will draw upon theories regarding the globalization agenda and the processes of
privatization. Additionally, I will look at the privatization of education and the effects on educational
policy more specifically. I wish to challenge the assumed positive effects of the privatization of
education on educational expansion and quality. Furthermore, I will discuss how the privatization of
education and the expansion of private schools affect educational opportunities. Finally, I will touch
upon the concept of equity and show how the privatization of education contributes to the reproduction of
inequalities.

2.1. Globalization agenda

Dale (1999) discusses the political aspect of the globalization agenda and states’ reactions to changing
circumstances. Individually, states’ responses to changing global realities evolve around making
themselves more competitive (Dale 1999: 4). Collectively, states have become more concerned in setting
an international framework of large international organizations, the most prominent being the
International Monetary Fund, the OECD and the World Bank. Through this international framework,
states seek to establish ‘governance without government’ (Rosenau 1992 in Dale 1999: 4). The common
ideology which drives these organizations to enhance in policy changes within this set international
framework is described by John Williamson (1993) in his ‘Washington Consensus’1. Williamson
emphasizes ten features of the ‘Washington Consensus’, including among others, public expenditure
priorities, financial and trade liberalization, foreign direct investment, deregulation and privatization.
(Dale 1999: 4) Together these processes act as “the preferred ideological filters that inform the directions
in which national policy decisions are to be shaped” (Dale 1999: 4).
Conversely, it is important to keep in mind the fact that “external policies are likely to be
differently interpreted and differently acted on in different countries” (Dale 1999: 5).

2.2. Processes of privatization

Among the features of the ‘Washington Consensus’ described by Williamson (1993) is privatization.
Therefore, processes of privatization are part of the globalization agenda. Moreover, Dale (1999)
discusses the variety of mechanisms which influence national policies and through which the effects of
globalization are delivered. One of these mechanisms is privatization.

1
Williamson, J. (1993) Democracy and the `Washington Consensus’, World Development, 21(8), 1329- 1336


It is argued that privatization takes place to make up for the lack of the public sector. Ball (2010)
argues that “privatization is attractive to governments and to multi-lateral agencies as ‘solutions’ to the
‘problem’ of public-sector reform (with the promise of increasing productivity, introducing innovations
and reducing costs) and is a new (and relatively safe) profit opportunity for capital (large and small)
particularly at a time when other areas of business activity are in recession” (Ball 2010: 229).
Furthermore, in Brazil, “privatization was considered a key element in the process of
restructuring the economy” (IHEP 2009: 4) after the economic crisis. The government implemented
several plans to reverse the economic crisis, including fiscal adjustment, control of inflation,
modernization of domestic industry and privatization. Privatization was successful in some sectors, such
as power companies, banks and telecommunications, but became very unpopular in Brazil. Privatization
brought unemployment and few benefits as the people “paid more taxes and higher prices for services”
(IHEP 2009: 4).
Moreover, with the emergence of privatization processes, education became more and more a
field for private investors who seek to make profit. These investors ‘sell’ education as a commodity,
which is sensitive to competition and commercialization. Ball and Youdell (2008) explain this when
saying: “privatization tendencies are at the centre of the shift from education being seen as a public good
that serves the whole community, to education being seen as a private good that serves the interest of the
educated individual, the employer and the economy.” (Ball & Youdell 2008: 15-6)

2.2.1. Privatization of education

Now I will discuss the privatization of education more specifically. Current neoliberal policies, set within
the context of the globalization agenda, focus on the expansion of capitalism and market-led economies,
the deregulation of state power and the privatization of the public sector. Additionally, these policies
have led to the privatization in and of public education.
Furthermore, the privatization of education is based on the argument that the educational system
as provided by the state is of low quality. Therefore, the ‘solution’ could be found in the privatization of
education. In other words, this means opening education up to the norms and values of the market, “to
parental choice and competition between schools for student recruitment, and to allow new providers,
including for-profit providers, to operate alongside or within the state school system” (Ball & Youdell
2008: 14).
Additionally, it is argued that the public sector should not be responsible for all aspects of
education. Four main reasons are argued here advocating for the privatization of education. Firstly, the
effectiveness and efficiency of public education is questioned. Secondly, the equity and accountability of


public education is questioned, particularly affecting the poor. Thirdly, the increase of initiatives of
educational entrepreneurs raised awareness of the significant educational improvements which could be
the result of competitive pressures. Finally, it is necessary to find alternative sources of educational
funding in order to restrain public expenditure and reduce budget deficits and external debts.2
Furthermore, privatization interprets education as a market-oriented commodity. Privatization
understands education as a competitive, private good, which benefits solely the individual and stimulates
competitive individualism. This ignores the idea of international or collective solidarity where the
investment in education results in rates of return which benefit the whole of society and not merely the
individual. Moreover, the idea behind the privatization of education is primarily derived from the concept
of choice. Choice is then facilitated by initiatives to diversify the provision of local education through
different mechanisms: “per-capita funding; the devolution of management responsibilities and budgets to
schools; the provision of school ‘vouchers’ for use in public or private schools; the relaxation of
enrollment regulations; and the publication of ‘performance outcomes’ as a form of market ‘information’
for parent-choosers” (Ball & Youdell 2008: 18). Finally, competition is meant to raise the standards
across the educational system.
Additionally, Ball (2005) argues that processes of privatization resulted in three major re-
orientations of educational values. Firstly, privatization resulted in an increased emphasis on outcomes.
Secondly, it has caused for a shift in direction towards obligations, namely obligations towards sponsors,
funders and/or ‘partners’. Lastly, privatization has lead to “the cultivation/valorization of ‘new’
dispositions – e.g., enterprise, competitiveness, commercialism, the skills of selling and spinning” (Ball
2005: 121). To sum up, the privatization of education caused for an orientation towards “personal and
institutional success and rewards […] over and against whatever we take ‘teacherly’, scholarly or
collegial virtues to be” (Ball 2005: 121).
Furthermore, in Brazil, neoliberal policies were introduced by the World Bank and the
International Monetary Fund after the crisis. These policies affected Brazil’s government policies and
transformed its educational system. (Hackshaw 2008) This resulted in the implementation of privatization
policies in higher education to increase enrollment (Pinto 2004: abstract). Moreover, “between 1995 and
2005, the number of institutions in the private sector increased by 182 percent” (IHEP 2009: 4). Several
factors influenced this expansion of private institutions in higher education. Firstly, the idea was to raise
the percentage of adolescents between the ages of 18 and 24 who attend undergraduate programmes at the
university from 12 to 30 percent by 2015, through the expansion of private institutions. Additionally, the
government implemented the Education act of 1996, which made the process of accreditation and

2
http://education.stateuniversity.com/pages/2015/Government-Education-Changing-Role.html (Accessed
24/05/2012)


licensing more flexible with as result the creation of 1,297 new institutions between 1998 and 2006.
Moreover, “other factors contributed to the expansion of the private sector, including the stagnation of
state investment in public universities during the 1990s, the growth of enrollment at the secondary level,
and increased demand for higher education in the job market.” (IHEP 2009: 12) Conversely, the
enrollment rate in higher education remains low, leading to “an overall elitization of the profile of
students, especially in the fields with the highest demand and in private institutions, where the presence of
African-descendant or poor students is still very low” (Pinto 2004: abstract).

