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GrobalRaciality-Preface+Intro.pdf
Global Raciality
Global Raciality expands our understanding of race, space, and
place by
exploring forms of racism and anti-racist resistance worldwide.
Contributors
address neoliberalism; settler colonialism; race, class, and
gender inter-
sectionality; immigrant rights; Islamophobia; and
homonationalism; and
investigate the dynamic forces propelling anti-racist solidarity
and resist-
ance cultures. Midway through the Trump years and with a rise
in nativist
fervor across the globe, this expanded approach captures the
creativity and
variety found in the fight against racism we see the world over.
Chapters focus on both the immersive global trajectories of race
and
racism, and the international variation in contemporary
configurations of
racialized experience. Race, class, and gender identities may not
only be
distinctive, they can extend across borders, continents, and
oceans with
remarkable demonstrations of solidarity happening all over the
world.

Palestinians, Black Panthers, Dalit, Native Americans, and
Indian feminists
among others meet and interact in this context. Intersections
between race
and such forms of power as colonialism and empire, capitalism,
gender,
sexuality, religion, and class are examined and compared across
different
national and global contexts. It is in this robust and comparative
analytical
approach that Global Raciality reframes conventional studies on
postcolo-
nial regimes and racial identities and expression.
Paola Bacchetta is Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies,
and affili-
ated faculty within the Center for Race and Gender; the Center
for South
Asia Studies; the Center for Middle Eastern Studies; and the
Center for the
Study of Sexual Cultures at the University of California,
Berkeley.
Sunaina Maira is Professor of Asian American Studies, and
affiliated fac-
ulty within the Middle East/South Asia Studies Program and the
Cultural
Studies Graduate Group at the University of California, Davis.
Howard Winant is Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the
University
of California, Santa Barbara, where he is also affiliated with the
Black Studies,
Chicana/o Studies, and Asian American Studies departments. He
founded
and directed the University of California Center for New Racial

Studies.
New Racial Studies
The University of California
Center for New Racial Studies
This series of research publications focuses on the shifting and
contradic-
tory meaning of race in the aftermath of the massive racial
upheavals that
followed World War II: civil rights, anti-apartheid, major
demographic
shifts, decolonialization, significant inclusionary reforms and
expansions
of political rights on the one hand, combined with reinvented
but still
extremely deep-rooted patterns of structural racism, racial
inequality, and
“post-” imperial formations on the other hand.
Global Raciality (2019)
Empire, Postcoloniality, Decoloniality
Edited by Paola Bacchetta, Sunaina Maira and Howard Winant
The Nation and Peoples (2014)
Citizens, Denizens, Migrants
Edited by John S.W. Park and Shannon Gleeson
Global Raciality
Empire, PostColoniality,

DeColoniality
Edited by
Paola Bacchetta, Sunaina Maira, and
Howard Winant
A New Racial Studies Book
First published 2019
by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an
informa business
The right of Paola Bacchetta, Sunaina Maira, and Howard
Winant to be
identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the
authors for
their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with
sections 77
and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or
other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and
recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without

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writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be
trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification
and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this title has been requested
ISBN: 978-1-138-34678-9 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-39164-2 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-0-429-40220-3 (ebk)
Typeset in Minion
by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon, UK
v
Contents
List of Illustrations vii
Preface: New Racial Studies and Global Raciality viii
Howard Winant
Introduction: Global Raciality: Empire, PostColoniality,
DeColoniality 1
Paola Bacchetta, Sunaina Maira, and Howard Winant
Part I Empire 21
1 Imagining New Worlds: Anti-Indianism and the

Roots of United States Exceptionalism 23
Leece M. Lee-Oliver
2 A Burmese Wonderland: Race and Corporate
Governmentality in British Burma, 1906–1930 43
David Baillargeon
3 Comparative Raciality: Erasure and Hypervisibility
of Asian and Afro Mexicans 62
Bettina Ng’weno and Lok Siu
vi • Contents
Part II Postcoloniality 83
4 Racial Property and Radical Memory: Epilogues
to the Haitian Revolution 85
W. Rae Schneider
5 The Incursion and Its Hauntings: Modernity,
Discipline, and Compromised Citizenship 99
Kimberley D. McKinson
6 Palestine in Black and White: White Settler-
Colonialism and the Specter of Transnational
Black Power 119
Greg Burris
Part III Decoloniality 137
7 Modern Skins: Exploring Women’s Racialized
Representations in Post-Liberalization India 139
Hareem Khan

8 Queers of Colour and (De)Colonial Spaces in Europe 158
Paola Bacchetta, Fatima El-Tayeb, and Jin Haritaworn
9 Black Buddhist: The Visual and Material
Cultures of the Dalit Movement and the
Black Panther Party 171
Padma D. Maitland
10 Solidarity Protests on US Security Policy:
Interrupting Racial and Imperial Affects
Through Ritual Mourning 195
Chandra Russo
Afterword: Race and Empire Today 213
Vijay Prashad
List of Contributors 223
Index 228
vii
Illustrations
9.1 Babasaheb Memorial Complex (Diksha Bhumi),
Nagpur, India 176
9.2 Ground floor of the Babasaheb Ambedkar
Memorial Complex, Nagpur, India 177
9.3 Main hall of the Babasaheb Ambedkar
Memorial Complex, Nagpur, India 177
9.4 Great Stupa, Sanchi, India 178
9.5 Chaitya Bhumi, Mumbai, India 180

9.6 Entrance to Chaitya Bhumi, Dadar Beach, Mumbai 181
9.7 The logo of the Dalit Panthers of India 183
9.8 Commemorative plaque at DeFremery Park,
Oakland, California 187
9.9 Reflections on Healing, installed at DeFremery Park 189
9.10 Detail of Reflections on Healing, installed at
DeFremery Park 189
viii
Preface: New Racial Studies and
Global Raciality
HOWARD WINANT
The Center for New Racial Studies is proud to present Global
Raciality:
Empire, PostColoniality, DeColoniality, a volume in the
research publica-
tions series New Racial Studies. As Series Editor and co-editor
of the vol-
ume, I am pleased to provide this preface to the text.
This book appears at a moment of crisis, a time when world
social struc-
tures are undergoing disruption and reconfiguration. The
concept of race,
and the politics of race and racism, play large roles in that
crisis. Contrary
to expectations after the civil rights era in the US, after the
dismantlement
of the European empires during the latter half of the 20th

century, after the
belated but greatly welcomed euthanasia of the apartheid system
in 1994,
and after the election of Barack Obama as President of the
United States in
2008 and 2012, racial reaction has been on the rise in recent
years.
Right-Wing Racism
The evidence for this is not obscure. Right-wing regimes have
taken power
in much of the global North and West, drawing a great deal of
their political
support from racial resentment: of immigrants and refugees; of
Muslims
and Africans most generally. In the global East and South, there
are also
resurgent racial conflicts, or their near cousin ethnonational
conflict,
Preface • ix
with powerful if not always explicit racial dimensions: Consider
Burma,
Indonesia, Philippines, India. . . and that is not a complete list.1
Inclusive
and democratic political reforms—especially those aimed at
assisting immi-
grants, but also those aimed at overcoming traditional patterns
of racial
inequality and injustice—have been shelved and in some cases
explicitly
reversed. In the rhetoric of such new reactionary leaders as
Donald Trump,

some familiar neo-fascist tropes have surfaced: “The
fundamental question
of our time is whether the West has the will to survive,” Trump
declaimed
at the G20 summit meeting in Warsaw on July 6, 2017.
Do we have the confidence in our values to defend them at any
cost? Do we have enough respect for our citizens to protect our
borders? Do we have the desire and the courage to preserve our
civili-
zation in the face of those who would subvert and destroy it?
(Thrush and Davis 2017)
We can easily find parallel appeals in Mein Kampf and other
fascist
writings. The elevation of “the West” celebrates and conflates
the white nation-
alisms of the USA and Europe, setting them apart from the
“others . . . those
who would subvert and destroy” civilization itself—are located
outside those
borders, wherein the darker nations are the source of
uncertainty and fear
(Prashad 2008; Goldberg 2008). Indeed, it is those dark
representatives of
the others now dwelling among “us,” and even on the verge of
rendering us a
minority in our own countries, who pose the greatest threat.
To be sure, Trump’s menacing rhetoric is not identical to that of
other
leading racial reactionaries around the world—Narendra Modi’s
Hindu
nationalism, Vladimir Putin’s “great Russian” chauvinism,
Marine Le

Pen’s French nationalism, and Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream”
version of
Han nationalism—all vary greatly in their particular equations
of race and
nation. Nor are these variations all synchronic: historically,
reactionary
regimes have identified their threatening “others” as many
different groups.
Yet the parallels and continuities remain striking: for Hitler’s
Jewish threat,
we can read today’s Muslim threat. (Not that anti-semitism has
vanished
from the scene either; far from it.)
According to the perspectives presented in this book, the real
menace
is the opposite. Of course, it is not the “others,” but reactionary
national-
ism, which has extreme racism at its core, that has seized power
in many
countries. The threat that these reactionary (and racist)
nationalisms pose
to social inclusion, political democracy, and economic equality
is immense.
The danger is severe. In every country in Europe, and in many
other places,
x • Preface
there are movements calling for ethnic cleansing and even
genocide. In
the USA, these movements have entered the government, where
they exer-
cise significant influence on the Trump administration and the

