Idiosynchratic constructions in English and Spanish

Intimate and Impersonal:
Idiosyncratic
Constructions in English
and Spanish
Romina Marazzato Sparano
Juan Stamboni

1)Se dice de mi que soy chueca… y se fijan si voy…
>*It is said of me that I’m crooked… and fixed if I go…
2) A mí se me hace cuento que empezó Buenos
Aires.
>*My story is that I started Buenos Aires.
3) Y así lleva ya tiempo, que no me come nada.
>! So it is consuming and I do not eat anything.

4)Se le apareció en el camarín (con un ramo de
flores).
>! He appeared in the dressing room.
5)Se busca a las más sensibleras (de las letras).
>*It is looking for the most maudlin.
6)Se buscan sonidos puros y se cuidan más las
letras.
>*Pure sounds are sought and more caring letters.

Se Habla Español,
¡pero no se escribe!

1)The actress danced through the audience
into the stage.
>*La actriz bailó a través de la audiencia en la etapa.
2)He hammered the metal flat.
>*Golpeó la plana del metal.

3)He walked the carpet thin
(while waiting for news)
>*El caminó por la alfombra fina.
4)The gardener was so distracted,
he watered my flowers dead.
>*El jardinero estaba tan distraído ese día, el regado
mis flores muertas.

Our analysis of verb typology
and clitic case alternation
derived from generative grammar
and cognitive semantics
and applied to concrete situations
aims at bridging the gap between purely casuistic
and highly abstract explanations
to help both speakers and professionals.

BUILDING BLOCKS
Generative Grammar
Cognitive Linguistics

Using X-bar Trees
1) XP is the phrase
2) X’ is the intermediary projection
3) X is the head of the phrase
4) ZP is the specifier (daughter of XP)
5) WP is the complement (sister to X)
6) YPs are adjuncts (daughters of X’)
X’
XP
ZP
YP
X’
X
X’
WP
YP

Schemas can get
pretty complicated…
incorporation
movement
government
M-command
C-command
binding
conflation
headedness
trace
pro
functional category
lexical category
copy
…we will only use some concepts.

Cogntive Tenet
Semantic construals are not mental models
corresponding to an objective reality
But rather schemas of the idealizations
or abstractions by which
reality is understood

Se cayó.
>He fell down.
Se tropezó con
el cable.
>He tripped
with the wire.
Lo empujaron.
>Someone pushed him.

Case Grammar
1) Francisco trajo consigo una nueva
esperanza al mundo.
• Predicate extraction
• Argument quantification (meaningful n-grams)
• Case assignment
ACCUSATIVE
DATIVE
OBLIQUENOMINATIVE

Case as Semantic Role
TRAER
Francisco > agent
una nueva esperanza > theme
al mundo > location
consigo > instrument

Semantic Roles
• In modern languages
> Semantic roles ≠ Case Markers
• Theme as Hypercase
=Thematic Relations = θ-Roles
• Thematic Grid or Case Frame
1. Maddie sold the car to Albert.
Sell + [____ A, (B), O]

S Role Description Example
A Agent Instigator of the
event
John broke the
window.
I Instrument Involuntary cause for
the event.
The wind broke the
window.
Th Theme Entity affected
(existing, created,
modified)
John broke the glass.
Hanna built the house.
Josh read the book.
E Experiencer Entity perceiving
(physically/psycholog
ically)
Tim likes ice cream1
Jenna told Anne the
story.

S Role Description Example
L Locative Spatial orientation The ship went to Africa.
S Source Starting point or
origin
He walked from the
house,
P Path Transition point,
physical/figurative
…down the hill, through
the pasture…
G Goal End point,
physical/figurative
…to the chapel.
B Benef. Possessor, recipient
or donor
Jack bribed the official.

Verb Valence
• # arguments controlled by a verb
LLEGAR [__+Theme (Location)]
> Monadic & Diadic?
COLOCAR [__+(Agent),Theme, (Loc)]
> Monadic, Diadic,Triadic?
rather
• # arguments involved in an event

Argument Variation
*Romper [(A) (I) O]
1) (pro) Rompió a llover.
2) Se rompió el parabrisas del auto.
3) El vidrio se rompió con la fuerza del agua.
4) Fue roto el acuerdo entre España y Portugal.
5) Adrián rompió la ventana con una piedra.
6) Mecha le rompió la bicicleta a mi hermano.