2.3. Effects on educational policy

Bonal (2004) argues the following in reference to the effects of globalization on education: “the indirect
effects of globalization on education are undeniable: restrictions in public spending, changes in the
structure of qualifications and their remuneration, an increase in the demand for higher education,
changes in the patterns of demand for education (particularly among the middle classes) and the search
for quality and differences in education, etc.” (Bonal 2004: 664).
In Brazil, the effects of the globalization agenda and the processes of privatization led to
educational reform in higher education. The Brazilian educational system shifted from an elite public
system to a more diversified system in which private higher educational institutions play a significant
role. McCowan (2007) explains that some of these private higher educational institutions cater for
wealthy elites, however, “a growing number target lower-income students who are unable to enter the
selective public universities” (McCowan 2007: 580). Conversely, McCowan argues that it remains to be
seen whether the increase in private higher educational institutions represents a feasible solution to the
pressing need to expand the higher educational system, “while at the same time maintains teaching and
research of a high quality” (McCowan 2007: 580).
Furthermore, Ribeiro (2005) argues that in Brazil, “where the degree of income concentration is
scandalous, the decreasing capacity of public services surely represents another step in this profoundly
deepening inequality” (Ribeiro 2005: 3). He argues that, in the last decade, the public higher educational
system was mostly affected by neoliberal policies based on the ‘Washington Consensus’ (Ribeiro 2005).
Moreover, McCowan (2007) states that in Brazil, under the rule of Cardoso (1995-2002) an educational
reform programme was implemented, following recommendations of the World Bank, which reduced
public spending and increased private involvement in all areas. (McCowan 2007: 584)
Additionally, “the changing economic and social environment in the 1990s put new pressures on
the Brazilian higher education system” (IHEP 2009: 7). The job market changed and the demand for
quality control of undergraduate programmes increased, especially in private universities. Therefore, the


government adopted new approaches to assure the provision of higher quality undergraduate education at
private institutions. From 1995 to 2002, the Ministry of Education implemented the National Evaluation
of Undergraduate Programmes (ENADE), which measures the performance of the students and ranks the
universities. Moreover, in 2003, the new administration created a new evaluation system, consisting of an
internal evaluation (a council of students, faculty and employees) and an external evaluation (expert
evaluators assigned by the Federal Council of Education). (IHEP 2009: 7)
Also, in Brazil, at the higher educational level, public universities are of the best quality. Public
universities are usually supported by the federal government, however, there are also public universities
funded by the state, such as in the state of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. In the last twenty or thirty years,
the privatization of higher education in Brazil has resulted in a strong increase in the number of
faculdades, that is, “small institutions offering primarily professional degree programs and a few
undergraduate courses” (Ribeiro 2005: 3). Ribeiro argues that this is the result of a complex combination
of several closely related factors. Firstly, Ribeiro mentions the implementation of neoliberal policies,
often recommended to the state by multilateral agencies, which are aimed at opening up the economic
sector of education to entrepreneurs. Secondly, the public universities could not grow and accept the
increasing number of students completing secondary school due to the reduction in funds allocated to the
public universities. Lastly, entrepreneurs become more and more aware of the extremely profitable
business higher education could be. (Ribeiro 2005: 3)
To sum up, Brazil has been very sensitive to the globalization agenda and the processes of
privatization, resulting in the reform of educational policies. I will now discuss the effects this has on the
educational opportunities of students.

2.4. Educational opportunities

Privatization has several effects on the educational opportunities of students. Firstly, privatization could
lead to exclusion, because, in the context of the neoliberal paradigm, privatization forces the economy to
integrate and compete in the global chain of production and distribution. This is the ‘open’ global market
which “can offer opportunities for growth, but also exploitation in a marginalized position” (Andriesse et
al. 2011: 6).
Additionally, the value of education in general decreased due to the processes of globalization
and the mass expansion of education. This resulted in the social segmentation of children from the
middle- or higher-classes of society and children from the low-income classes. Furthermore, this resulted
in the public-private segmentation of educational institutions. Moreover, Bonal (2007) argues that the
middle classes, when potentially facing the devaluation of the educational capital they have acquired,


search for ways to distinguish themselves on the basis of quality differences (Bonal 2007: 90). In the case
of Brazil, when students from low-income classes do not have access to public universities, they are left
with the educational opportunity of attending a low-cost private university. That is, if these students can
afford the tuition fees. This allows the students from the affluent classes of society to raise the quality
standards of their educational capital within the public university, hereby reducing the quality of low-cost
private universities. Furthermore, this leaves no space to vindicate the public school system at primary
and secondary educational levels, because the poor usually do not have a voice to fight for the quality of
these schools, or are not listened to. As such, inequalities are reproduced and the gap between the poor
and rich becomes larger.
Furthermore, the privatization of education includes the implementation of several techniques to
ensure performance management and accountability different than public-sector education. These
techniques, such as performance-related pay, are introduced from business into the public sector of
education to ensure the quality of education and to make the educational processes more transparent and
accountable. Conversely, these techniques and strategies can also have large effects on the way schools
and teachers prioritize and value their educational system within a classroom. (Ball & Youdell 2008: 24)
Additionally, new strategies are implemented to measure the quality of educational institutions through
standardized testing, such as PISA. These new strategies, implemented in private schools to ensure the
quality and performance, actually lead to a reorientation in priorities focusing away from high quality
education.
Moreover, practices of commercialization or the ‘cola-isation’ of schools in the United States “are
so normalized that their role in the privatization of education can go unrecognized” (Ball & Youdell 2008:
38). This refers to commercial companies targeting children and young adolescent consumers at schools,
promoting their products and brands. This is yet again another focus of private schools away from what
should be the schools’ genuine goal; that is, to ensure access and provide high quality education.
Finally, Ball & Youdell (2008) discuss philanthropy or ‘philantrocapitalism’ as the idea that
charity resembles a capitalist economy in which those who award a benefit become a consumer of social
investment. In spite of the improvement in educational provision which could be the result of such
strategic interventions, the flow of these educational ‘subsidies’ can serve to intensify existing inequalities
in educational provision (Ball & Youdell 2008: 40).
In Brazil, educational opportunities are unequally distributed in relation to accessing public or
private educational institutions. At primary and secondary educational levels, private schools are of better
quality and are attended by children from the affluent classes of society. In contrary, at the higher
educational level, public universities are considered more prestigious and of better quality. However,
public universities are also attended by students from the high-income classes of society as these students


have a better educational background and have received a better preparation in relation to the entrance
exam. Therefore, the educational system of Brazil serves the wealthy, providing students from high-
income classes with access to good quality education. This leads me to discuss the concept of equity and
the reproduction of inequalities.

2.5. Equity and the reproduction of inequalities

Now I will briefly discuss the concept of equity. McCowan (2004) describes the different possible
definitions of the concept of equity. McCowan (2004) states:

The policies of the World Bank for higher education are designed to promote economic development with
equity. The Bank’s report on higher education in Brazil states:

Equity can mean different things, for example: (i) a reasonable degree of equality of opportunity to
participate in higher education, and (ii) a reasonable and fair balance between paying the costs and
obtaining the benefits from higher education (World Bank 2001: 41).