Republican
Party, once the party of Lincoln. Racist violence is increasing in
frequency
and ferocity, and has found a home both in the USA and around
the world:
in everyday life as in collective action; on the internet; and in
what Jameson
called the “political unconscious.”
Resistance
Just as these convergences and similarities among various
patterns of
racial reaction exist across time and space, so too do patterns of
resist-
ance. Resistance is generally democratic and non-violent, but
not always. It
demonstrates broad connections, alliances, and continuity; of
course, anti-
racist movements also have significant variations, notably by
country and
composition. To name just a few components of the global
opposition that
is taking shape to confront resurgent racial reaction, consider
the following
propositions:
• The anti-imperial and anti-colonial movements that triumphed
after
World War II whose profound legacy lives on. Anti-imperialism
was
generally anti-racist (there are a few exceptions); it was after all
the
struggle of the global South and East against the North and
West of
Europe and the United States.2 Anti-imperialist movements
were

linked to revolutionary struggles for “national liberation” that
acquired
global influence. They established anti-racist consciousness as a
wide-
ranging social force, affecting not only people of color but also
whites
(who also have a color, by the way), and seeking to shift social
norms
and political parameters in a democratic and inclusive direction.
Although the post-World War II anti-racist upsurge did not
supplant
the endemic white supremacy of the old “age of empire,” it did
weaken
it and subject it to a new level of resistance and
delegitimization. The
deepest anathema to the currently ascendant reactionary
movements
is the post-World War II global anti-racist upsurge, and most of
its
allies and supporters.
• Anti-imperialism operated not only on the peripheries of
empire, but
also in the metropoles, notably in the USA and Western Europe.
Long-
established anti-racist movements and anti-war activities
acquired new
coherence in alliance with anti-imperial struggle, and worked to
pro-
foundly reshape global and national politics.3 The US civil
rights and black
power movements, and their allies in other anti-racist
movements—the
new left, “second-wave” feminism, and gay liberation—all had
a profound

Preface • xi
and lasting impact, not only in the USA but also globally. In
many ways
they changed the very shape of politics, linking it to everyday
life and
“identity” in enduring ways.
• Indeed, this range of movements for inclusion,
democratization, social
justice, and equality proceeded to merge over time, beginning in
the
late 20th century, and continuing—not without hiccups—into
the pre-
sent. The term “intersectionality” most closely describes this
complex
process of movement synthesis.4
• To be sure, these syntheses and affinities were not new to the
post-
World War II era; they had profound diachronic elements and
exten-
sive histories. For centuries, anti-racist and anti-colonial
political
projects have united activists and theorists in periphery and
metro-
pole. In this regard, consider slave revolts and abolitionism,
indigenous
struggles and insurgencies, and the long-term resistance to
apartheid.5
• Finally, although this brief inventory must remain incomplete
and cur-
sory, we must note that in certain ways the perception of the

racist right
is perversely correct: yes, white people are not a majority,
certainly not
on a world scale and sometimes not even in their “home”
countries.
Although for centuries the USA has been the epitome of a
“white man’s
country,” it now faces the prospect of becoming a “majority-
minority”
society in which whites will be merely another racial minority,
albeit
the largest. Earlier panics about this were more explicit: “the
rising tide
of color,” the “passing of the great race” (Stoddard 1920; Grant
1916).
Thus, the Thatcherite fear of being “swamped” by people of
color is
not merely a specter in such settler nations as South Africa or
Israel-
Palestine, but also exists in the metropole itself.6
In short, we must develop the capacity for democracy,
inclusion, and
equality on a global scale, or expect genocidal race wars. We
must do so
or expect the exclusion, expulsion, and apartheid the racist right
wants to
create. That is the real threat to “civilization” itself, a concept
which must
be seen in global and multiracial terms, not as something we
possess as yet
(as Trump would have it), but as a goal that we must still
achieve: inclusive
democracy. Arguably, our very survival as a species depends on
attaining
that higher level of civilization.

The Age of Empire is Not Over
Global Raciality: Empire, PostColoniality, DeColoniality raises
the ques-
tion of race and empire as political-economic and sociocultural
mat-
ters and as core elements of democracy. But, most centrally, it
draws
attention to the crisis of race and racism itself. The articles
presented
xii • Preface
here interrogate the processes and practices of empire, the
aftermaths
of empire, and the undoing (or refusal) of empire. By drawing
attention
to the centrality of race and racism, by probing the enormous
variations
and equally large parallels that exist among racial phenomena
and racist
practices, and by looking at anti-racist resistance, this book
shows how
race and racism have made and unmade the modern world.
To be sure, empires are not over. The phrase “age of empire”
refers to
various epochs in modern world history, notably the period from
the 15th
century onward when European empires first encircled and
began to pil-
lage the globe. But it has also been applied to the 18th and 19th
centuries
when these great predatory systems culminated and began to

decline.
So, what was the age of empire exactly? When imperialism
generated
the mass slaughter and global disruption of World War I, when
it required
the adjustments made at Versailles in 1919, that certainly was
not the end
of the age of empire, even though the Versailles conference
concerned
itself very publically (and hypocritically) with the “right of
national self-
determination.” When World War II ended in 1945, leading to
the world-
wide revolutionary and reform struggles that finally undid
European and
US imperialism—largely in the 1960s—was that the end of
empire? A great
deal of social scientific and historical literature has claimed as
much. Yet,
in more recent years we have seen a large number of imperial
wars, notably
in the Middle East, central/South Asia, and Africa. Not only
have multina-
tional, external empires continued to operate, but also internal
empires have
hardly ceased to exist. As Native Americans, indigenous people
around the
world, Palestinians, and certain European peoples can attest (in
Catalunya,
Scotland, the former Yugoslavia, and the former Soviet Central
Asia, among
others), race and empire still underwrite each other in the 21st
century. The
US maintains military bases in some 140 countries as of this
writing; while

some of these are in “white countries”—such as Australia and
Germany—or
“honorary white” countries—such as Japan and South Korea—
the majority
of the countries so occupied by US imperial forces are in Africa
and Asia.
From the dawn of the modern world to the complex conflicts of
the 21st
century, there has always been at least some recognition of the
importance
of race and racism in shaping (and enabling) imperial power
arrange-
ments. For centuries the racial dimension of empire, the racist
framework
of imperial power, was largely taken for granted, and often
rationalized on
religious or scientific grounds. Resistance to imperial rule has
always been
violently suppressed. We can see this not only in the history of
slave revolt,
but also in the many moving histories of everyday racial
resistance that we
now possess.7
Today we talk of the racial state, but as Moon-Kie Jung (2015)
reminds
us, we should be discussing the empire state in our approaches
to race and
Preface • xiii
modernity. The racial dimensions of the US empire state only
became

a central preoccupation for social theory after World War II,
driven by
what I have discussed elsewhere as the “racial break” that
occurred during
and after that war.8 From the perspective of the present, it is
often diffi-
cult to understand how the many earlier historical crises of
empire were
not perceived as symptomatic of the contradictions of race and
racism.
Abolitionism, Haiti, the US Civil War, the 19th-century
destruction of
the Iberian empires, the rise and consolidation of fascism, the
“race war”
dimensions of World War II, and the decades-long process of
decoloniza-
tion that followed it, were all explained principally in terms of
the per-
ceived social problems of their time, which all received more
attention than
race itself: the development of modern capitalism, the onset of
periodic
economic crises, and recurrent inter-imperialist rivalries.
But after World War II and the great anti-colonial upsurge that
it gener-
ated, there was a tendency to see imperialism too as finished, an
artifact of
an earlier age, a system due for unwinding as a new period of
global devel-
opment dawned. The “age of empire” was being replaced by a
prolifera-
tion of independent nations, a global contest among “spheres of
influence”
(notably in the Cold War), and by the rise of a global South and
global East

whose growing importance confronted, if not entirely eclipsed,
the previ-
ously unquestioned dominance of the West and North.
Theory, social analysis, and political strategy, we are frequently
reminded,
are driven by actual events on the ground. War, movements, and
crises give
rise to new understandings. Postcolonial theory, obviously
enough, emerged
from the breakdown of empire, the failure of counterinsurgency
almost
everywhere it was tried, and the development of independent
nations in
what was soon called the third world. These countries, often
crisis-ridden
and impoverished, driven into new indebtedness by their
previous masters,
and subject to various forms of corporate and first world
brigandage, were
hardly success stories, despite their occasional achievements
against over-
whelming odds. But their situations and actions did generate
important
insights into post-World War II global power structures.
Once direct and generally militarized occupation by an imperial
state
was removed, what forms of rule, what political technologies
would be
available to third-world states and to third-world movements?
Many
contributions in this book address this question. Here I will
merely note
that racial power—racism and anti-racism as well—remained
present and

central, both internally to many postcolonial countries, and
externally in
terms of the very global system we have been discussing: the
three worlds
of global West, East, and South.
In this framework, the first world (the global North, aka the
“free
world”), was the white sector, the regime headquarters for white
supremacy
xiv • Preface
on a world level. Despite the presence of substantial
populations of color
and people of southern or eastern ancestry, this was still the
most pros-
perous sphere, “space” not merely geographical, but also
sociocultural,
the “homeland” of the world system. The second world, the
communist
countries, occupied the border of a white–non white world in
respect to
racial status. While subject to their own internal racial
dynamics, the inter-
nal “red racisms” (Law 2012) operating in these countries were
generally
less atrocious than the sometimes genocidal practices of the
first world,
although there were exceptions (notably Cambodia).9 In the
third world,
the subaltern world, the postcolonial world (Mbembe 2001),
racial theory
developed apace, sometimes outstripping its first-world