Localist Hypothesis
• Spatial expressions are
semantic basics
• Spatial relation
> analogate for non-spatial relations
Tomar
Tomar
conocimiento

Event Construal & θ-Roles
Semantic roles are concomitantly selected with the
verb in the process of construction of the based on
• the nature of the event
• the point of view of the speaker.
> Case marking (obscured)
is instantiated in this process.

Event Structure Templates
1. State [x <STATE>]  be
2. Activity [x ACT <manner>]  do / make
3. Achievement [BECOME [x <STATE>]
 become
4. Accomplishment [[x ACT [BECOME
[y<STATE>]]]
 cause to become

Event Semantics & Structure
Templates
1. State: no subevents
 know / love
2. Activity: Initiate subev. E1 & External Argum.
 walk / knock
3. Achievement:Transition subev. E2 & Internal Arg
 realize / recognise
4. Accomplishment: E1 + E2, Ext. & Int. Arg.
 drown / paint a picture

Verb- & Satellite-Frame
Languages
Cognitive Semantics:
languages differ in terms of the
lexicalization of conceptual aspects of the event
> How the different parts of the state / activity /
achievement / accomplishment are expressed

Manner Path Source / Goal
SATELLITE
FRAME
English
MainVerb
GO
Satellite
OUT
Prep Phrase
of the room
VERB
FRAME
Spanish
Adjunct
corriendo
MainVerb
SALIR
Prep Phrase
de la
habitación
 Major implications for translation!!!

Manner Conflation
One’s way Construction
1) He moaned his way out of the meeting.
Resultative Construction
2) He wiped the table clean.
Time-away Construction
3) She danced the night away.
More on this later!!!

Types of Predication
• Traditional classification of verbs:
Transitive – Intransitive
• Generative classification of predications as
morphosyntactic realizations of semantic
constructs:
1-UNERGATIVE 2-UNACCUSATIVE
3-[DI]TRANSITIVE

Transitive Intransitive
Mono
AGENT θ
> Subject
THEME θ
> DO
Ditransitive
AGENT θ
> Subject
THEME θ
> DO
LOCATION θ
> IO
Unaccusative
THEME θ
> Subject
(BE aux in many
languages)
Unergative
AGENT θ
> Subject
(HAVE aux)
Kevin drank the
beer.
Laura gave me back
the books.
The guests arrived. The audience
applauded.

OBJ
V
V
VP
SUB
V
V
VP
SUB
OBJ
V
V
VP
Basic Renditions
Unergatives
Unaccusatives
Transitives

Provisional
Derivations
… for later
Causal Rel/
Origin
vP
v’
VP
María
correr
v
corre
P
P’
Spatial Rel
VP
PP
V
V
María
nacida
√nac
root
nacer
Transitional Rel
DP
v
v
nació
UNERGATIVE
UNACCUSATIVE

Unergatives
Describe activities of movement, emission, and
admission performed by an Agent.
WALK / CAMINAR
SHOUT / GRITAR
DRINK / BEBER

1) Ana sonríe.
>Ana smiles.
2) Pedro trota todos los días.
>Pedro joggs every day.
3) Antonio toma mucho.
>Antonio drinks a lot.
Unergative Examples

dance, cough, yell…
> incorporation of a noun head (N)
into the verbal head (V)
of a verb phrase (VP)
with a light verb “do”
V
V
VP
N
N
NP
√sonrisa
Spec
Ana
[do]
sonríe
Unergatives as Denominals

Unergative Quirks
Spanish: dative clitic of orientation, possession, or
benefaction (more on this later!)
1) La novia le sonrió durante toda la velada.
>The bride smiled at him all night.
2) Esta vez, los niños les cantaron a los padres.
>This time, the children sang to their parents.
3) El pibe le comió sin chistar.
>The boy ate for her without a peep.
Prep. Phrases

Unaccusatives
Describe spatial relations, either concrete or
figurative from which an agent is absent.
• Event description focuses on theTHEME
(subject).
• Thematic grid includes a LOCATION
(explicit or understood)
LLEGAR
PARTIR

1) Martín salió (de la casa).
>Martín went out.
2) El avión aterrizó en horario.
>The plane landed on time.
3) Los estudiantes fueron a la biblioteca.
>The students went to the library.
4) Hay dos gatos arriba de la mesa.
*integral versus a standard interpretation
A)There are two men at the door. versus
B)There are 50 states in the US.
Unaccusative Constructions