A less problematic definition of equity in education is that of Brighouse (2002), namely that those
“with similar levels of ability and willingness to exert effort should face similar educational prospects
regardless of their social background, ethnicity or sex” (Brighouse, 2002, p.10). (McCowan 2004: 459)

The discussion regarding the definition of equity is endless and I do not wish to focus on this in this
thesis. I will continue to discuss how the privatization of education affects educational opportunities and
results in the reproduction of inequalities.
Firstly, Tarabini (2010) argues that the global agenda leaves out strategies used by middle-classes
to differentiate themselves in order to maintain the highest value of their educational capital.
Globalization, leading to the devaluation of returns to education, therefore, creates a “growing
competition between individuals for access to the most prestigious kind of schooling and to the best
places in the occupational structure, thus, leading to a reinforcement of inequalities in educational
opportunities” (Brown 2003 in Tarabini 2010: 210). This results in an unequal distribution of the
possibilities to invest in education and creates unequal possibilities to retrieve the benefits that the
investment in education promises. (Tarabini 2010: 210)
Furthermore, Carnoy (1995) argues that John Ambler’s analysis of school-choice plans3 shows
that “the primary negative effect of school choice is its natural tendency to increase the educational gap
between the privileged and the underprivileged” (Carnoy 1995: 52). Providing subsidies for private
education would benefit higher-income families more than others. Moreover, Carnoy (1995) discusses
Chile as case study and the results of the voucher plan introduced in the 1980s under Pinochet. Firstly,

3
John Ambler (1994) ‘Who Benefits From Educational Choice? Some Evidence From Europe’, Journal of Policy
Analysis and Management


total spending on education fell; secondly, “those who took advantage of the subsidized private schools
were predominantly middle- and higher-income families” (Carnoy 1995: 52); and finally, the increase in
pupil achievement predicted by the voucher plan never occurred. In conclusion, “voucher plans increase
inequality without making schools better. Even more significantly, privatization reduces the public effort
to improve schooling since it relies on the free market to increase achievement, but the increase never
occurs.” (Carnoy 1995: 52)
Additionally, Bonal (2004) argues as well that processes of educational expansion involve risks
of inequality: “the clearest risk was that decisions regarding priorities and the allocation of resources were
made in favour of those who had a greater capacity to voice their demands and apply pressure to ensure
their satisfaction” (Tedesco & Lopez 2002 in Bonal 2004: 657). Moreover, he discusses social
polarization, because “the increase in access and attention to groups previously excluded from education
tended to result in the withdrawal of the middle-classes from public education and an increase in demand
in the private sector” (Bonal 2004: 657). “Decentralization has, therefore, intensified the inequality
between schools.” (Espinola 1997 in Bonal 2004: 663)
Furthermore, Härmä (2009) discusses low-fee private (LFP) schools in India and concludes that
“those with fewer socio-economic resources find it extremely difficult to access LFP schooling” (Härmä
2009: 164). Moreover, “placing increased reliance on LFP schools will run the risk of further polarizing
society with the poorest remaining poor” (Härmä 2009: 164).
As Stromquist indicated, “it is not that families are poor because they have no education, it is
rather that they have no education because they are poor” (Stromquist 2001 in Bonal 2004: 658).
In the case of Brazil, the government discourages some forms of privatization, due to the negative
perception of its policies in the 1990s. For instance, the government discourages the reduction of state
investment, the introduction of tuition fees in the public sector and private investments in the public
sector. Conversely, the government has encouraged the expansion and rise of the private sector, by
implementing policies which increased access to private institutions by low-income students. “However,
many groups have criticized these policies because they do not foster social equality; low-income students
attend private institutions, which have high tuition fees and low quality, while high-income students
receive a better education in public institutions.” (IHEP 2009: 7-8)

2.6. Conclusion

In conclusion, in this theoretical framework I touched upon theories in relation to the globalization agenda
and the processes of privatization. Moreover, I showed how the privatization of education is derived from
neoliberal policies and a focus on the expansion of capitalist and market-led economies. More


specifically, I looked at the privatization of education and its influence on educational policies. I briefly
explained the arguments used to advocate for the privatization of education, but I showed the effects of
the privatization of education on educational opportunities as well. Lastly, I discussed the concept of
equity and the contribution of the privatization of education to the reproduction of inequalities.
In the next chapter I will discuss the methodological framework of this research in further detail.


3. Research Methodology

In this chapter I will discuss the methodological framework of this research. Firstly, I will discuss the
central research question and sub-questions and then I will talk about the research methodology.
Additionally, I will discuss the units of analysis, the methods I used for this research, the sampling
methods and the methods of analysis. Furthermore, I will discuss the limitations and ethical
considerations. Finally, I will conclude this chapter.

3.1. Research questions

I based my central research question on the literature and the theories I described in the theoretical
framework and on my empirical findings, which I will discuss in the following chapter. Moreover, the
access to good quality education, that is, private schools at primary and secondary educational levels and
public universities at the higher educational level, is a severe problem in the case of Brazil, particularly
for those from low- to middle-income classes. Therefore, my central research question is: What are the
educational opportunities of students from low- to middle-income classes in relation to higher
education in the state of São Paulo, Brazil?
Furthermore, to answer this research question, my sub-questions are as follows:
1. Which real educational opportunities do students from low- to middle-income classes have in
reference to attending university?
2. Which social and economic factors influence the access of students from low- to middle-income
classes to public higher educational institutions?
3. Under which conditions does the educational experience of students at low-cost private
universities take place?
4. What is the quality of the low-cost private universities and what perceptions do the students have
of their educational experience and the quality?
5. What are the expectations of the students at low-cost private universities in reference to their
further educational and professional opportunities?

3.2. Methodology

For this research I made use of the mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and participatory
methods. As qualitative method I made use of semi-structured in-depth interviews and as participatory
methods I made use of participant observation and participatory research activities. I will discuss these


methods later on in this chapter. The idea behind using different methods for the research, in other words,
the idea behind triangulation, is that “if the same conclusion is reached from each of the approaches,
greater confidence exists that conclusion is valid” (Sumner & Tribe 2008: 108-9). This is needed to
check the credibility of the data collected, that is, the extent to which the data collected is believable or
considered true. Additionally, the use of these different methods helps to ensure other quality criteria in
international development studies, such as the dependability of the data collected, that is, that the data
collected is consistent and repeatable. Furthermore, this is to check the transferability, that is, if the
findings are applicable in other contexts. Lastly, auditability entails a transparent description of all steps
taken from the start of the research to the development and reporting of findings.