iterations. The
concept of subalternity, with its built-in “otherness,” is a good
example.
Developed in India, starting in the 1960s, it has diffused
through the social
sciences and cultural studies to Latin America, Africa, and
Black America.
Numerous other currents could be cited, for example Caribbean-
based the-
ories (C.L.R. James, Aimé Césaire, Frantz Fanon), pan-
Africanist currents
(Du Bois, Fanon again, Nkrumah, Rodney, and Cabral), and
others. So
postcolonial theory is about race and racism. No big news there.
This book,
does, however, explore particular cases (India, Burma, Native
America) in
revealing ways.
Decoloniality, a less familiar concept, refers to sociopolitical
formations
that are at least partly “outside the box” of colonialism or
postcolonialism.
This theme encompasses the experiences of various formally
colonized
peoples in refusing the imperial yoke, especially but not only
indigenous
groups around the world. Decoloniality includes resistance, of
course, but
also goes beyond that to explore how people and communities
have main-
tained alternative (say racial/ethnic/national) formations.
Decoloniality
comprises organizations and movements that countered
occupation and
fostered independence and autonomy; and it includes those “arts

of resist-
ance” (Scott 1990) that, rather than succumbing to imperial
power, have
both subverted it and located themselves outside it.
Decolonial practices and theoretical approaches have a good
deal to teach
all those who seek emancipatory and radical democratic
transformation—
or social justice-oriented revolution—in its various definitions.
Foremost
among its lessons is that of “power-from-the-people,” the
reliance, both
explicit and implicit, on self-government, in the most expansive
sense of the
term.10 In some ways verging on anarchist understandings, the
decolonial-
ity concept and the theory it anchors are unique because of their
ground-
ings in other traditions, often venerable (indigenous, pre-
colonial, racially
“othered,” religiously anathematized. . .), and in other concepts
of author-
ity and power, which may or may not involve a “state.” The best
decolonial
work does not venerate either “infrapolitics” or systems of
authority that
Preface • xv
are not-western and not-modern but draws on them to provide
alterna-
tive theoretical frames that, in the West, are dismissed as
naturalistic and

theological; while selectively incorporating themes often seen
(not entirely
correctly) as “western,” notably feminism and LGBT studies.11
The book
before you includes accounts of that sort of work.
∗ ∗ ∗
Toward the Anti-Racist Future
As this text goes into production, global turmoil has perhaps
reached a
higher level than at any time since the great Cold War crises. A
sustained
epoch is coming to a close: the end of the post-World War II era
will lead
to new global cleavages and great power alignments and
conflicts. It will
certainly refigure shapes of everyday politics and culture,
national politics,
and the global mode of production. Indeed, those
transformations are well
underway already.
World War II effectively ended the old European empires and
left the
USA as the last standing imperial power. Never hesitant to
invade and
occupy, the USA now spreads its drone wings over the entire
world, operat-
ing the proliferate military bases already mentioned, and
seeking to exercise
its combined corporate and military might more than any
imperial power
in the history of the planet. For awhile the successes of the civil
rights move-
ment, and of its various spinoffs such as the anti-Vietnam war

and second-
wave feminist movements, seemed to mute US aggression and to
extend the
hope of peace and progress to the “darker nations” (Prashad
2008), at home
as well as abroad. Those days ended domestically in the 1970s
as corporate
predation escalated, and the remaining inclusive, democratic,
and social
democratic policies began to be pruned away. They ended
internationally
when the “Vietnam syndrome”—which had supposedly
restrained US mili-
tary interventionism—lost all meaning in the two Gulf Wars.
The brief fall and subsequent rise of US structural racism and
imperial-
ism also teaches important lessons: the “global superpower” is
now a reality
show, rather than a reality. Prostrate and trussed by its many
Lilliputian
opponents at home and abroad, the US Gulliver looks on in
helpless dis-
may as its adversaries dig in. The “sole remaining superpower”
is belea-
guered by perpetual wars in the Middle East and South Asia; by
unrest, not
only in the postcolonies but also in the other “developed”
countries and its
new BRIC rivals; and by revitalized anti-racist, immigrant
rights, feminist
and LGBT movements in the “homeland.”12 The rise of
rightwing populist
reaction, not only in the form of Trump and “Make America
Great Again,”
but also in the exhumation of the Ku Klux Klan, Christian

Dominionism,
xvi • Preface
and the embrace of neoliberalism and precarity governance, all
serve to
indicate the centrality and toxicity of racism as the empire
enters its deca-
dent phase, and as the USA, at least, ceases to be a majority
white country.
There are reasons to be hopeful. Those resistance movements
may not
be so Lilliputian after all. Despite the resurgence of racial
reaction, despite
Trump, Modi, le Pen, Erdoğan, Viktor Orban, Michel Temer,
and many
other leaders linked to the exercise of violent and repressive
power across
the board, democratic resistance, egalitarian race consciousness
and anti-
racism in general have not been defeated. Led by the US black
movement
(as always), by immigrants and refugee rights movements
around the
world, by indigenous resistance (a particular source of
decolonial practice
and theory), and by women, notably women of color, the
defense of democ-
racy and sometimes even democratic offensives have
consolidated in many
ways. LGBT rights, while far from achieved around the world,
have lodged
significant triumphs. Women continue to hold up half the sky.

Anti-racism
has become “common sense” in many places, all around the
world.
While still uncertain, especially theoretically, about how best to
con-
front the beast of racism that menaces an ever-increasing
number of people
on behalf of an ever-decreasing and privileged few, the
resistance is present
and growing. That is what new racial studies is all about.
Welcome to this
important volume.
Notes
1. In Burma the persecution of the Rohingya; in Indonesia the
rise of Islamism; in India
the Hindutva political ascendancy under Modi; in the
Philippines, the violent authori-
tarianism of Duterte, with its assault on the lower classes and
non-Catholics. Many other
examples could be cited.
2. “Second world” (that is, communist) countries have a mixed
historical record on the mat-
ter of racism/anti-racism. They frequently supported national
liberation/anti-colonial
insurgencies and movements in the global South and East,
seeing them as tactical allies
against the capitalist powers. Where this was problematic for
the USSR or China, how-
ever, support was withdrawn. Internally, relations with
ethnonational minorities and
movements—which, as noted, overlaps with racial “others” in
many ways—have been

more problematic. See Law 2012; Wallerstein 1973; Dikotter,
ed. 1997.
3. The significance of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s April 4,
1967 speech, “Beyond
Vietnam: A Time To Break Silence,” in consolidating this link
cannot be overestimated
(King 1967).
4. The US origins of race/gender intersectionality lie in 19th-
century abolitionism; race/gender/class
intersections also have an immense “prehistory.” It was not
until the 1990s, though, that these
currents were explicitly theorized under the term
“intersectionality,” coined by Crenshaw (1991)
and elaborated by Collins and Bilge (2016 [2000]).
5. Although officially promulgated as a state racial doctrine
only after 1948, apartheid’s for-
mal declaration that year was merely the culmination of
centuries of European colonial-
ism in South Africa.
6. Of course, the USA also epitomizes settler colonialism.
7. For the USA: Johnson 2013; Baptist 2014; Haley 2016. For
Brazil: Burdick 1998; Fernandes
1978; Telles 2004. For colonial trajectories overall: Cooper and
Stoler, eds. 1997.
8. W.E.B. Du Bois created the framework for this analysis with
his magisterial study of the
US Civil War and Reconstruction (1997 [1935]).

Preface • xvii
9. Racial genocide, assault on racially/ethnonationally-defined
peoples, “ethnic cleans-
ing” programs, and so on, are dimensions of genocide that are
often associated with the
attempted appropriation of resources on a mass scale (Weitz
2015 [2003]; Snyder 2015).
10. I mean no disparagement to the revolutionary slogan “power
to the people,” associated
with the Black Panther Party among other movement groups.
Clearly that demand seeks
to recapture or return authority (and indeed power in the
Weberian sense) to those who
have been deprived of it by despotic means. “Power from” more
closely resembles subal-
tern theoretical approaches, which emphasize the
“infrapolitical” dimensions of power,
in which ostensibly dominated people retain control of their
lives in numerous ways—
though obviously not in every way—because they act and
interact beneath the reach, out-
side the grasp, of oppressive regimes. A long theoretical
tradition addresses this complex
of issues; consider the development of thinking from Ranajit
Guha to James C. Scott to
Robin D.G. Kelley on this theme. The difference between those
approches and decolonial-
ity framings lies in the latter’s externality to colonial and
postcolonial rule.
11. In this regard consider Abdullah Öcalan’s recent work,
collected in Öcalan 2017.
12. The use of this term, adopted after the 9/11 attacks but in a
deeper way an import from