DP
V
V
VP
the icemelt
DP
V
V
VP
the icemelt
DP
Unaccusative Structure

Many Romance languages use BE auxiliary
1) Siamo usciti un po’ delusi (dalla pizzeria francesa).
2) Elle est revenue vivre chez ses parents (après une
séparation).
> English and Spanish used to select have/haber and
be/estar in this way, but have lost it.
Unaccusative Auxiliaries

Incorporation
Spanish (verb frame)
1) Incorporation of directional feature (prep) of
movement into phonological matrix of the verb
2) Include directional traits associated with
prepositions
salir / entrar / avanzar / retroceder
>> (a)fuera / (a)dentro / adelante / atrás…

Manner Conflation
English (satellite-frame)
1) Directionality expressed by a satellite:
PhrasalVerbs: go out / come in / get down /
2) Verb is freed for Manner Conflation (from
unergatives)
walk out / barge in / ski down

(Di)Transitives
• Describe a spatial-transitional event w/ 1-2
internal argument(s) & an external agent.
• Three groups:
(1) locative
(2) transmissive
(3) communicative

DP
V
V
VP
the icemelt
V
V
VP
DP
Bill
[do]
Transitive Derivation
v
v
vP
DP
V
V
VP
the icemelt
DP
Bill
melted
v
v
vP
DP
V
V
VP
the
sandwich
eat
DP
Bill
ate

Provisional
Derivations
Causal Rel/
Origin
vP
v’
VP
María
correr
v
corre
P
P’
Spatial Rel
VP
PP
V
V
María
nacida
√nac
root
nacer
Transitional Rel
DP
v
v
nació
UNERGATIVE
UNACCUSATIVE

escrito
v
v
vP
PP
V
V
VP
DP
María
NP
√escrit
rootP
un libro
escribir
escribió
Transitional Rel
Causal Rel/
Origin
Spatial Rel
TRANSITIVE

TR1: Locatives
• Describe a spatial transition
• An event argument is incorporated into the verb.
> root √ inc. from spatial complement to verbal head
Shelve
the books
Saddle
the horse

Locatives
1) Location: incorporated argument bears
LOCATION/GOAL theta-role > TERMINAL COINCIDENCE.
AGENT causeTHEME be in LOCATION (inc.) >
enjaular
Hayle & Kayser PUT book ON shelf Shelve
the books

Location
TERMINAL COINCIDENCE
AGENT causeTHEME be
in LOCATION (inc.)
embotellado
v
v
vP
PP
V
V
VP
DP
El enólogo
Spec
√botella
P’el vino
embotellar
embotelló
Causal Rel
Transitional Rel
Spatial Rel
NP[IN]

Locatives
2. Locatum: incorporated argument bearsTHEME
theta-role > CENTRAL COINCIDENCE.
AGENT causeTHEME (inc.) to be with GOAL >
ensillar
H&K PROVIDE horseWITH saddle
Saddle
the horse

Locatum
CENTRAL COINCIDENCE
AGENT causeTHEME (inc.)
to be with GOAL
ensillado
v
v
vP
PP
V
V
VP
DP
El gaucho
Spec
√silla
P’
el caballo
ensillar
ensilló
Causal Rel
Transitional Rel
Spatial Rel
NP[WITH]
DP

Examples
1) El chef enharinó las chuletitas con puré disecado.
>The chef coated the chops with potato flakes.
2) La abuela almacenó los víveres.
>Grandma ?stored / put away the groceries.
3) La diseñadora enmarcó los cuadros.
> location or locatum?

Location/Locatum
1) El peón cargó el camión de/con arena.
[ambiguity of “de”]
>The worker loaded the truck with sand. [LOCATUM]
2) El peón cargó arena en el camión.
>The worker loaded sand on the truck. [LOCATION]

English > greater # abundance of alternating verbs
>Verbs of manner (with conflation)
rather than verbs of result (with incorporation),
are prone to locative alternation.
1) Mary swept the floor before mopping it.
>María barrió el piso antes de trapearlo.
2) Mary swept the crumbs away.
>María barrió todas las migas.
Location/Locatum

English Resultatives
• Manner conflation allows complex resultatives
• ≠ lexical accomplishment verbs
> BOTH activity & result state specified (verb & res. phrase)
1) The thief rubbed his prints off the door handle.
> El ladrón frotó el picaporte y borró sus huellas.
2) Mary wiped the table clean.
>Mary limpió la mesa con un trapo.