Now I will discuss the ontology and epistemology behind the research. Firstly, ontology is the nature of
reality itself, whereas epistemology is the nature of knowledge itself (Sumner & Tribe 2008: 55).
Moreover, “ontology is best described as a theory or set of assumptions concerning what ‘exists’ and thus
what is and what is ‘knowable’?” (Summer & Tribe 2008: 55). This research was done from the
ontological perspective of constructivism, which “describes the individual human subject engaging with
objects in the world and making sense of them” (Crotty 1998: 79).
Furthermore, Crotty (1998) describes constructivism as meaning which is constructed by minds;
there is no objective and only truth to be discovered, but, “truth, or meaning, comes into existence in and
out of our engagement with the realities in our world” (Crotty 1998: 8). As such, different people
construct meaning in different ways, even in relation to the same phenomena. In this view, Crotty argues,
“subject and object emerge as partners in the generation of meaning” (Crotty 1998: 9).
In reference to this research, a constructivist ontology attempts to explain how different social
actors, or the different students, construct different meanings of a phenomenon. In this case, the
phenomenon could be the access to higher education, which is part of reality.
Secondly, epistemology is thus the nature of knowledge itself. Moreover, it is defined as “a set of
assumptions concerning how we can ‘know’ that which ‘exists’” (Sumner & Tribe 2008: 55). The
epistemological background of this fieldwork can be described as realist, meaning that “there is a
physical reality which exists independently of our cognition but that we cannot appraise it – we can only
describe it due to the fact that we are dependent observers – and we are not independent of events. Thus
knowledge is a social construct, but one which aims to explain a physical reality” (Molteberg &
Bergstrom 2000 in Sumner & Tribe 2008: 63).
In the epistemological assumption of realism, reality is that “which exists independently of the
researcher and which can be described” (Sumner & Tribe 2008: 59). The aim of conducting research is to
describe this reality, because there is not solely one objective truth about reality. Additionally, “the


researcher and their thoughts are part of reality; the researcher is a dependent observer” (Sumner & Tribe
2008: 59). As the researcher and his or her thoughts are part of reality, one is automatically subjective,
however transparent about this.
In relation to the research, as researcher, I aimed to describe a reality, of which I form part. The
reality could be the rapid expansion of low-cost private universities and the inequalities present in the
educational system. Moreover, I aimed to describe this reality and the different meanings of its effect on
educational opportunities, as constructed by the different actors or students.

3.3. Units of analysis

This research predominantly aims to understand the educational opportunities, experience and perceptions
of students attending low-cost private universities. Therefore, there is one main unit of analysis, namely
the low-cost private universities. Moreover, of the different low-cost private universities present in São
Paulo, Brazil, I chose to focus my research on the following universities: Unisant’anna, Uninove
(Universidade Nove de Julho), Unip (Universidade Paulista), in the municipality of São Paulo and
Ribeirão Preto), and Anhanguera (which now has become Universidade Bandeirante de São Paulo or
Uniban).
Furthermore, I attended three public secondary schools, governed by the state of São Paulo, to
better understand the quality of public education at the secondary educational level and the perceptions of
the pupils in relation to attending university. Therefore, the second unit of analysis is the public
secondary schools I visited in São Paulo. The schools I attended are E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin, E.E.
Augusto Meirelles Reis Filho and E.E. Casimiro de Abreu.

3.4. Methods

For this research I made use of a mixed-methods approach as I discussed above. I combined qualitative
and participatory methods during my research. Firstly, I will discuss the qualitative semi-structured in-
depth interviews. Secondly, I will go into more detail concerning the participatory methods I used.

Semi-structured in-depth interviews
For this research, I conducted 22 semi-structured in-depth interviews with students attending the different
low-cost private universities. The interviews were semi-structured, because I made an interview guide
with the set of questions I wanted to ask the respondent and highlighted those which were important to
include in the interview. Conversely, I wanted the respondent to have the space to talk freely when he or


she wanted to. The interviews were meant to act as life stories or histories, sketching the social and
economic background of the respondent and the path he or she has taken in relation to education.
Furthermore, the majority of the interviews took between one hour and one hour and ten minutes. Other
interviews took between 40 minutes and one hour.
In total, I conducted four interviews with students from Uninove. Additionally, I conducted nine
interviews with students from Unisant’anna and one interview with a student from Anhanguera.
Furthermore, I conducted two interviews with students from Unip in São Paulo and another six interviews
with students from Unip in Ribeirão Preto. Moreover, I conducted three interviews with professors from
the universities Anhanguera, Uninove and Unisant’anna, but eventually I did not use these data for the
research. I did not find the data very relevant, as this research is focused on the perceptions, experience
and educational opportunities of the students.
Furthermore, it is important to point out that the interviews were done in Portuguese. A translator
accompanied me to the first ten interviews and translated the questions from English to Portuguese and
the answers from the respondents from Portuguese to English. I conducted the other six interviews in the
city of São Paulo alone. Moreover, during five of the six interviews I conducted in Ribeirão Preto,
Renata Brancaleoni helped me with the translations.

Participatory research methods
I also visited three public secondary schools during my time in São Paulo to get a better understanding of
the quality of public education at the secondary educational level and the lack of preparation for the
vestibular of a university. Furthermore, I wanted to get a better impression regarding the educational
opportunities and perceptions of the pupils in relation to higher education. I visited the public secondary
school E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin twice. The other two schools, E.E. Augusto Meirelles Reis Filho and
E.E. Casimiro de Abreu, I visited only once.

First visit to Dulce Ferreira Boarin
My first visit to E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin was not planned. I had interviewed a student at Uninove,
Guilherme, and he told me that he was currently teaching at different public schools. He was about to go
to this school to teach and asked me if I wanted to come along and so I did. At the school, I used the
opportunity to interview several of the pupils. In total, there were approximately twelve children in the
classroom. Additionally, I observed as Guilherme asked the children questions and engaged the pupils in
a discussion with each other regarding the quality of public education at the secondary educational level
and the opportunity to attend higher education.


Participatory methods
After my first visit to E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin, Guilherme invited me to visit two other public schools
as well, namely E.E. Augusto Meirelles Reis Filho and E.E. Casimiro de Abreu. Here I organized a
participatory activity to engage the children in the research. However, as I arrived to the schools I
realized that the children were older than I expected. Therefore, instead of the activity I had prepared, I
asked the children to write down what they think of the quality of their school. Moreover, I asked them to
write down how they see themselves in the next five years; what would they be doing and what would be
important for them in the next five years? I quoted several of the writings of the children in the first data-
analysis chapter.
Furthermore, after I had visited the two schools, I returned to E.E. Dulce Ferreira Boarin one
more time. This time I had prepared the participatory activity and I hoped I would be able to do the
activity with these children. The children of this class are a few years younger than the children from the
other two schools. Therefore, I was able to do the activity very well. Firstly, I asked the children to write
down five things which are the most important for them in the following five years. Then I divided the
class into groups of three to five pupils. I asked them to compare what they had written down and make a
top five of most important things per group. Afterwards I asked each group to share their five most
important things with the rest of the class. I stuck the post-its of each group on the classroom board and
grouped the ones that were similar. Each group explained to the others why these particular things are
important and why one thing is more important than the other. Finally, we ended the activity in a group
discussion. The purpose of this activity was to find out whether the pupils would find education or going
to university as important factors. Moreover, I wanted to find out how important this may be to the
children. I will discuss the findings of this activity in chapter five.
In conclusion, the data I collected by visiting the different public schools complemented the
interviews in such a way that it gave me a better understanding of the quality of public education at
primary and secondary educational levels. Moreover, I became more aware of the real educational
opportunities children from low- to middle-income classes have in relation to receiving good quality
education. Furthermore, it made me realize that the students I interviewed, who are currently attending
the low-cost private universities, are most probable not a real representation of students from low- to
middle-income classes. I believe that the sample of students I interviewed is very determined and has a
strong will to continue studying. Unfortunately, I do not think that most students from low- to middle-
income classes actually have the educational opportunity of even attending the low-cost private
universities.