Nazi Germany (heimat) has never ceased to offend.
References
Baptist, Edward J. The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and
the Making of American Capitalism.
New York: Basic Books, 2014.
Burdick, John. Blessed Anastácia: Women, Race and Popular
Christianity in Brazil. New York:
Routledge, 1998.
Collins, Patricia Hill, and Sirma Bilge. Intersectionality.
Malden, MA: Polity, 2016.
Cooper, Frederick, and Ann Laura Stoler, eds. Tensions of
Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois
World. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
Crenshaw, Kimberle. “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality,
Identity Politics, and Violence
against Women of Color.” Stanford Law Review, vol. 43, no. 6,
July 1991.
Dikotter, Frank, ed. The Construction of Racial Identities in
China and Japan. Honolulu: University
of Hawai’i Press, 1997.
Du Bois, W.E.B. Black Reconstruction: An Essay Toward a
History of the Part which Black Folk
Played in the Attempt to Reconstruct Democracy in America,
1860–1880. New York: Free
Press, 1997 [1935].
Fernandes, Florestan. A Integracão do Negro na Sociedade de
Clases. 2 vols. 3rd ed. São Paulo:

Atica, 1978.
Goldberg, David Theo. The Threat of Race: Reflections on
Racial Neoliberalism. Malden, MA:
Polity, 2008.
Grant, Madison. The Passing of the Great Race, or the Racial
Basis of European History. New York:
Scribners, 1916.
Haley, Sarah. No Mercy Here: Gender, Punishment, and the
Making of Jim Crow Modernity. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016.
Jameson, Frederic. The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a
Socially Symbolic Act. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1981.
Johnson, Walter. River of Dark Dreams: Slavery and Empire in
the Cotton Kingdom. Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2013.
Jung, Moon-Kie. Beneath the Surface of White Supremacy:
Denaturalizing U.S. Racisms Past and
Present. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015.
King, Martin Luther Jr. “Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break
Silence.” Speech given at Riverside
Church, New York City, October 4, 1967;
youtube.com/watch?v=OC1Ru2p8OfU
Law, Ian. Red Racisms: Racism in Communist and Post-
Communist Contexts. London: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2012.
Mbembe, Achille. On the Postcolony. Berkeley: University of

California Press, 2001.
Öcalan, Abdullah. The Political Thought of Abdullah Öcalan:
Kurdistan, Women’s Revolution and
Democratic Confederalism. London: Pluto, 2017.
Prashad, Vijay. The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the
Third World. New York: New Press,
2008.
Scott, James C. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden
Transcripts. New Haven: Yale
http://youtube.com
xviii • Preface
Snyder, Timothy. Black Earth: The Holocaust as History and
Warning. New York: Crown, 2015.
Stoddard, T. Lothrop. The Rising Tide of Color: Against White
World Supremacy. New York:
Scribners, 1920.
Telles, Edward E. Race in Another America: The Significance
of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 2004.
Thrush, Glenn, and Julie Hirschfeld Davis. “Trump, in Poland,
Asks if West Has the ‘Will to
Survive.’” New York Times, July 6, 2017.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. “The Two Modes of Ethnic
Consciousness: Soviet Central Asia in

Transition.” In Edward Allworth, ed. The Nationality Question
in Soviet Central Asia. New
York: Praeger, 1973.
Weitz, Eric D. A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and
Nation. Princeton: Princeton University,
2015 [2003].
1
Introduction
Global Raciality: Empire, PostColoniality,
DeColoniality
PAOLA BACCHETTA, SUNAINA MAIRA, AND
HOWARD WINANT
Race and Empire: The Situation Today
This book takes on the challenges of global raciality. Across
many countries,
often the most powerful in their regions, there has been a
notable rise
in right-wing, racist, or quasi-racist social movements, a shift
that often
extends beyond movements to state policies and practices. In
the US,
Donald Trump rose to power on white supremacist ideology that
specifi-
cally addressed working-class white voters, and his first moves
included a
selective ban of Muslims from seven countries. In India, Hindu
national-
ists who target Muslims, other religious minorities, adivasis

(indigenous
peoples) and Dalits (untouchables) for assimilation or
elimination, have
been running the government for several years. In Latin
America anti-
indigenism and anti-black policies and politics are on the rise,
and Asian
racialities are also being revived and politicized. The right wing
has steadily
risen across much of Europe, deriving a great deal of its
political energy
from Islamophobia and negrophobia.
At the same time, the world that we live in today is more deeply
inter-
connected than ever and it is changing rapidly. In many sites
across the
2 • Bacchetta, Maira, and Winant
globe, regardless of the government in question, race,
racialization, and rac-
ism shape some of the most pressing political issues of our
time. Race is not
going away, and the tens of millions of people(s) seen as a
racial “other”—for
whatever reason—are not going away. Around the world, racial
politics mat-
ters. Migration, indigenism, color, racial inequality,
nationalism, the legacy
of colonialism, the fact of empire, and intersectionality are
combining. These
social forces and structures generally confront the racial regime,
or regimes

that are imbedded in twenty-first century social practices and
state structures.
They are present in a perpetual war mentality, and its attendant
practices,
that has reached pathological heights and resulted in a massive
loss of life,
destruction of living space, and the production of refugees at
levels not seen
since World War II (Maldonado-Torres 2008; Bakan 2005).
Race and rac-
ism are deeply involved with the rise of neoliberalism and the
assault on the
welfare state, developments that took off around 1980 across
the globe (Omi
and Winant 2015). Especially since 1989, when the
“Washington consensus”
achieved ideological dominance, anti-statism and assaults on
social provi-
sioning of all types (notably imposed austerity and “structural
adjustment”
policies) have targeted the poorer and darker populations of the
world, in
both global South and East—and in the ghettos and banlieues of
the North
and West. So the fact that most of the globe is immersed in the
current eco-
nomic crisis through an acceleration of poverty is not only a
class inequality
phenomenon, but also a racial one.
Social control and repressive state apparatuses are increasingly
organ-
ized along racial lines. Incarceration—especially in the US
where prisons
are becoming more privatized and reliant on quasi-slave labor
(Davis 2005;

DuVernay 2016)—anti-immigrant policies (notably on the US–
Mexico
border and in the Mediterranean and Aegean), and indeed
“ethnic cleans-
ing” campaigns are convulsing the planet. Race, racialization,
and racism
are implicated in state violence against whole populations. An
incomplete
list of the policies and practices of state violence might include:
police mur-
ders; surveillance and mapping;1 incarceration;
deportation/expulsion; and
forced assimilation. Central examples of these practices involve
the raciali-
zation of Muslims and Islam, and the use of state violence
against people
of African descent (Agathangelou et. al. 2008, Alexander 2012).
State poli-
cies driven by national security ideology often operate as state
racism,
deploying extremely sophisticated and advanced technological
capacities,
for example, using surveillance (Browne 2015), post-GPS
techniques, and
other “panoptical” practices. Native peoples—a clear racial
category—face
genocidal policies all across the planet, as ever more
sophisticated pro-
grams carry forward environmental destruction, forced
sterilization, and
population displacement. Women of color confront multiple and
layered
(intersectional) assaults: trafficked, coerced into sex work and
domestic

Introduction • 3
work on a global level, these women are also caring for
children, migrants,
and refugees. Women’s and LGBT struggles are also co-opted
by neoco-
lonial and neoliberal regimes to justify interventionism,
Islamophobia,
negrophobia, and other forms of racism. Jasbir Puar coined the
term
“homonationalism” to analyze this phenomenon.2
These practices are not separate from each other. They converge
in and
are co-constitutive of what we call global raciality. Race,
racialization, and
racism are also crucial to many forms of resistance to
inequality, exclusion,
and social injustice today (Pile 1997; Bacchetta forthcoming).
The objective
of this book is to develop new approaches and methods of
analysis to match
these rapidly shifting patterns of conflict. Today, many
different strands of
scholarship are grappling with planetary configurations of
power, includ-
ing racial power. The scholars included here offer multiple
approaches that
can speak to one another through sets of common concerns
around race,
racialization, and racism. This work is part of a larger effort
organized by
the University of California Center for New Racial Studies
(UCCNRS),
aimed at engaging the central place of race, racialization, and

racism in the
world today.3
As the organizers of this collective project, we are interested in
research
that explores the global contexts of race and empire, past and
present.
Although racial formation takes vastly different forms across
cultural, spa-
tial, and historical contexts, it also exhibits strong continuities,
especially
in given sites: consider immigration restriction as it has
repeated itself over
time in the US; consider the repeating patterns of scientific
racism over time;
consider the rationalizations imperial powers have offered over
and over
again for their repression and violence; consider the increasing
globality of
anti-racist resistance, whose origins lie in resistance to slavery
and conquest,
in abolitionism, and in struggles against imperial conquest and
settlement.
We want to put these transnational forms of consistency and of
difference in
conversation with one another. In addition, we are interested in
questions of
racial identity and racialized experience in the global context of
imperialism
and its afterlives. We are exploring the overlaps and
discrepancies between
colonial and postcolonial regimes and their oppositions. And we
are fas-
cinated by decoloniality, which we understand as the process of
undoing
colonialism, or perhaps never succumbing to it.