Spanish Loc. Alternation
Spanish uses a DATIVE clitic with a locative
(SOURCE/GOAL) meaning to achieve alternation
1) El mozo nos sacó/quitó los cubiertos. [COINC.
TERMINAL]
>The waiter took the silverware from us.
2) El mozo le sacó/quitó el mantel a la mesa. [COINC.
CENTRAL]
>The waiter took the silverware off the table.

Alternating Coincidence Ex.
1) La presidente envió el discurso a los gobernadores.
[TERMINAL COINC.>LOCATION]
>The President sent the speech to the governors.
2) La presidente les envió el discurso a los
gobernadores. [CENTRAL COINC.>LOCATUM]
>The President sent the governors the speech.

TR2-3: Transmissives &
Communicatives
1) Maria abrió la puerta.
>Mary opened the door.
2) Conseguí entradas para Romeo y Julieta.
>I got tickets to Romeo and Juliet.
3) El verdugo murmuró su nombre.
>The executioner whispered his name.

Verbal Alternations
Because event construals vary!!!
•Unergative <>Transitive
•Unaccusative <>Transitive
•Monotransitive <> Ditransitive

Unergative / Transitive 1
Cognate Object
1) El chico vomitó.
>The boy threw up.
2) El chico vomitó el arroz.
>The boy threw up the rice.
• Object expresses a quantification or specification of the
nominal verbal root
• Doubling of the root > COGNATE OBJECT.
phonological cognate > smile a beautiful smile
semantic cognate or hyponym > dance a beautiful tango

Locatum Constructions
• Constructions similar to “ensillar el caballo”
• The root originally associated to an unergative verb is
incorporated into a ditransitive locatum construct.
1) El paciente vomitó la alfombra.
>The patient vomited (on) the carpet.
2) El chiquito orinaba la tabla del inodoro cada vez que
tenía que ir al baño.
>The boy peed the toilet seat every time he had to go.

1) El gimnasta entrena todos los días.
>The gymnast trains every day.
2) El padre entrena al hijo para que no lo dejen de
suplente.
>The dad trains the boy so he won’t sea ton the
bench.
Unergative w/ External Agent

• Unergative event is causitivized, adding an external
instigator of the event.
• In generative terms > use of two agentive constructs,
where the higher one projects the external argument
(initiator of the subordinate event) and the
embedded one projects the unergative agent (the
internal cause).

More frequent in English than in Spanish
1) The bell rang.
>Sonó el timbre.
2) Paul rang the bell.
> Paul hizo sonar el timbre.
3) The baby burped.
>El bebé erutó.
4) The mom burped the baby.
>La mama hizo erutar al bebé.
Spanish uses
the light verb
“hacer”

Unerg. & Manner Conflation
• Satellite frame languages block the incorporation of
directional features (already in the satellite)… BUT
• Free the verb for including features such as
instrument or manner in the verbal eventive node.
> Productivity of resultative constructions and path of
motion in English, both in their uncaused (uncaused) and
ditransitive ( caused).
1)

Contrasted Behavior
1) Chris walks a lot while she’s on holiday. [UNERG]
>Chris camina mucho cuando está de vacaciones.
2) They walked off into the rain. [UNACC. w/CONFL.]
>Salieron caminando bajo la lluvia.
3) He walked off his rage. [TRANS. w/CONFL.]
>Se sacó la bronca caminando.
Prep. Verb VS. Manner Adjunct in translation

Contrasted Behavior
1) Caleb walked the dog up the avenue, past the
hospital, into the park. [DITR. LOC. w/CONFL.]
>Caleb hizo caminar al perro por la avenida hasta el
parque después del hospital.
2) My brother has walked the waiting room floor
thin. [RESULT. w/CONFL.]
> Mi hermano se paseó tanto por la sala de espera
que dejó un caminito por el piso.

• Often element following the verb bears no semantic
relation to the verb > not an argument
• BUT the verb assigns exceptional accusative case
(exception case marking -nECM).
1) I walked my dog tired. > I walked her tired.
>La hice cansar a la perra con una larga caminata.
>La hice caminar a la perra hasta cansarla.