Participant observation
At the beginning of my stay in São Paulo I attended a meeting on the public-private relations in education
at Unicamp (Universidade Estadual de Campinas), the University of Campinas, in the state of São Paulo.
Unicamp is a public university, provided and maintained by the state of São Paulo. The meeting was
called: ‘Relações público e privado na educação: embates e desdobramentos para a democratização da
educação’. Here Toni Verger spoke about public-private partnerships. I used this meeting as an
opportunity to talk to the different professors present about the higher educational system and the public-
private divide. Furthermore, it was an opportunity for me to make contacts to help me find further
respondents.

Sampling methods
For the interviews, I used non-random or non-probability sampling to find the respondents. More
specifically, I made use of the snowball method. My supervisor provided me with the name of Camilla
Croso from the Global Campaign for Education in São Paulo. She then provided me with the names of
two professors from the public university USP. These professors were then able to help me get into
contact with three other professors from the different low-cost private universities. These professors were
also the professors I interviewed. They then helped me reach most of the students I interviewed.
Moreover, I was able to reach other students through the students I had already interviewed.

Methods of analysis
I used the scientific programme Atlas.ti to analyze the data I collected through the interviews and the
participatory methods. I coded the transcribed and translated interviews in Atlas.ti and made a table in
Excel as an overview of the most important characteristics of the respondents. Moreover, I used quotes
from the interviews to support my interpretation of the data in the data-analysis chapters (chapters five
and six).

Dimensions of analysis
In this analysis, I focused on several dimensions of education, relevant to the inequality of educational
opportunity in the case of Brazil. As derived from the research of Ribeiro (2011), there are several factors
which have a significant influence on the students’ possibility to have access to good quality education
and to progress in education. These factors play a key role in the reproduction of educational inequalities.
Firstly, Ribeiro discusses the factor of parental resources (Ribeiro 2011: 41). Additionally, he discusses
the institutional characteristics of the educational system, which promote inequalities by its own design
(Ribeiro 2011: 44). Thirdly, he discusses the stratification of the Brazilian educational system between


school types, which differ in quality, as an important factor in determining the inequality of opportunities.
He states that students who attended private primary and secondary education have higher chances of
progressing in the system than those who attend public schools (Ribeiro 2011: 78). Based on these
analytical categories, I formulated my research questions and decided on which factors to focus when
researching the educational opportunities of low-income students in higher education in Brazil.

3.5. Limitations and ethics

In this sub-chapter I will discuss the challenges I encountered during my research. Additionally, I will
briefly discuss some ethical considerations.

Limitations
I encountered several challenges and limitations during my research. Firstly, I did not speak the local
language which made the communication with the respondents more difficult. Initially I was
accompanied to the interviews by a translator who translated the questions and answers for me, which
worked out quite well. Conversely, I was afraid to lose valuable information in the translations.
Afterwards, I did several interviews myself as I become more confident with the Portuguese. This went
well, but there were moments in which I did not fully understand what the respondent was saying.
Secondly, the city of São Paulo was a personal challenge for me. As São Paulo is a very large
metropolitan city, I did not find it easy to travel to and from the interviews. Moreover, I visited the
schools during the evenings and most of the interviews took place at night as well. I did not experience
São Paulo as a safe city to travel great distances alone and after dark.

Ethics
Special attention should be given to ethical considerations. With all the interviews I conducted, I
carefully explained the purpose of my research and the reasons for my stay in São Paulo. I promised the
respondents confidentiality and anonymity. Obviously, the respondent did not have to answer a question
if he or she did not want to. Moreover, I was open to answering any questions from their side. I also
promised the respondents that I would e-mail them my thesis when I have completed it.
Furthermore, I always planned to meet the respondents for the interviews at a time and place
convenient for the respondents. I was careful not to be suggestive in my questions and as objective as
possible during the interview. I aimed to be as transparent and honest about the research as possible.


3.6. Conclusion

In conclusion, this research was carried out using a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative and
participatory research methods. For this research I conducted 22 semi-structured, in-depth interviews
with the students of the following different low-cost private universities: Unisant’anna, Uninove
(Universidade Nove de Julho), Unip (Universidade Paulista, in the municipality of São Paulo and
Ribeirão Preto) and Anhanguera (which now has become Universidade Bandeirante de São Paulo or
Uniban). Moreover, I made use of participant observation and I engaged the children of different public
secondary schools in a participatory activity. Furthermore, the schools I visited are E.E. Dulce Ferreira
Boarin, E.E. Augusto Meirelles Reis Filho and E.E. Casimiro de Abreu. Therefore, the units of analysis
for this research are the low-cost private universities and the public secondary schools I visited. In
chapter five and six I will present and discuss the data I collected in São Paulo. Moreover, I will answer
my research questions. Now I will discuss the context of the research location and my empirical findings.


4. Context: Introducing São Paulo, Brazil

In this chapter I will discuss the context of Brazil, São Paulo and Ribeirão Preto. I will briefly discuss the
socio-economic characteristics and then I will focus predominantly on the Brazilian educational system.
Additionally, I will discuss my personal observations and empirical findings in reference to the Brazilian
educational system.

4.1. Socio-economic background

Brazil, officially referred to as the Federative Republic of Brazil, was a colony of Portugal until 1815.
Brazil is the largest country in South-America and it is the world’s fifth largest country, both by
geographical area and by population. Brazil has a population of 196.655 million people as of 20114. It is
also the only Portuguese-speaking country in the Americas.
Brazil is bounded by the Atlantic Ocean on the east and bordered on the north by Venezuela,
Guyana, Suriname and the French overseas region of French Guiana. It is bordered by Colombia on the
northwest, by Bolivia and Peru on the west, by Argentina and Paraguay on the southwest and by Uruguay
on the south. On page 32 you will find a map of Brazil and Latin America (figure 1).
Additionally, the Brazilian economy is the world’s seventh largest with a GDP of $2.4 in trillions
of US Dollars as of 2012, according to the IMF, World Economic Outlook.5 Moreover, the minimum
salary of Brazil today is R$6226 per month, which is an equivalent of USD$298.11 and €226.56.
Furthermore, the Brazilian middle class has increased significantly in the last ten to twenty years,
according to a study conducted by the Brazilian Secretariat of Strategic Affairs. In fact, “Brazil’s
growing middle class is as diverse as Brazil itself, currently accounting for 52 percent of the total
population of the country, with per capita income ranging from R$291.00 to R$1,019.00 per month.”
(Brazilian government 20127) The Brazilian Secretariat of Strategic Affairs states that the increased
participation of the middle class is a key factor in the growth and development of Brazil. Moreover, 35%
of the current Brazilian middle class has entered the middle class in the past ten years. Additionally, 28%
of the population belongs to the lower class, with a monthly household income per capita below