New Racial Studies
New racial studies rethink earlier paradigms of race,
racialization, and
racism to offer new perspectives that can more adequately
address shift-
ing racial formations.4 Race has always been a global matter,
but schol-
ars, activists, journalists, and others are struggling to make
sense of racial
structures that are constantly being challenged and reconstituted
at all
levels, from the social psychological to the local and national,
to the global
political economy, and in the realm of culture as well.
In many places today the dominant idea is that of post-raciality.
Governments and dominant groups in many nations claim that
their socie-
ties have transcended racial discrimination and have even left
behind the
concept of race itself. Post-racialism, sometimes called
“colorblindness”
(especially in the US; see Bonilla-Silva 2014), works to
legitimize rac-
ist policies, to weaken or suppress critiques of racism, and to
undermine
the movements challenging ongoing (neo)colonial and racial
oppression,
repression, exploitation, and inequality. For instance, in the US,
resurgent

Native American sovereignty movements have confronted the
enduring
power of settler colonialism. They have attracted a great deal of
popular
support (transracial, environmentalist, feminist, and so on).
This support
would not have been forthcoming in earlier times. Claims of
post-raci-
ality have played a major role in state and corporate repression
of these
struggles, and they have also been made by supporters of Indian
struggles.
The 2016–2017 mobilization against the Dakota Access
Pipeline, led by
the Lakota people at the Standing Rock Reservation in North
and South
Dakota, and joined by numerous other Native Americans and
allies, was
the most prominent recent example.
In general, claims of post-raciality are an indispensable
component
of the effort to carry out “accumulation through dispossession”
(Harvey
2004). The US government, big oil, and Wall Street seek to
perpetuate
white settler amnesia about colonialism in North America, in
order to push
forward the same project of physical and cultural genocide their
predeces-
sors began long ago. Post-racialism bolsters the prison
industrial complex
that targets African-Americans and other people of color in the
US, justify-
ing racialized institutions whose continuity with the legacy of
slavery has

been widely recognized (Alexander 2012; Forman 2017;
Blackmon 2009:
DuVernay 2016). In many parts of Europe, where present
struggles against
racism are rooted in anti-coloniality, anti-orientalism, and
decoloniality,
post-racialism works to stigmatize and thereby prevent
discussions of rac-
ism, Islamophobia, and immigrants’ rights, dismissing,
diminishing, and
delegitimizing any attention that is paid to race. While racism
continues
to be built into the social structure, post-racialism reduces it to
a ques-
tion of “bad” or “immoral” behaviors or attitudes on the part of
individuals
whose conduct and expression is deemed exceptional. At many
sites across
the globe today, post-racialism works to support the ongoing
production
of social death and premature death. A critical literature has
emerged on
the centrality of death to postcoloniality and racism, both fast
death—via
police violence, interdiction and anti-immigrant policies, and
perpetual
Introduction • 5
war against the global South and East—and slow death—via
neoliberal
structural adjustment policies, austerity, policies that foment
famine, and
necropolitics (Mbembe 2001; Gilmore 2007; de Genova 2017;

Sen 1983).
The writers included in this book engage with these questions,
exploring
how racialized identities and experiences are produced across
different reg-
isters in a global context. Several chapters offer a transnational
approach to
raciality that is both sensitive to local specificities and explores
how notions
of race travel across national borders. For example, Padma
Maitland’s
chapter on Dalit communities in India highlights the
connections that
Dalits themselves have established between their own struggles
and
African-American conditions and resistance. No one who took
part in the
United Nations World Conference against Racism, Racial
Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban, South
Africa in 2001,
could have missed these links, due to the massive participation
of Dalit
people at the event. Bettina Ng’weno and Lok Siu’s chapter
explores racial
constructions of blackness and Asianness that are rearticulated
through
imaginaries of national identities and histories in Mexico. By
compar-
ing the racial visibility and invisibility of Asian and “Latin”
Americans of
African descent, they reveal both the variations and the
parallels that shape
racialization processes. Greg Burris focuses on global racial
imaginaries

linking the US with Israel-Palestine; he addresses the
emergence of Black
Palestinian solidarities in the context of Black Lives Matter,
Ferguson-Gaza
solidarity movements, and related mobilizations against white
supremacy.
He traces the ways these circuits of settler colonial policing and
violence
have tended to converge, especially in recent years.
Other chapters focus on the dynamism of race, racialization, and
racism
by demonstrating how established models of race lag behind
shifts on the
ground. Indeed, theories of race cannot keep pace with the
empirical data
they study! Quite often, predominant racial discourses draw on
entrenched
notions of race that have been challenged and surpassed, that
have not only
been ignored by scholars but have also occulted in everyday
life. Hareem
Khan’s research on images of the “new Indian woman,” as
represented in
advertisements for skin-lightening creams, demonstrates the
obligation
that race researchers face. Khan engages with how the creams
are both con-
sumed and resisted by Indian women as they negotiate notions
of colorism,
class, religion, national identity, and modernity. What may at
first glance
look like remnants of the past are shown to have remarkable
continuity. In
beauty parlors, advertising, and family life, women’s bodies,
women’s skin,

is made and remade under conditions of social and political
struggle. This
is actually a very current, emergent manifestation of race and
racism that
draws on earlier notions, revitalizes them, and makes them
relevant for the
current context.
In a number of places across the planet, notably in the global
North, the
discourse of diversity and inclusion, and of multiculturalism in
general, both
promotes post-racialist ideology and undermines anti-racist
conscious-
ness and mobilization. Such models for diversity and
multiculturalism
are countered by critical race studies that interrogate the
containment,
incorporation, and management of difference. The work of
Haritaworn
et al. (2013) on “murderous inclusion,” which invokes the price
paid by the
supposedly “included”—notably women and queers of color
who remain
subject to violence—is particularly relevant to a number of
contexts today.
Vijay Prashad’s chapter, which began as the keynote for the
UCCNRS con-
ference, directly addresses questions of diversity and inclusion
on a broad,
comparative scale.5

One set of race, racialization, and racism discourses and
practices
that is particularly salient today, within and across many
countries, is
Islamophobia. The genealogy of Western hostility towards
Muslims is very
long-standing;6 in some ways it represents a primordial form of
racism.
In orientalist (and perforce colonialist) discourses and in
popular culture,
Islamophobia may be said to have constituted the West, at least
in part
(Said 1979). In other words, orientalism is bound up with
occidentalism
(Makdisi 2014). This legacy is reconstructed and refined today
in order
to sustain “security” states’ domestic and foreign policies.
Heterogeneous
societies with Muslim minorities have their own complexities.
Mamdani
has shown how Muslims are divided into “good” and “bad”
subjects across
the global North (Mamdani 2004). Looking at India, Bacchetta
has deci-
phered a three-fold model for Muslims in Hindu nationalist
discourse:
Muslims as ex-foreign invaders; Muslims as ex-Hindu converts;
and claims
that Muslims are actually Hindu.7 Working on the US, Maira
demonstrates
that in the post-9/11 era Muslim Americans have been
scapegoated in a
racist fashion while simultaneously being recruited through
appeals to reli-
gious multiculturalism, particularly if they perform the role of
the “good

Muslim” citizen (Maira 2016). Across Europe and the US,
racialization
and religion are globally intertwined. There are new forms of
collaboration
and coordination among states in counterterrorism programs;
these target
the racialized figure of the Muslim and Arab as a security
threat, the male in
particular, but (as Fanon analyzed decades ago), increasingly
the females.
The “bad” Muslims and Arabs are the subject of moral panic
whipped up
to stoke fears about terrorists lurking within or crossing
national borders,
which must be fortified and policed.
In the US Islamophobic rhetoric has dominated the media to
such an
extent, especially since 9/11 in 2001, that it has become
“common sense.”
It was therefore easily deployed as a blatant pillar of Donald
Trump’s suc-
cessful 2016 presidential campaign. Across the globe—but
especially in the
Introduction • 7
West—Islamophobia is gendered and queered such that the male
terror-
ist figure gets constructed as an oversexed and sexually
frustrated subject
seeking virgins in the sky, while the female terrorist figure is
imagined to
be a victim of her male counterparts, an alienated accomplice,

or an evil
subject in her own right (Puar 2007; Bacchetta forthcoming).
In many countries across the global North and South, the
mobilization
of racialized Islam for foreign and domestic policies of racial
and military
subjugation occurs in tandem with social panic about other,
somewhat dif-
ferently racialized and gendered, domestic populations. In the
US, claims of
black and Mexican (or Mexican-American) criminality and
illicit Mexican
immigration have long been used to sustain the policing of
black and brown
bodies. Aggressive policing is on the upsurge under Trump. The
police state
has encountered its most formidable anti-racist opposition in
years in the
form of the Black Lives Matter movement. #BLM has posed a
public chal-
lenge to the normalization of the racist policies of “stop and
frisk” policing
and mass incarceration, and has joined with other anti-racist
movements
to oppose other white supremacist policies, such as voter
suppression and
ex-felon disenfranchisement (Movement for Black Lives 2017).
Although they vary in form, securitization and carcerality are
consti-
tutive of many nation-states beyond the US. In this volume,
Kimberley
McKinson’s chapter demonstrates how ideas about criminality,
policing,
and race play out in Jamaica in the context of urban

communities sub-
jected to surveillance, discipline, and even invasion by security
forces. Her
research speaks to what she calls the post-9/11 security moment
in which
new or intensified practices of racialization, citizenship, and
discipline call
for a “new orientation to the study of Black lives.”
At the same time, we are living in a period of new global
solidarities. For
instance, Greg Burris’s chapter provides insights into the ways
in which
globalized policies of policing and brutalizing black and brown
bodies have
brought Palestinians and African-Americans together in
transnational
solidarity movements such as Ferguson–Gaza, which challenges
the col-
laboration between US and Israeli policing and counterterrorism
regimes.
These new global solidarities help illuminate racial projects
that, in the case
of the US and Israel, are imbedded in settler colonial histories,
that rely
upon the elimination or disappearance of native bodies, and that
ware-
house or annihilate black and brown bodies. New technologies
of policing,
surveillance, containment, elimination, and warfare are
constantly being
developed and shared across national borders. Many of these
methods are
experimental, tried out on both domestic and foreign racialized
popula-
tions. For instance, a number of scholars demonstrate how

