The governability of a country is only achieved when the government has a parliamentary majority to implement its policies and has the support of the vast majority of the population and the various social classes. Dilma Rousseff government seems no longer have the necessary conditions to rule Brazil, not only because they do not have the support of the parliamentary majority in Congress, but also because no longer have the nation's most support that enabled her win the last presidential elections.

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THE UNGOVERNED BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
The governability of a country is only achieved when the government has a
parliamentary majority to implement its policies and has the support of the vast majority
of the population and the various social classes. The defeats of Dilma Rousseff
government in the succession of the House of Representatives which elected Eduardo
Cunha, disaffection of the president, the approval by the Senate of the proposed
amendment of to the Constitution that prevented the current president to appoint four
new members of the Supreme Court until 2018 and the PMDB recent TV show that
made no reference to the supreme nation's mandatory demonstrate that it will have great
difficulty to meet the parliamentary majority required to approve the government
projects. The fragile support the government Dilma Rousseff has in Congress may
disappear depending on the strength of popular anti-government demonstration that will
take place throughout the country on March 15.
Dilma Rousseff government seems no longer have the necessary conditions to rule
Brazil, not only because they do not have the support of the parliamentary majority in
Congress, but also because no longer have the nation's most support that enabled her
win the last presidential elections. According to Datafolha poll released on February 7,
2015, the index of voters who rated the government Dilma Rousseff as "excellent" or
"good" was only 23%. 46% of voters heard by the institute told that Dilma lied during
the election campaign last year. The Datafolha survey also shows that 47% of Brazilians
consider Rousseff dishonest, 54% consider her false and 50% undecided. 77% of
respondents believe that President Dilma Rousseff knew the corruption scheme in
Petrobras.
To be governability, the government needs to have a majority in Parliament for
approval of its legislative projects, must have credibility with the public and meet
especially the demands of different social classes to get the support of civil society that
are not also happening. Recently, the press has been reporting comments from people
with access to the PSDB leaders as well as members of the PT, hinting that there might
be a connection between the two political forces to ensure greater stability at a time of
crisis. Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) issued a statement on
Saturday (7/3), belying the information beyond stating he would not accept collusion
with the government in an attempt to save what should not be saved.
It should be noted that society is divided into holders and the not holders of the means
of production. In Brazil, the State, through its state-owned enterprises, and industrial,
commercial and financial bourgeoisie are holders of the means of production. The
bourgeoisie is made in Brazil by two groups: 1) great entrepreneurs of the productive
sector and businessmen linked to the financial sector, etc. having a quota for 9,000
inhabitants; and, 2) small and medium entrepreneurs whose quota is 5.7 million
inhabitants. The crisis affecting Brazil is currently already bringing huge losses to the
bourgeoisie due to the economic stagnation and the escalation of inflation. The
bourgeoisie would tend to oppose the Dilma Rousseff government due incompetence
demonstrated in the conduct of the national economy, the risk of loss of continuity of
the capital accumulation process and the threat of loss of their companies in the future.
Social classes not in possession of the means of production relate to the petty
bourgeoisie, the urban and rural proletariat and the lumpenproletariat that are classified

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as lower classes. The petty bourgeoisie is made up of the upper middle class (national
private companies executives, executives of multinational companies, senior
government bureaucrats and executives of state enterprises), traditional middle class
(civil servants and professional liberal) and intellectual (major office lawyers, university
professors, academics, journalists, artists, filmmakers, etc.) whose quota is 108 million
inhabitants. The urban and rural proletariat are industrial workers, agricultural, trade and
services totaling 46 million people in Brazil and the lumpenproletariat, also called
"common people", consists of 40.3 million people.
It should be noted that the petty bourgeoisie concerns to the middle class or urban
middle classes. The petty bourgeoisie tends to increase their opposition to the current
government because they will be affected greatly by unemployment as a result of the
Dilma Rousseff government's austerity policy and the loss of their purchasing power
due to the escalation of inflation. The proletariat is one that has no means of life except
its workforce. The unemployment resulting from the stagnation of the Brazilian
economy and the loss of purchasing power of the proletariat because of inflation
escalation will cause the Dilma Rousseff government miss its support irrespective of
position of the unions subordinated to the government.
The lumpenproletariat which is the portion of the population socially situated below the
proletariat formed by miserable fractions, not only devoid of economic resources, but
also devoid of political consciousness and of class, therefore, likely to serve the interests
of the bourgeoisie and the political patronage party is the last bastion of support of
Dilma Rousseff government. The lumpenproletariat, also called "common people,"
social base of the PT governments, would tend to support the government because
Rousseff will continue to be benefited with the social programs of income transfer
"Bolsa Familia" and "My House, My Life".
Finally, we must make it clear that, at the current stage of development of capitalism in
Brazil, governability is only ensured if its rulers ensure the continuity of the process of
capitalist accumulation for the benefit of the bourgeoisie and there is growing
redistribution of income in favor of subalterns classes (petty bourgeoisie, urban and
rural proletariat and lumpenproletariat). For these reasons, the ungovernability, which is
the domain of the disorder, is inevitable in government Dilma Rousseff because she will
not be able to ensure the continuity of the process of capitalist accumulation and
redistribution of income in favor of the subalterns classes.
According to Antonio Gramsci, Italian philosopher, the state does not only present as a
political-military apparatus by which the ruling class (the bourgeoisie) is organizing the
coercion of the other social classes. To ensure good governability; the State must win
the support of the ruling classes and also of the lower social classes through persuasion,
the conquest [GRAMSCI Antonio Escritos Políticos (Political Writings). Rio de
Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2004]. Dilma Rousseff government not exercises
governability because it is losing the support of the ruling classes and most of the lower
social classes. It is configured in this way, the divorce between the state and civil
society.
The Brazilian people are faced with two options: 1) to keep Dilma Rousseff, the PT and
its allies in power respecting the Constitution and, therefore, accept that the country
continues ungovernable and to be led to the bankruptcy; and, 2) to seek the resignation
of Dilma Rousseff and Michel Temer and form an interim government of national unity
that would be mandated to convene a Constituent Assembly to reform the State and

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Public Administration in Brazil and hold new elections. Option 1 would tend to evolve
from time to increase social tensions that could become uncontrollable by the Rousseff
government and hence result in intervention of the armed forces to maintain social and
political order of unpredictable consequences. Certainly, option 2 is better than option 1
because social tensions could be alleviated with the prospect of political-institutional
reorganization and the establishment of new economic and social directions for Brazil.
*Fernando Alcoforado , member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011)
and Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012),
among others.