4
World Bank, last updated October 31 2012, Source:
https://www.google.com/publicdata/explore?ds=d5bncppjof8f9_&met_y=sp_pop_totl&idim=country:BRA&dl=en
&hl=en&q=population%20brazil (Accessed 29/12/2012)
5
Source: http://www.blatantworld.com/feature/the_world/most_populous_metropolitan_areas.html (Accessed
29/12/2012)
6
Source: http://www.bloomberg.com/quote/BZMW:IND (Accessed 16/12/2012)
7
Source: http://www.brasil.gov.br/para/press/press-releases/november-1/brazilian-middle-class-reaches-52-of-total-
population/br_model1?set_language=en (Accessed 31/12/2012)


R$291.00, and 20% belongs to the upper class. Conversely, “if the same cut-off points per class (R$
291.00 to R$1,019.00) are applied to households worldwide, only 18% of the population is in the upper
class, while 54% is in the lower class.” (Brazilian government 2012)
Moreover, “Brazil is a racially mixed country in which the majority of people have ancestors in
more than one of the three main groups: white Europeans (mostly Portuguese); black Africans (mainly
from the west of the continent); and the original indigenous Indian population.” (Embassy of Brazil in
London) In the first half of the 20th century, as a consequence of war and economic pressures, large
groups of immigrants came to Brazil from various parts of Europe.

São Paulo
Furthermore, São Paulo is the largest city in Brazil, the largest city in the southern hemisphere and the
largest city in South-America. Moreover, it is the world’s ninth largest city by population.8 The city of
São Paulo has a population of 19.96 million people.9 It is ranked the second most populous metropolitan
area in the Americas and is among the six largest metropolitan areas in the world.10 São Paulo is the
capital of the state São Paulo and it is popularly referred to as Sampa. The following Table 1 includes
information regarding the population, area and population density of the state and city of São Paulo.

Indicators São Paulo state11 São Paulo city12
Population 2010 41.262.199 11.253.503
Area (km²) 248.222,801 1.521,101
Population density (inhab/km²) 166,25 7.387,69
Number of municipalities 645 -

Table 1: Indicators regarding the population, area and population density of the state and city of São Paulo

8
Source: http://americanlivewire.com/top-10-largest-cities-in-the-world-2013/ (Accessed 29/12/2012)
9
Source: http://www.indexmundi.com/brazil/major_cities_population.html (Accessed 29/12/2012)
10
Source: http://www.blatantworld.com/feature/the_world/most_populous_metropolitan_areas.html (Accessed
29/12/2012)
11
Source: http://ibge.gov.br/estadosat/perfil.php?sigla=sp (Accessed 03/12/2012)
12
Source: http://www.ibge.gov.br/cidadesat/link.php?uf=sp (Accessed 03/12/2012)


Figure 1: Map of Latin America and the Caribbean13

13
United Nations, Department of Field Support Cartographic Section (May 2010), Source:
http://www.un.org/Depts/Cartographic/map/profile/eclac.pdf (Accessed 28/12/2012)


Additionally, Brazil is ranked 85 in the Human Development Index14 (HDI) according to the United
Nations Development Programme. Moreover, in relation to education, the mean years of schooling of
adults is 7.2 years. It is important to point out here that the inequality-adjusted HDI value is 0.519,
whereas the loss due to inequality in education is 25.7%. Moreover, the inequality-adjusted education
index is 0.492. The Figure 2 below shows how inequality affects the HDI achievement of Brazil.

Figure 2: The inequality-adjusted HDI of Brazil in 201115

Ribeirão Preto
Ribeirão Preto is a relatively small city in comparison to the city of São Paulo. Moreover, it is located to
the northwest of the city of São Paulo. Below you will find a map of São Paulo state showing the
location of both cities (figure 3). Moreover, Ribeirão Preto has a population of 604.682 (in 2010), an area
of 650,955 km² and a demographic density of 928,46 inhabitants/km².16

14
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (2011) Brazil, Country Profile: International Human
Development Indicators: http://hdrstats.undp.org/en/countries/profiles/BRA.html (Accessed 02/06/2012)
15
Source: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/ihdi/ (Accessed 12/12/2012)
16
Source: http://www.ibge.gov.br/cidadesat/link.php?uf=sp (Accessed 28/12/2012)


Figure 3: Map of São Paulo state, showing the capital São Paulo city and Ribeirão Preto (underlined)17

4.2. Educational policy in Brazil

Now I will discuss the educational policy in Brazil. In the next sub-chapter I will discuss the Brazilian
educational system.
Firstly, in 1988 the Federal Constitution of Brazil was established, which states that the
(financial) responsibility for education is to be divided and shared among the three government levels,
namely, federal, state and municipal. I will discuss this in further detail in the next sub-chapter.

17
Source: http://www.v-brazil.com/tourism/sao-paulo/map-sao-paulo.html (Accessed 28/12/2012)


Additionally, “fixed amounts of tax revenue are earmarked for education and constitute the education
fund” (UNESCO 2006: 14). The new Brazilian Constitution stated that “all States, Municipalities and the
Federal Government had to spend a fixed share of their tax and transfer revenues in their public education
system” (Menezes-Filho & Pazello 2007: 661). Moreover, the Constitution mandated that 25% of state
and municipal income and 18% of federal government income are to be spent on education. (JBIC Sector
Study Series 2004; UNESCO 2006; Menezes-Filho & Pazello 2007)
Furthermore, in 1998, in Brazil, a reform was implemented in the funding of the public education
at the primary educational level. This educational reform was FUNDEF (Fundo para Manutenção e
Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e Valorização do Magistéerio), translated as the Fund for
Maintenance and Development of the Fundamental Education and Valorization of Teaching. Moreover,
the main aim of FUNDEF was to “redistribute resources from the richer to the poorer regions and to
increase public teachers’ wages.” (Menezes-Filho & Pazello 2007: 2) In this period both teacher salaries
and the enrollment rates in primary education increased.
Additionally, in 2006 FUNDEF expired and in 2007 FUNDEB was implemented. FUNDEB is
Fundo de Manutenção e Desenvolvimento da Educação Básica e de Valorização de Professionais de
Educação, translated as the Fund for the Maintenance and Development of Basic Education and
Enhancement of Educational Professionals. FUNDEB focuses on all basic education, from kindergarten
to secondary school. Moreover, the programme is intended to run until 2020. FUNDEB has as main
objective to promote the redistribution of resources related to education across the country. Moreover,
FUNDEB aims to redistribute the resources while taking the social and economic development of the
different regions into consideration. (MEC – Ministério da Educação)
Furthermore, Brazil offers conditional cash transfers (CCT) to students. In the 1990s local
conditional cash transfers were implemented and were experienced as successful. Afterwards, “the issue
gained momentum in Congress and several other bills were presented to introduce cash transfers
nationally, always linked to educational conditionalities” (Britto 2011). Under the rule of President
Cardoso in 1997, the federal government started to co-fund the local initiatives. “That arrangement was
reformulated in 2001 and led to Bolsa Escola, the biggest CCT among Bolsa Familia’s predecessors.”
(Britto 2011) Moreover, “by late 2003, Bolsa Escola had been implemented in almost all of Brazil’s 5,561
municipalities, providing nearly US$500 million in total stipends paid to over 8.6 million children from
5.06 million families.” (World Bank 2005: 1) In October of 2003 under the rule of President Lula da
Silva, Bolsa Escola merged with three other conditional cash transfer programmes to form the Bolsa
Familia. Bolsa Familia provides financial aid to poor Brazilian families under the condition that the
children of the families attend school and are vaccinated. The educational programme aims to reduce


short-term poverty by direct cash transfers and fight long-term poverty by increasing human capital
among the poor through conditional cash transfers.
In addition to the conditional cash transfer Bolsa Familia, there are several other educational
programmes which offer scholarships to students who go to university. Moreover, FIES is an educational
programme which offers loans to the students. I will discuss these other educational programmes in the
next sub-chapter. Now I will go into more detail regarding the Brazilian educational system.