carcerality is
constitutive of the US state. As Angela Davis points out,
prisons are not just
an institution created to manage a “social problem” of black
criminality;
they are the afterlife of slavery (Davis 2005; see also Alexander
2012; Forman
2017). In this volume, drawing on such work, Chandra Russo
provides
insights into solidarity movements that challenge state-
sponsored torture
in Guantánamo and elsewhere, as well as violence and
repression on the
US–Mexico border, through rituals and performative activism
that con-
tests xenophobia, criminalization, and imperial racism. We
return below
to Russo’s discussion of affective politics.
In the context of race and violence, Leece Lee-Oliver’s chapter
on
genocide and violence against indigenous peoples in North
America dem-
onstrates how the US government has worked to legitimize anti-
Indianism
and the destruction of native peoples. The US employed a
discourse of
exceptionalism that was tied to beliefs about blood purity and
impurity,
prosperity and entitlement, heteronormativity and gender. Lee-
Oliver also

addresses the legacies of settler colonialism that still undergird
contempo-
rary US policies to eradicate native others globally.
There are many reasons why it is crucial to consider indigeneity
in new
racial studies. Across the globe the earliest racialized subjects
were native
peoples.8 Scholarship in indigenous studies has recentered
settler colonial-
ism and helped to ensure its status as a topic that is increasingly
recognized
in ethnic studies, critical race studies, feminist and queer
studies, and, in
some quarters, immigration studies. For example, in the US,
queer and
feminist indigenous studies has highlighted how sexuality is
integral to set-
tler colonial rule as well as to indigenous resistance and
selfhood. Critical
approaches to scientific racism have focused on indigeneity
(Barker 2011;
Tallbear 2013; Smith 1999; Coulthard 2014). However, it must
also be
noted that the increasing traction of settler colonial studies in
the US has
been accompanied by the disappearance and invisibility of
natives in these
same spaces, including indigenous Palestinians. The question of
who gets
to speak “on behalf of” disappeared native populations is
conflictual in its
own right. It resuscitates histories of colonial experts studying
native oth-
ers and racialized notions of authenticity, as Lee-Oliver astutely
points out

in this volume. This is associated with the repression of critical
knowledge
in the academy, which is what new racial studies are
challenging.
Four Critical Concepts
This book is oriented by racial formation theory and critical
race theory.
The chapters included here all speak in various ways to
problems of global
racialities, empire, postcoloniality, and decoloniality. In this
introductory
chapter we frame these four concepts and discuss how they are
articulated
with one another.
Introduction • 9
Global Racialities
The concept of global raciality is the book’s starting point. We
use it to
signal not simply a comparative view of raciality in different
countries, but
also the multiple and differential, intersecting and co-
constituting, con-
structions of race, processes of racialization, and practices of
racism as they
manifest in distinct sites across the planet. Across the world,
race catego-
ries are constructed according to varying criteria, while they
also overlap
in complex ways. Racist practices, too, are not always identical
from one
context to another. Raciality is produced not in isolation but

rather in con-
nection with other contextual relations of power, such as
colonialism and
empire, capitalism, gender, sexuality, class, caste, queerphobia,
religion,
indigeneity, ageism, and disability. The race concept takes on
different
meanings across space and time, and in relation to scattered
hegemonies;
this is what racial formation theory is all about.
All the chapters included here address global raciality;
generally they
do so in comparative frameworks, based on research carried out
in a par-
ticular, or in multiple national sites. Some tackle global
raciality more
theoretically, but these pieces also refer to particular sites.
Padma Maitland’s chapter addresses situated processes of
racialization
and manifestations of racist practices that are constructed
around caste
oppression, repression, exploitation, and inequality in India.
Maitland’s
research on Dalit communities in India that are oppressed by
caste dem-
onstrates the powerful connections made by Dalit Buddhists
with the Black
Panther Party in their analysis of the links between race and
caste.9 In their
advocacy for radical self-emancipation, the Dalit have situated
themselves
in a global struggle for equality.
The chapter by Paola Bacchetta, Fatima El-Tayeb, and Jin

Haritaworn
focuses on the intellectual and political labor of subaltern
racialized
subjects in Europe: lesbian, queer, and transgender people of
color are gen-
erally erased in accounts of conditions of power and of social
movement
activisms. Yet, as these co-authors demonstrate, bringing their
conditions,
critiques, activisms, and creative practices into relief actually
helps to clarify
multiplicities of relations of power in their current situation.
The legacies
of colonialism and colonial identity, and the comprehensive
presence of
capitalism, racism, gender, and sexuality all structure the
conditions under
which these subaltern racialized subjects live.
The co-construction and imbrication of raciality with multiple
relations
of power is also demonstrated in Hareem Khan’s discussion of
notions of
the “modern Indian woman” in national culture and in
neoliberal con-
sumption and marketing practices. Indeed, today we have
recourse to a
very broad array of diverse approaches that consider how many
different
relations of power work together.

Along with identifying multiplicities of relations of power,
Bacchetta,
El-Tayeb and Haritaworn additionally highlight some modes in
which
power operates within activist configurations themselves. They
show
how some conservative and privileged LGBT subjects reproduce
white
supremacy, for instance in Germany, by criminalizing and
invading
spaces primarily inhabited by LGBT people of color. In France,
a similar
kind of uninterrogated white supremacy is operative as some
privileged
LGBT subjects frame their understanding of the racialized space
of the
banlieues (racialized, working-class, suburban neighborhoods)
and the
racialized presumed-to-be-straight subjects they imagine belong
there, as
hyper-queerphobic. Across Europe, lesbian, queer, and
transgender peo-
ple of color are also internally divided along these
homonationalist lines.10
Because racism, including its most disavowed components, is
part of the
very formation of subjects, it is not surprising if these subjects,
including
people of color, inadvertently reproduce it in various ways.
It is vital to understand that, on a global level as much as in any
local or
national setting, racial dynamics are both unstable and
contested. Race is
both continuously present and continuously disrupted and
reconfigured

over time and space. Race, racialization, and racism cannot be
overcome;
rather they must be transformed by political struggle. They
accumulate,
thin out, or densify according to the particular power dynamics,
social
meanings, and individual/group practices that they encounter.
In that vein, Kimberley McKinson’s chapter demonstrates how
cat-
egories of race, notions of color, and practices of racism in
Haiti, which
were sedimented under colonialism, have not been entirely
eliminated
after independence, but rather have been reformulated over time
into what
she astutely calls “compromised citizenship.” McKinson’s
analysis situates
contemporary national Haitian discourses about security,
violence, and
race within the history of the Caribbean plantation. She traces
the legacies
of the Haitian colonial project in postcolonial national politics.
Her chap-
ter makes a key argument for linking global racialities to the
histories of
empire, postcoloniality, and decoloniality.
Empire
In the modern world empire has always been a racially inflected
term.
This was explicit from the beginning of the European “age of
empire”
in the sixteenth century. By the seventeenth century, las Casas
and
Sepulveda were debating before Charles V of Spain whether the

Indians
were human beings (Todorov 1984; Carrière 2003). Race,
racializa-
tion, and racism—today largely recognized as socially and
historically
Introduction • 11
“constructed”—remain deeply intertwined with modernity,
imperialism,
colonialism, and decoloniality.
Different racist practices emerged from multiple forms of
colonialism—
including administrative and economic colonialism, settler
colonialism,
and deterritorialized forms of empire. Today, notably in the
United States,
imperialism is disavowed, and flexible, more implicitly than
explicitly rac-
ist, and deterritorialized racial regimes are the norm. And so the
world
retains its highly racialized system of rule. Work on the US
empire has
highlighted the ways in which US rule evolved from earlier
European
modes of territorial colonialism, while preserving many of their
core fea-
tures and rhetorical tropes. The US reliance on covert or proxy
wars, and
on client regimes around the world, all represent variations on
themes pio-
neered by the British and other European empires. For much of
the globe,

notions of benevolent imperialism have shrouded the violence
of colonial
rule and expansionism in the language of humanitarianism. This
pattern
has the effect of legitimizing wars and imperial conquest as acts
of rescuing
or liberating racialized others (Singh 2017; Bacevich 2009).
Other similar examples—all relevant to this volume—include
offi-
cial French pronouncements about Africa, as seen in Nicolas
Sarkozy’s
infamous speech in Dakar (Sarkozy 2007), or the recent law
according
to which French colonialism in Algeria must be taught in a way
that
places France in a positive light (Agence France-Presse 2008).
Let us also
take note of the way in which the US has justified military
occupation in
Afghanistan and Iraq. Drawing its tropes from the history of
settler colo-
nialism in North America, the US has framed mass killing and
genocidal
violence as missions of democratization: “Welcome to Injun
country,”
journalist Robert Kaplan reports being told as he stepped off the
plane at
Baghdad Airport (Kaplan 2005, 4). The codename for the US
Seal Team
mission that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011 was “Operation
Geronimo.”
Underlying these logics of empire is a notion of exceptionalism
that con-
jures up the US as a beacon of freedom, democracy, and peace,
even as it