Transitive/Unaccusative 1
Static Unacc. of Spatial
Config. w/ External Cause
• Verb root expressing spatial configuration ofTHEME
1) Los frutos cuelgan de los árboles.
>Fruits hang from the trees.
2) Mi marido colgó el cuadro torcido.
>My husband hung the picture crooked.

Spatial Config. w/ External Cause
• Transitive event has a conceptual “put” in the
agentive node of the structure
> the spatial configuration of the theme is conflated
as change of location
1) El restaurante abrió el año pasado.
>The restaurant opened last year.
2) Ignacio abrió un restaurante hace poco.
>Ignacio opened the restaurant just a while ago.

Trans./Unacc. 2
Ergativized Transitive Vb
1) Gladys lavó toda la ropa con agua fría.
>Gladys washed all the clothes in cold water.
2) El algodón se lava mejor con agua caliente.
>Cotton washes better in hot water.

Ergativized: Middle
Construction
• Middle Construction: Transitive construal lacking an
agentive projection, where the theme moves to a
specifier position.
• It can be argued Spanish reflexives belong to this
type, in which agent and theme are merged into one

Ergativized: Middle
1) Pedro vende sus cuadros en un local de Once.
>Pedro sells his paintings at a store in Once.
2) Su libro se vende muy bien.
>The books sells very well.
3) Acercó la radio para escuchar las noticias.
>He brought the radio closer to listen to the news.
4) Se acercan las vacaciones de invierno.
>Winter break is coming.

Monotransitive/Ditransitive
1) Cociné. [UNERG.]
> I cooked.
2) Cociné a torta. [MONOTR.]
>I baked a cake.
3) Le [PRO] cociné una torta a mi hijo y la decoré con
grana. [DITR.]
>I baked a cake for my son and decorated it with
sprinkles.

Monotransitive / Ditransitive
1) Leo todas las noches antes de dormir. [UNERG]
>I read every night before bed.
2) Estoy leyendo una novela de suspenso.
>I am reading a thriller. [MONOTR]
3) Les leí un cuento a mis sobrinos para que se
durmieran temprano. [DITRANSITIVA]
>I read a story to my nephews so they would go to
sleep early.

CLITICS
• Ambivalent status b/ free morpheme
(word/conceptual) & linked morpheme
(affix/agreement features)
> complex morpho-syntactic behavior
• Lexical & Procedural elements: GG >
maximal projections & functional heads
>> Case alternation related to Semantic Roles

Deixis
• Deictic > reference is contextual
• Anaphoric > contextual and cotextual
-endophoric: anaphora or cataphora
-exophoric: outside the text/discourse
• Decitic 1st and 2nd PERS (speaker, listener)
> ACC/DAT me|te|se-lo-la-le|nos|os|se-los-las-les
>also non-argumental 3rd person can be deictic!!!

Position & Order
• The order depends on the type of operation
(incorporation, conflation...) that gives rise to the
relational-semantic construct & determines insertion
in terms of scope
1) No te me acerques. *No me te acerques
2) Me las trajeron esta mañana. *Las me trajeron…

Position & Order
• Ditransitive constructions: DAT + ACC
• Ergative constructions: ACC + DAT
1) Enrrollo la ropa para evitar que se me arrugue.
[ERG]
2) El novio tomó la copa del padrino y se la dió a la
novia. [DITR]

Position & Order
Alomoprh SE
1) Compró rosas para Julia, pero no se las dio.
[ALLOMPRPH se*]
> He bought roses for Julia, but he did not give them to her.
2) ¡Dáselas! >Give them to her!
* In ditransitive constructions, dative “le(s)” is lexicalized
as “se” when the accusative marked argument is also
lexicalized pronominally.

Clitic Stacking Quirks
• Allomorph use of “se” to avoid leloic cacophinism
causes “selosismo” and “selasismo.”
• The plural gets displaced and materialized in adjecent
accusative
1) a-Joaquín le dio un libro a un alumno.
>> Se lo dio. [Allomoprh se]
b-Joaquín le regaló una novela a su hermana.
>> Se la regaló.