4.3 Sistema educacional Brasileiro

I will briefly discuss the public educational system, as provided by the nation, state or municipality.
Moreover, I will discuss the educational structure at primary, secondary and higher educational levels.
Additionally, I will look at the public-private divide. I will discuss the access to universities, focusing on
the National Examination of Secondary Education and the vestibular or entrance exam. Finally, I will
discuss the FIES and ProUni as educational programmes which aim to increase the enrollment of poor
students in private higher educational institutions.

Public educational system
In Brazil, public education is provided by the nation, the state or the municipality. There are thus three
types of public education. In general, public education at primary and secondary educational levels as
provided by the municipality is considered of better quality than public education provided and
maintained by the state. Obviously, this differs per state and municipality as well. Moreover, in general,
public education at primary and secondary educational levels is of very poor quality.
At the higher educational level, Universidade de São Paulo, Unesp and Unicamp are examples of
universities provided by the state of São Paulo. Moreover, the federal university Unifesp is also located
in the state of São Paulo.
As stated in the Constitution, the states and municipalities are responsible for basic education.
Furthermore, “a historical feature of Brazilian basic education is its extremely decentralized nature, which
gives organizational autonomy to sub-national governments (27 states and 5,546 municipalities) in
organizing their educational systems” (JBIC Sector Study Series 2004: 7). The municipalities are
responsible for early childhood education (including kindergarten and pre-school education), while the
states and municipalities share responsibility for primary education. Secondary schools are the
responsibility of the states. Moreover, “maintenance of the system, including salaries, the definition of
teacher career structures and supervision of early childhood, primary and secondary levels (which make
up basic education) is decentralized, and these levels are responsible for defining their respective


curriculum content” (JBIC Sector Study Series 2004: 7). Below I have placed a figure showing the
Brazilian educational system and regulation.

Figure 4: The Brazilian educational system and regulation (JBIC Sector Study Series 2004: 8)

Educational structure
Children are expected to start primary school (ensino fundamental) at the age of seven. Moreover, this is
mandatory for all children. Primary school consists of eight years or series, which are divided into two
graus. The first four years of primary school are referred to as the first grau and the last four years of
primary school are referred to as the second grau. Sometimes, the first grau is also referred to as ensino
fundamental um (1) and the second grau as ensino fundamental dois (2).
After primary school, children go to secondary school, usually at the age of 15. Secondary school
mostly consists of three years, but is not mandatory.

Public vs. private universities
At the higher educational level, public universities, which are offered by the state or by the nation, are
considered the most prestigious and of the best quality. In addition to public universities, students can
attend private universities. Among the private universities, there is a distinction between the more
traditional private universities, which have higher tuition fees as well, and the low-cost private
universities. Examples of traditional private universities in the state of São Paulo are Pontificia


Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP) and Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie (Mackenzie).
The structure of the traditional private universities is similar to the structure of public universities.
Therefore, the quality of traditional private universities is comparable to the quality of public universities.
Moreover, Centro Universitário Sant’anna (Unisant’anna), Universidade Nove de Julho (Uninove),
Universidade Paulista (Unip) and Centro Universitário Anhanguera de São Paulo (Anhanguera) are
examples of low-cost private universities. In general, low-cost private universities offer poor quality
education.

Higher educational structure
In Brazil, an undergraduate programme would most likely be compared to the Brazilian bacharelado.
The bacharelado courses usually take about four years to complete. In addition to the bacharelado,
Brazilian universities offer licenciaturas, which usually only take up to three years to complete. The
licenciatura predominantly focuses on preparing the students to teach, with a strong emphasis on
pedagogy, whereas the bacharelado teaches the students the technical area of the course.
Furthermore, in reference to graduate programmes, Brazilian universities offer a pós-graduação
programme. The pós-graduação could be two things as well; it could be a specialization (especialização
or lato sensu) or a master’s programme (mestrado or strict lensu). The mestrado has a stronger academic
and scientific emphasis and focuses mainly on research. A mestrado could therefore be followed by a
PhD programme (doutorado).

Access to higher education
All higher educational institutions are obliged by law to have an entrance exam, which is called the
vestibular. The vestibular of most public universities consists of two phases, of which the second phase
is the most difficult. In general, students who are capable of passing this very difficult entrance exam
have attended good quality private schools. Conversely, the vestibular of low-cost private universities is
known to be relatively easy. The vestibular of low-cost private universities serves more as a protocol;
therefore, the low-cost private universities are more accessible for students who have not received good
quality private education.

The vestibular
As I have mentioned above, the vestibular is the entrance exam of a higher educational institution.
Moreover, in relation to the vestibular of a public university, the possibility of a student to pass the
vestibular is influenced by the specific group of students who are doing the entrance exam in that
moment. The vestibular has a nota de corte, which is translated as a cutoff score. In other words, the


student who scores the highest on one particular entrance exam sets the tone for the rest of the students
who are participating in this particular exam. There is thus not a fixed minimum score required to pass
the exam; the minimum score depends on the highest score and the amount of vacancies. There are for
instance twenty vacancies available for one higher educational course at a particular university. The
twenty students who score the highest will pass the entrance exam. Therefore, sometimes, it can be more
difficult to enter a certain university one year and less difficult the next year. Additionally, the possibility
of a student to pass the vestibular also depends on the popularity of a higher educational course and the
amount of vacancies it has. Moreover, the vestibular takes place only once a year.

ENEM exam
The ENEM exam is the Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio, or the National Examination of Secondary
Education. It is the national exam taken by each student in their last year of secondary school. Moreover,
it is obligatory. The score of the ENEM exam influences the score of the entrance exam of a higher
educational institution. In the case of the vestibular of a public university, the score of the ENEM exam
counts as 10% of the score of the vestibular. In the case of low-cost private universities, the score of the
ENEM exam, when high enough, can even exempt the student from the vestibular of the low-cost private
universities. Additionally, the score of the ENEM exam influences the possibility of the student to obtain
a scholarship of 100% or 50%, in the case of ProUni. Again, this depends heavily on the university, the
course and the amount of vacancies as well. Finally, how higher the student’s score of the ENEM exam,
the more chance he or she has in obtaining a scholarship covering 100% of the tuition fees. For example,
a certain score of the ENEM exam can provide a student with a scholarship of 100% for geography at
Unisant’anna, whereas the same score can only provide the student with a scholarship of 50% for
business administration at Unip. Therefore, the possibility of obtaining a scholarship also depends on the
popularity of the course.

