My presentation for a roundtable discussion at GWU in March 2013. For more details, see my paper of the same name in Russian Analytical Digest: http://www.css.ethz.ch/publications/DetailansichtPubDB_EN?rec_id=2462
2. Negotiated, limited Regime change and
reform, influencing the complete recreation of
authorities the state
Gradual change Revolutionary change
Talks and seeking Open conflict, public
compromise protests, maximizing
pressure
Moderates Radicals
3. Both negotiations and open conflict require a
strong movement
Neither strategy can be effective in the short run
Window of opportunity for negotiations closed by
March 2012
4. Split in the ruling elites, most importantly the
police force and the army, is a necessary
precondition for a peaceful political change
Confrontation is not only emotional, but also
rational
Serbian and Ukrainian experience: “victims of the
regime”
No coherent approach to regime defectors
Defectors should be judged on a case-by-case
basis
5. Russian protest movement is remarkably non-
violent
Internal crisis activates violent elements of the
movement
Public opinion is ambivalent about political
violence (see Primorye Guerillas)
May 6: succumbing to a provocation harmed the
movement, opened way to government crackdown
6. Movement was chaotic and spontaneous from the
beginning
Void was filled by self-appointed Organizing
Committee and other similar structures
Lack of legitimate leadership undermined attempts
of negotiations and impeded coordination
Election of Coordinating Council in October 2012
opened new page
CC still has a long way to go to prove its
effectiveness
7. Concise message vs. broad public appeal
Bringing in economic and social welfare issues
may be risky
Scope of demands: from bicycle lanes to “Russia
without Putin”
Too humble demands may be as damaging as too
radical
It may be easier to radicalize masses than to de-
marginalize a radical movement
8. Apathy and pessimism are major obstacles to
public participation
Identifying, publicizing, and celebrating even small
achievements can raise morale and people’s
interest in activism
Preventing ungrounded euphoria and elevated
expectations just as important as fighting
pessimism
9. Moscow has been the ground zero of protests
78% of CC members are from Moscow
Moscow has 12% of voters, 22% of GDP, most federal
institutions
If Russia voted like Moscow in 2012, there would be 2 nd
round
“Sorties” to Astrakhan, Gagarin, etc. had mixed results
Long-term capacity building and support is required for
sustainable development of civil society in “the regions”