2) a-Joaquín le dio varios libros al mismo alumno.
>> Se los dio.
b- Joaquín le regaló dos novelas a su hermana.
>> Se las regaló.
3) a-Joaquín les dió un libro a los alumnos.
>> Se los dio. [Displaced pl]
b-Joaquín les regaló una camioneta a sus hermanas.
>> Se las regaló. [Displaced pl]
4) a-Joaquín les dio varios libros a los alumnos.
>> Se los dio.
b-Joaquín les regaló dos novelas a sus hermanas.
>> Se las regaló.

Clitic Doubling
• Clitic doubling of nominal phrases is a major topic of
discussion!!!
• Dative clitics > functional heads of the verbal project.
Accusative clitics > determiners moving from inside an
argument position.
• NP doubling is always possible with dative clitic--
including Wh-sentences and Cleft sentences--while
not always with accusative clitics

Clitic Doubling
1) Claudia le compró un regalo a Julieta.
2) ¿No era a Daniela que le había comprado algo?
3) A Daniela, no la ve más.
4) ¿Y a quién le mandó la canasta de frutas?
5) *¿A quién lo viste ayer?

Clitic Climbing
• Relevant clitic behavior occurs in constructions where
clitics appear far from the verb which selects them as
arguments
1) Pedro había relatado [los hechos]i [a los miembros
del jurado]ii.
2) Pedro losi había relatado.
3) Pedro lesii había relatado los hechos.
4) Seii losi había relatado.

Clitic Climbing
• Clitics have a “local domain” which their lexical hosts
alsohave to govern
1) a.Vimos {[una locomotora]i embestir [varios
bueyes]h}.
b. *Vímoslai embestirlosh.
c. Lai vimos embestirlosh.

Clitic Climbing
• Climbing is possible through traditional auxiliary
verbs, but also through verbs which can be seen as
modal or aspectual auxiliaries.
1) Se la hubiera tratado de devolver.
2) Me lo tenías que decir.
3) Nos quisieron tratar de alcanzar.

Clitics & θ-Roles
• Spatial concepts--particular importance to event construal
• Spatial metaphoric lens: Localist ideas of case give the
notions of place and path a central role in language
productivity, its origins, and study.
• Degree of control lens: Another line of research has
emphasized the notion of agentivity, animacy,
affectedness, or degree of control over or by an action or in
an event.
>>We believe in taking into account both axes
>>Case marking is used to express a combination of features.

Clitics’ Semantic Features
1. Agreement features of the arguments they refer to:
number, gender, person.
2. Thematic features related to event construal
arguments (deep structure in Fillmore)
3. Idiosyncratic features of the arguments they refer
to: +/-volition, +/-animation, +/-humanity, etc.
4. Procedural features specific to certain constructions
(impersonal, ergative, middle, etc.).

Clitic as a Locus for
Regional Variation
Obscuring of case marking as clitics express features beyond
theta-role:
• Leismo: realization of +human (among others)
1)Unos niegan el hecho, otros le afirman.
• Loismo: realization of -human (Cantabria/Asturias)
2)La leche lo traen de las sierras.
• Loismo: contact with Quechua & Aimara
3)No lo conozco a sus hermanos

Dative Clitics
• Spanish dative clitics encode 3 distinct meanings
worth discussing before looking at case alternations
and “se” instatiations.
1. Location
2. Possession
3. Ethical

Location Dative
• Express SOURCE or GOAL location with ditransitive
and unaccusative verbs,
>> integral or possessive relation
• In terms of projection, there is a central coincidence
between theme and location.
1) Le puse el mantel blanco a la mesa.
>I set the table with the white tablecloth.

2) *Le puse el libro a la mesa.
>*I set the table with the white
3) Le llegó la carta después de 50 años. (a Claire)
>The letter reached her after all those years.
4) Le puso azúcar al café. [cf. Puso azúcar EN el
café]
>He put sugar in the coffee.
5) Lía se puso un sombrero tejano.
>Lía put on aTexan hat.

Possession Dative
• As in French and Italian, dative clitics can indicate
possession with ditransitive and unaccusative
constructions
• Establish a genitive relation with a co-referential NP
(noun phrase) interpreted as the possessor.
1) Le robaron el auto (a Juan).
>His/Her car was stolen.

2) Le tiembla la mano (a Pepe/Juana).
>His/Her hand shakes.
3) Se le llenaron los ojos de lágrimas (a Lía).
> Her eyes teared up.
4) Leo me quitó el reloj.
>Leo took my watch.