The universities
The public university Universidade de São Paulo (USP) is the largest and most prestigious university in
Brazil and it is the number one university in the whole of South-America.18 Moreover, USP was founded
in 1934.
Additionally, two of the traditional private universities in the state of São Paulo are Pontificia
Universidade Católica de São Paulo (PUC-SP) and Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie (Mackenzie).
PUC-SP is a Catholic non-profit university and it has an ethos similar to that of the public universities

18
http://www.usnews.com/education/worlds-best-universities-rankings/best-universities-in-latin-america (Accessed
05/12/2012)


(McCowan 2007: 584). Moreover, PUC has a total enrollment of 30,000 to 34,999 and a total staff of
3,500 to 3,999. Additionally, the tuition fees are approximately 15,000 to 20,000 BRL per year, which is
equal to €5,553 to €7,404 or $7,324 to $9,765.19 Additionally, Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie
was founded in 1952. Mackenzie is a non-profit traditional private university of much prestige in Brazil
and has an educational structure similar to the public universities.
Furthermore, in addition to these traditional private universities, “a new group of profit-making
(or highly commercialized non-profit) institutions has emerged, with a very different orientation from
both public and traditional private institutions” (McCowan 2007: 584-5). These universities are primarily
teaching institutions, with little focus on research and a strong emphasis on “rapid expansion and cost
efficiency, employing aggressive marketing strategies in response to increasing competition” (McCowan
2007: 584-5). Universidade Paulista is one of the larger institutions and runs on a franchise basis.
Moreover, Universidade Paulista is very concerned with operating visibility strategies, positioning
campuses in prominent locations. (McCowan 2007: 584-5) Other low-cost private universities in São
Paulo are Uninove, Unisant’anna and Anhanguera.

FIES
Another attempt to allow students to attend private universities without paying the full tuition fees is
FIES, the Student Financing Programme or Programa de Financiamento Estudantil. FIES was initiated
in 1999 and provides students with a loan of 70% of the fees. This amount is paid directly to the
institution rather than to the student. Moreover, the interest charged is low by Brazilian standards and the
repayment begins in the first year after graduation. (McCowan 2007: 587) However, students from low-
to middle-income classes “may be unwilling to take on such large debt even at low rates of interest”
(McCowan 2007: 588). Additionally, the remaining 30% of the tuition fees to be paid by the student
himself can still be a too heavy burden.

ProUni
ProUni is the University for All Programme or the Programa Universidade para Todos. ProUni is a
rather new educational programme, implemented in 2004 under the rule of President Lula da Silva. “The
idea of ProUni is to encourage these universities [private institutions] to allocate their unfilled places free
of charge to low-income students, in return for exemption from tax payments.” (McCowan 2007: 589) In
reality, the unfilled places at private institutions are not allocated completely free of charge to low-income
students. This depends on the household income per capita of the student and partly on his or her score
on the ENEM examination as well. Students from families whose household income per capita is not

19
www.4icu.org/reviews/344.shtm (Accessed 16/12/2012)


more than three times the minimum wage can receive the ProUni scholarship which covers up to 50% of
the tuition fees. Students from families whose household income per capita is not more than 1.5 times the
minimum wage can be allocated a vacancy at a private institution free of charge, thus with a scholarship
covering 100% of the tuition fees. Moreover, “non-profit institutions have to dedicate 20% of their places
in this way in order to maintain their existing status of exemption from taxes. Profit-making institutions
have the option to allocate 10% of their places in order to obtain exemption from some taxes.” (McCowan
2007: 589) To sum up, initiatives such as ProUni and FIES do allow for a greater enrollment of students
in private institutions, but these initiatives do not contribute to an equitable expansion or will not ensure
equitable access to higher educational institutions.

Ministry of Education
The Brazilian Ministry of Education (MEC) evaluates and regulates the educational system of Brazil. For
undergraduate programmes, the quality is evaluated on the basis of the national exam, the ENADE. For
graduate programmes, the evaluation is facilitated by the CAPES Foundation, which grades the university
courses from one to five.

4.4. Accessibility to higher education

Now I will briefly discuss the accessibility to higher education in Brazil. I will discuss the findings of the
World Bank Policy Research Paper of 2008 on the Accessibility and Affordability of Tertiary Education
in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Peru within a Global Context.
Firstly, the World Bank Paper shows the participation rates in tertiary education as percentage of
the four year age-group with the highest average participation rate. For Brazil, the four year age-group
with the highest average participation rate in higher education is 20-23 years old. Conversely, “the
limitation of this indicator is that the highest four year participation rate does not reflect the participation
of other age groups into tertiary education” (World Bank 2008: 22). For Brazil, the participation rate is
12.5%. In comparison, the participation rate as percentage of the four year age-group with the highest
average participation rate is 29.6% in the Netherlands and 20.3% in the United States. (World Bank 2008:
22)
Additionally, “the Education Equity Index (EEI) seeks to measure the socio-economic status
(SES) of students with access to tertiary education” (World Bank 2008: 24). The indicators used to
measure the EEI are the ratio of the percentage of university students whose fathers’ have a tertiary
education degree, which measures the SES of the student population, and the percentage of men aged 45-


64 who have a tertiary education degree, which measures the SES of the general population. Moreover, a
lower EEI indicates less equal access to tertiary education. Figure 5 shows the EEI.

Figure 5: Education Equity Index (World Bank 2008: 24)

Furthermore, the World Bank paper discusses the education attainment rate, which measures “a
percentage of population that attains a particular educational level” (World Bank 2008: 8). The ratio is
calculated between the people aged from 25 to 34 years who completed a tertiary education degree in
relation to the total population in the same age range. For Brazil, the education attainment is 8,5%,
compared to 25,0% in the Netherlands (World Bank 2008: 40). Figure 6 shows the education attainment
rates.


Figure 6: Education Attainment Rates in percentages (World Bank 2008: 23)

Furthermore, the paper shows how the different indicators of accessibility provide different
insights as to which countries are “high access” countries. (World Bank 2008: 25) The Figure 7 shows the
overall accessibility, combining the different access indicators, namely the participation rates, gender
parity, the Education Equity Index and the educational attainment rate. This figure suggests that the
overall accessibility of tertiary education in Brazil is relatively low compared to high-income countries.


Figure 7: Overall Accessibility (World Bank 2008: 26)

Addtionally, the paper states that the education costs as percentage of the GDP per capita is 48%
in Brazil, as compared to an average of 10% amongst the high-income countries. Moreover, the average
of the education costs as percentage of the GDP per capita amongst the Latin American and Caribbean
countries is 35%. (World Bank 2008: 36)

Furthermore, the public-private divide is of importance in relation to higher education. Schwartzman
(2004) discusses data which shows the increased enrollment in private higher educational institutions in
the last ten to twenty years. Figure 8 shows the growth of enrollment in higher education from 1990 to
2002.


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