enforces its “way of life” on others, domestically and globally,
with violent
force, and even as it claims to be a garrison nation itself under
siege and
facing threats (Stoler 2006).
A substantial debate persists over the qualities and extent of
empire
in relation to neoliberal capitalism, militarization, sovereignty,
and state
power (Bacevich 2017, 2009; Harvey 2004). Race and racism
are some-
times acknowledged in this literature, and often ignored or
sidelined. The
ongoing presence of genocide, incorporation, and forced
assimilation or
disappearance reveal that many who live under regimes of
settler colonial-
ism and military occupation are not yet postcolonial, if indeed
they will
ever be. Modern empire and colonial rule created racial
boundaries in law,
political-economic, and cultural systems, and in social
identities; these
boundaries still apply with varying degrees of flexibility and
rigidity.11
Several chapters in this book touch on how racial boundaries
developed
and varied across historical time and geographical space. Some
examples

are Bettina Ng’weno and Lok Siu’s chapter exploring racial
constructs in
Mexico, and Padma Maitland’s chapter on notions of caste and
race in
India. In the North American context, Leece Lee-Oliver
explores how con-
cepts of whiteness and “Indianness” are used to justify
genocidal violence
against indigenous peoples, operating through a complex
interrelation
of gendered and racial subjectivities that underscore the
exceptionalism
of the settler colonial state. Research on imperial rule, both old
and new,
reveals the juridical and everyday practices of race in all social
registers, as
suggested by Lee-Oliver’s work on settler colonialism in North
America,
David Baillargeon’s chapter on empire and labor in Burma, and
W. Rae
Schneider’s research on racialized notions of property rights
and labor in
Haiti after independence.
Earlier imperial models set in motion a tendency to
misrecognize and
misinterpret the racial body. Race and racism always involve
corporeal
dynamics; the phenotypification of the other, her/his rendering
as visible to
those in power—the settlers, the ruling groups, the citizens—is
fundamental
to racial formation. Colonial subjects are ocularly different;
they “look” dif-
ferent, that is, once phenomic distinctions are applied to the
settler/native

binary, or the “free”/slave binary. To draw the “color line”
(understood in
a broad sense) is to apply these distinctions, in other words to
engage in
racialization. Racialization has continued from the early “age of
empire”
until now, taking many different forms in different situations
and contexts.
Racialization sometimes appears as flat-out ignorance; it might
look ridic-
ulous if it did not do so much damage. Consider that
Islamophobia, which
targets Muslims and remains primarily directed at them, can
also be extended
to pursue non-Muslims whose bodies are coded as Muslim, such
as Arab
Christians, Sikhs and others of South Asian descent, some Latin
Americans,
or racially mixed people of any religion or national origin. In
this scheme of
things some bodies—such as those marked as queer, dangerous,
disabled,
indigenous, or nomadic—sometimes fall off the grid of racial
intelligibility.
At other times, intersectional or co-formational bodies and
identities, such
as those of queers of color, might be read only along one axis
(such as race),
rendering them invisible along another (sexuality). Indeed, the
dominant
categories and logics of race, racialization, and racism are
generally insensi-
tive to intersectionality and co-formationality (Bacchetta
forthcoming).

Racial constructions and racist practices of empire are also
entwined
with affect, such as anxieties, fears, hopes, and desires. These
are “impe-
rial feelings,” which carry out the emotional interpellation of
the racialized
Introduction • 13
“other” that is a core ideological component of racism, a racist
project (Omi
and Winant 2015, 128). These are the everyday structures of
feeling that
undergird what William Appleman Williams described as
“empire as a way
of life” (1980), or that Robert Bellah et al. (2007 [1985]) called
“habits of the
heart” that infuse and accompany structures of difference and
domination.
Imperial feelings, or the complex of psychological and political
belonging
to empire, are often unspoken, but always present (Maira 2009).
Sometimes though, racial affect takes the form of anti-racism:
resistance
or solidarity among or with racialized others. This rejection
might involve
repudiating the status of “otherness,” or embracing it as an
alternate and
perhaps radical form of solidarity.12
Building on these insights, Russo’s chapter on solidarity
activism exam-
ines movement demonstrations and nonviolent resistance as

affective
anti-racism; some of her key examples are organized acts of
ritual mourning,
or risk-taking gestures of sacrifice or cooperation. She studies
movements
that challenge imperial practices, such as torture in Guantánamo
and Abu
Graib, the persecution of immigrants, and the use of death
squads and
desaparición. She shows how resistance practices expose the
racial affect
undergirding US national security policies, imperial violence,
and policing
both on the US border and internally.
Today, the US—and other nation-states—are engaged in what
they label
a global “war on terror”; they are politically structured as
“national security
states.” That imperial construct merges multiple racialized
frameworks,
reassembling the age-old binaries: human vs. inhuman; civilized
vs. uncivi-
lized; modern vs. anti-Western; believer vs. heathen; and fit vs.
unfit for
global capitalism and neoliberal democracy. Research in new
racial studies,
including the chapters here, analyzes the contemporary political
situation,
the afterlife (or genealogy) of empire, across geopolitical and
cultural con-
texts, and from a range of disciplinary and interdisciplinary
perspectives.
Postcoloniality
Current scholarship focusing on race, including the writing in

this book,
has benefitted tremendously from an engagement with
postcolonial theory,
which addresses current conditions across much of the planet.
Postcolonial
theory ranges across the disciplines in the humanities and social
sciences. It
was initiated primarily in South Asia, notably as Subaltern
Studies, and also
had an early presence in francophone Africa, prior to spreading
around
the world and reaching the US. In the social sciences,
postcolonial theory
emerges from dependency theory, born in Latin America, and
from world-
systems theory, which has an African Studies provenance.
World-systems
theory has generally Marxist and Luxemburgian roots;
coloniality of power
approaches (Enrique Dussel, Walter Mignolo, Nelson
Maladonado-Torres)
may be described as a post-Gramscian current. From its
inception, post-
colonial theory has been informed by the crucial work of Frantz
Fanon,
Aimé Césaire, Eduard Glissant and Edward Said, Gayatri
Chakravorty
Spivak, Ann Laura Stoler, Immanuel Wallerstein, and many
others.13
Today the central concerns of postcolonial theory are the

cultural, social,
political-economic, and experiential consequences of
colonialism and
empire. Its temporal realm of inquiry stretches from the pre-
colonial past to
the post-independence period (McClintock 1995). It
encompasses studies of
both colonized and colonizing subjects and spaces. Indeed, in
postcolonial
theorizing, following Fanon (1994 [1965]), colonization and
colonialism
are not something that active subjects do to passive ones.
Instead, colo-
nialism is a relation between colonizers and colonized that
modifies all of
the subjects and spaces it touches. In its current incarnations in
the US,
postcolonial theory does not necessarily make race a central
theme. Many
contributors to this book, however, do exactly that. The
chapters by Hareem
Khan, Greg Burris, and Padma Maitland link postcolonial theory
to critical
race theory in ways that contribute to both currents.
Decoloniality
Another strand of inquiry that informs studies of global
racialities
is decolonial theory, which was developed mainly in Latin
America
through the work of scholars such as Anibal Quijano, Walter
Mignolo,
and Sylvia Rivera Cusicanqui (Mignolo 2010; Cusicanqui and
Barragán
1997; Quijano 2000). Decolonial approaches are also prevalent
in the

South and Central American diaspora in the US in the work of
scholars
such as Nelson Maldonaro-Torres, Gloria Anzaldúa, and María
Lugones
(Maldonado-Torres 2008; Anzaldúa 2007 [1987]; Lugones
2008). It also
has a life in France with decolonial public intellectuals and
activists such as
Sadri Khiari and Houria Bouteldja (Bouteldja and Khiari 2012).
A key point of departure for decolonial theory is the resilience
and inde-
pendence of the colonized, the endurance and vitality of native
culture.
For all its horrors and predations, empire and colonization were
not total.
Despite their genocidal dimensions, the European empires did
not destroy
all indigenous people; they could not fully subdue the colonized
“others.”
Decolonial theory emphasizes, however, the continuities and
aftereffects
that suffuse the post-independence situation; the phrase
“coloniality of
power” suggests that despite their limits, imperial regimes
restructured the
nature of power itself on a global scale, building up the racial
and gender-
based dimensions of their empires, while interweaving them
with their
political-economic aspects of slavery, super-exploitation, and
outright
predation. Decolonial theory suggests that, in general, our
approaches to
colonization (including postcolonial theory and world-systems
theory)

