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Oleg Kozlovsky
Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies
                       George Washington University
   Negotiated, limited          Regime change and
    reform, influencing the       complete recreation of
    authorities                   the state
   Gradual change               Revolutionary change
   Talks and seeking            Open conflict, public
    compromise                    protests, maximizing
                                  pressure




          Moderates                      Radicals
 Both negotiations and open conflict require a
  strong movement
 Neither strategy can be effective in the short run
 Window of opportunity for negotiations closed by

  March 2012
 Split in the ruling elites, most importantly the
  police force and the army, is a necessary
  precondition for a peaceful political change
 Confrontation is not only emotional, but also

  rational
 Serbian and Ukrainian experience: “victims of the

  regime”
 No coherent approach to regime defectors
 Defectors should be judged on a case-by-case

  basis
 Russian protest movement is remarkably non-
  violent
 Internal crisis activates violent elements of the

  movement
 Public opinion is ambivalent about political

  violence (see Primorye Guerillas)
 May 6: succumbing to a provocation harmed the

  movement, opened way to government crackdown
 Movement was chaotic and spontaneous from the
  beginning
 Void was filled by self-appointed Organizing

  Committee and other similar structures
 Lack of legitimate leadership undermined attempts

  of negotiations and impeded coordination
 Election of Coordinating Council in October 2012

  opened new page
 CC still has a long way to go to prove its

  effectiveness
 Concise message vs. broad public appeal
 Bringing in economic and social welfare issues

  may be risky
 Scope of demands: from bicycle lanes to “Russia

  without Putin”
 Too humble demands may be as damaging as too

  radical
 It may be easier to radicalize masses than to de-

  marginalize a radical movement
 Apathy and pessimism are major obstacles to
  public participation
 Identifying, publicizing, and celebrating even small

  achievements can raise morale and people’s
  interest in activism
 Preventing ungrounded euphoria and elevated

  expectations just as important as fighting
  pessimism
   Moscow has been the ground zero of protests
   78% of CC members are from Moscow
   Moscow has 12% of voters, 22% of GDP, most federal
    institutions
   If Russia voted like Moscow in 2012, there would be 2 nd
    round
   “Sorties” to Astrakhan, Gagarin, etc. had mixed results
   Long-term capacity building and support is required for
    sustainable development of civil society in “the regions”
oleg@kozlovsky.ru
facebook.com/kozlovsky
twitter.com/kozlovsky_en

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Seven Challenges of the Russian Protest Movement

  • 1. Oleg Kozlovsky Institute for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies George Washington University
  • 2. Negotiated, limited  Regime change and reform, influencing the complete recreation of authorities the state  Gradual change  Revolutionary change  Talks and seeking  Open conflict, public compromise protests, maximizing pressure Moderates Radicals
  • 3.  Both negotiations and open conflict require a strong movement  Neither strategy can be effective in the short run  Window of opportunity for negotiations closed by March 2012
  • 4.  Split in the ruling elites, most importantly the police force and the army, is a necessary precondition for a peaceful political change  Confrontation is not only emotional, but also rational  Serbian and Ukrainian experience: “victims of the regime”  No coherent approach to regime defectors  Defectors should be judged on a case-by-case basis
  • 5.  Russian protest movement is remarkably non- violent  Internal crisis activates violent elements of the movement  Public opinion is ambivalent about political violence (see Primorye Guerillas)  May 6: succumbing to a provocation harmed the movement, opened way to government crackdown
  • 6.  Movement was chaotic and spontaneous from the beginning  Void was filled by self-appointed Organizing Committee and other similar structures  Lack of legitimate leadership undermined attempts of negotiations and impeded coordination  Election of Coordinating Council in October 2012 opened new page  CC still has a long way to go to prove its effectiveness
  • 7.  Concise message vs. broad public appeal  Bringing in economic and social welfare issues may be risky  Scope of demands: from bicycle lanes to “Russia without Putin”  Too humble demands may be as damaging as too radical  It may be easier to radicalize masses than to de- marginalize a radical movement
  • 8.  Apathy and pessimism are major obstacles to public participation  Identifying, publicizing, and celebrating even small achievements can raise morale and people’s interest in activism  Preventing ungrounded euphoria and elevated expectations just as important as fighting pessimism
  • 9. Moscow has been the ground zero of protests  78% of CC members are from Moscow  Moscow has 12% of voters, 22% of GDP, most federal institutions  If Russia voted like Moscow in 2012, there would be 2 nd round  “Sorties” to Astrakhan, Gagarin, etc. had mixed results  Long-term capacity building and support is required for sustainable development of civil society in “the regions”