Introduction • 15
place too much emphasis on the period from the nineteenth
century until
today. Instead, for decolonial theorists the last 500 years are
crucial to any
real understanding of today.14
Within the field there are also many developments that directly
shape
global raciality. For instance, in an important article, drawing
on a host of
feminist and queer scholarship across the globe on gender and
sexuality
under colonialism, María Lugones (2008) proposes the concept
of a colo-
nial gender system to account for how colonialism imposed the
colonizers’
gender and sexual normativities, outlawed or otherwise
suppressed prior
gender and sexual practices, and continues harmfully to restrict
defini-
tions, discourses, and practices of gender and sexuality today in
colonized
and postcolonial sites. For Lugones, coloniality and gender
cannot be sep-
arated; they are part and parcel of the same system. Feminist
and queer
scholars who are concerned with women’s and queer liberation
across the
globe, then, need to work to decolonize gender and sexuality.
Related to decolonial theory, a transnational cluster of scholars

working
in an area that can loosely be called epistemologies of the
global South(s),
are making major contributions to the study of global racialities
as they
emphasize alternative epistemologies, especially in the form of
indigenous
and other subaltern knowledges and knowledge productions
(Smith 1999).
A broad critical literature on current manifestations of
coloniality, based on
the standpoints of the subaltern subject, is appearing across the
globe. New
approaches, concepts, and political logics are being developed
as places
where southern epistemologies of subjugation and resistance
contend.
Consider the many movements of the “poors,” the occupied, the
colonized,
in which their autonomy, creativity, and courage are at work
(Desai 2002;
Desmarais 2007). In many respects, though, decolonial theory’s
greatest
contribution is its identification of spaces, places, practices, and
discourses
that are outside the colonial, and indeed postcolonial, regimes.
There are
important overlaps with critical race theory here, notably the
focus on
“infrapolitics” (forms of action and thought that ruling regimes
cannot
access), and the challenge to Eurocentrism (Chakrabarty 2007).
In this volume, Lee-Oliver’s chapter develops some of these
critical
concerns, looking at how coloniality, race, history, and the

supposedly
postcolonial present are understood in the dominant ideology of
US his-
tory and US national “development.” These frameworks of
settlement
and conquest—the American “frontier,” “homesteading,” etc.—
inevitably
clash with decolonial and subaltern understandings. Lee-Oliver
demon-
strates how the hegemonic historical construction of indigenous
people
in the US, which is a gendered, sexed, and racialized
framework, informs
the logic of exceptionalism that operates today in US domestic
and foreign
policies of occupation, invasion, and expansion. She shows how
whiteness
and “Indian-ness” are both produced through the fusion of
settler colonial
notions of gender, heteronormativity, Christian duty, and Indian
savagery.
Ultimately, these constructions are not just discursive
phenomena but are
active material practices of power that seek the eradication of
indigenous
peoples globally. Although that abhorrent goal cannot be
achieved, the
mere fact that it has been a conscious objective of imperial
regimes, and
that it remains in place today—consider once again the struggle
at Standing

Rock—underlines the importance of decolonial theory.
A Final Word
This book is organized according to the three title themes of
race and
empire, postcoloniality, and decoloniality. Although we have
made every
effort to assign the articles included here to one of these three
categories,
we must request the reader’s indulgence on this matter; many of
these
pieces cross over the three sections. In addition to this
Introduction, both
the Foreword by Howard Winant, the New Racial Studies book
series edi-
tor, and the Afterword by Vijay Prashad, a peerless thinker and
activist
on matters of race and empire, past and present, seek to
summarize and
contextualize the wide range of the contributions.
Notes
1. Geographical approaches to racial (and ethnic) demographics
go back a long time. In the
US some pioneering modern work can be found in Savoy
(2016). For the UK see Smith
(1989); for South Africa see Hart (2002).
2. George W. Bush famously claimed that US military
intervention in Afghanistan and
Iraq was aimed at establishing “respect for women.” See Bush
(2002); Brown (2006). On
women and nationalism, see McClintock (1995); Mosse (1985).
On homonationalism see
Puar (2007); Bacchetta and Haritaworn (2011).

3. The book began with a cycle of competitive research grants
made to faculty and graduate
students across the University of California on the topic of
“Global Racialities: Empire,
Postcoloniality and Decoloniality.” Most of the articles
included here are revised versions
of papers based on this research and were presented at a May
2015 conference that was
organized by the UCCNRS at the University of California, San
Diego. Other articles were
written especially for this volume.
4. See the Preface to this volume by Howard Winant.
5. A promising attempt to address the problem of diversity and
inclusion has been launched
by the Haas Institute for a Fair and Inclusive Society (HIFIS),
based at the University of
California, Berkeley. HIFIS has organized a series of
conferences and publications under
the title “Othering and Belonging” (HIFIS 2017).
6. We note that Islamophobia also manifests in non-Western
settings, for example in Burma
(regarding the Rohingya), in China (concerning Uighur and
other peoples), and in India
(notably in Gujarat). We consider the principal sites of the
phenomenon, nevertheless, to
be based in the West, and possessed of an extensive, indeed
millennial, provenance.
7. See the 2017 remarks of Mohan Bhagwat, leader of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS), on this point (Hindustan Times 2017). The RSS, a Hindu
nationalist organization,

is a large right-wing paramilitary group that is a central pillar
of the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP), the ruling party of contemporary India. The RSS has
been responsible for attacks on
Indian Muslims, especially in the state of Gujarat.
8. It should also be remembered that Jews and Muslims were
also very early targets. See
Fredrickson (2015) and Mosse (1997).
Introduction • 17
9. The relation between race and caste is itself a worldwide
phenomenon. As Maitland
notes, B.R. Ambedkar, the founder of the Dalit movement, was
in touch in 1946
with W.E.B. Du Bois, whose treatment of caste is extensive. For
example, in Black
Reconstruction in America, Du Bois (1998 [1935], 30)
summarizes his book’s theme:
Then came this battle called Civil War, beginning in Kansas in
1854, and end-
ing in the presidential election of 1876—twenty awful years.
The slave went free;
stood a brief moment in the sun; then moved back again toward
slavery. The whole
weight of America was thrown to color caste. The colored world
went down before
England, France, Germany, Russia, Italy and America. A new
slavery arose. The
upward moving of white labor was betrayed into wars for profit
based on color
caste. Democracy died save in the hearts of black folk.

See also Cox (1948). On Ambedkar, see Viswanathan (1998).
10. The term “homonationalism” was presented by Jasbir Puar
(2007). It refers to the ways in
which liberal politics incorporate certain queer subjects into the
nation-state, notably by
means of the legal recognition of LBGT rights, such as the right
to marry and to serve in
the armed forces. Puar argues that this incorporation has
hegemonic dimensions, vindicat-
ing Western power structures and imperial projects. She also
points to homonationalism’s
orientalism: its assumptions about Muslims as uniformly
homophobic and its association
of terrorism with this linkage. Similar racist tropes can be found
in US and other imperial
associations of Muslims and misogyny. Various LGBT and
feminist groups have adopted
these linkages, thereby associating themselves with the US wars
in Iraq and Afghanistan for
example, or with the “war on terror” in Europe and the US. See
also Reddy (2011).
11. As examples, consider the operation of racial/ethnic
boundaries in South America, South
Asia, and Israel-Palestine. On ethnic boundaries, see Barth 1998
[1969].
12. Consider Dr. King’s linkage of the black movement with the
Greek concept of agape—all-
embracing love—as one kind of affective repudiation of
otherness. Anti-racist national-
isms, such as the national liberation movements embraced by
Fanon, Cabral, and others,
appear from this standpoint as a refiguration or rearticulation of

racist “othering,” an
affective racial “belonging” (King 1957; Fanon 1966; Cabral;
1973). On “othering and
belonging” see powell (sic) and Menendian (2016).
13. No categorization of postcolonial thinkers can be fully
accurate, much less complete. There
are two additional examples of important work in this area.
Achille Mbembe (2001) should
be included here but does not fit neatly into the various currents
listed. His approach to
precarity and repression in Africa is clearly linked to
postcolonial thought, as the very
title of his best-known work suggests. But his concerns invoke
thinkers such as Giorgio
Agamben (2005), who addresses the “state of exception” and the
denial of social and politi-
cal rights in postcolonial regimes. Ananya Roy (Roy et al.
2016) is an urban planner who
has written on India, but she is not a subalternity theorist;
rather, she focuses on poverty,
precarity, austerity, and neoliberalism in the global South—and
explores decoloniality. In
our view, both Mbembe and Roy are postcolonial theorists and
both are attentive to racism
in the periphery and semiperiphery of today’s world-system
(Wallerstein 2011).
14. This perspective embodies an occidentalist perspective of its
own, which its advocates
only sometimes realize. In terms of race, such decolonial
theorists as Mignolo insist that
Western colonization, notably in the Americas, was key to the
production of racial catego-
ries that continue and are reworked in the current racial order.

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PART I
Empire
Concepts of Inequality_UN report.pdf
Inequality—the state of not being equal, especially in status,
rights, and opportunities1—is a concept very much at the heart
of social justice theories. However, it is prone to confusion in
public debate as it tends to mean different things to different
people. Some distinctions are common though. Many authors
distinguish “economic inequality”, mostly meaning “income
inequality”, “monetary inequality” or, more broadly, inequality

in “living conditions”. Others further distinguish a rights-based,
legalistic approach to inequality—inequality of rights and asso-
ciated obligations (e.g. when people are not equal before the
law,
or when people have unequal political power).
Concerning economic inequality, much of the discussion has
boiled down to two views. One is chiefly concerned with the
inequality of outcomes in the material dimensions of well-being
and that may be the result of circumstances beyond one’s
control
(ethnicity, family background, gender, and so on) as well as
talent
and effort. This view takes an ex-post or achievement-oriented
perspective. The second view is concerned with the inequality
of
opportunities, that is, it focuses only in the circumstances
beyond
one’s control, that affect one’s potential outcomes. This is an
ex-
ante or potential achievement perspective.
Inequality of outcomes
Inequality of outcomes occurs when individuals do not possess
the same level of material wealth or overall living economic

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