Reflexive as Possession
• Many verbs, traditionally called reflexive, use this
possessive version of the dative in their constructions.
• The reflexive construction (1) alternates with a
simple (di)transitive possessive use (2).
1) Recién me cepillé los dientes.
> I just brushed my his teeth.
2) Ya le cepillé los dientes (al nene).
> I already brushed his teeth.

2) ¡Se rompió el brazo!
> He broke his (own) arm.
3) Te rompió el brazo.
> He broke your arm.
4) Javier se/me cortó el pelo.*
> Javier cut his (own)/my hair.
5) Te cortaste le pelo en la peluquería para
impresionar a tus suegros.
>You had your hair cut by a stylist to impress your in-
laws.
*The CAUSAL
interpretation in the
reflexive occurs in all
persons. See 5)

Ethical Datives
• Expressive and emphatic element in colloquial registers >
interest of the speaker in the event
• High frequency of its occurrence with 1st / 2nd persons &
imperative and exclamative sentences.
1. Mataron a mi gatito ayer.
2. Me mataron a mi gatito ayer.
• Two categories: aspectual intensifiers & delimiters

• Seen as adjuncts, not arguments
>>Supported in part by the “innocuous” deletion from
the sentence (meaning & grammaticality remain)
• Are part of the thematic grid of the event
>> add argumental structure related to the
interlocutors
>> Are semantic roles also selected at discourse-level?
• In Enlgish, affected indirect participant go often
unexpressed or expressed through lexical devices
specific to the situation (aspectual delimiters)
Ethical Datives

Ethicals 1: Aspectual Intensifiers
1) Mariana se leyó la novela de un tirón.
>Mariana read the whole novel in one sitting.
• Emphasizes degree of personal involvement in the event
• It is co-referential with the subject
>> in principle lends a reflexive meaning
• However, the clitic cannot be doubled in these construction
• Requires a semantic threshold usually realized by a definite
object > exploitation as expressive device.

1) Julio se ha comido el pastel sin chistar. *(a sí
mismo).
> Julio ate up the pie without complaining.
2) ¿No te tomás una cervecita conmigo?
>Won’t you drink a beer with me?
3) Me dormí una siestita antes de volver a trabajar.
>I took a quite restful nap before going back to work
4) ¡(Ahora que sale con vos) Ezequiel se leyó una
novela! [Inference: Ezequiel usually does not read.]
>Ezequiel even read a whole a novel.

• Crosslinguistically, the intensifier behaves similarly to
the Italian intensifier and the Appalachian English
personal dative:
6) Mi sono bevuto una birra prima de uscire.
7) I drank me a German beer.

Ethicals 1: Aspectual Delimiters
1) A mi primo me lo llevaron preso ayer.
>They jailed my cousin ?on me yesterday.
• Do not have a co-referential subject > no reflexive tint
• Do not require a semantic threshold to modify
• Can co-occur with an argumental dative
• Sub-classified into benefactive and malefactive
> entity (usually volitional) positively or negatively
affected.

1) ¿Me le hacés la comida al nene mientras yo limpio?
>Would you cook the baby’s dinner for me while I
clean?
2) ¡Está tan flaquito, se vé que no te come nada!
>He is so skinny, it shows he is not eating for you.
3) ¿No le abrís la puerta a la abuela?
>Would you open the door for grandma?
4) ¡No nos cierres la puerta en la cara!
>Don’t shut the door on us!

1) Si no te vas de mi casa, te voy a llamar a la policía.
>I’ll call the police on you. [MALEFACTION]
2) Te llamo a los bomberos (para que te ayuden).
>I’ll call the fire department for you.
[BENEFACTION]
difference is often lexicalized in English with
“for + GOAL” for benefaction
“on + GOAL” for malefaction

BLURRING of Dative Meanings
• Distinction b/ possession, source/goal, ethical meaning
blurred
• Important to consider thematic grid at hand (i.e., the
context) to discern the meaning
• In our view, context is part of event construal &
factored into the construction that relates the event.
1) Me quitaron la peluca.
>They took my wig./They took the wig from me.
[POSS./SOURCE]

2) Se le rompieron las gafas esquiando.
>His glasses broke while he was skiing./The glasses
broke on him while skiing. [POSS./MALEFACTIVE]
3) Se me paró el coche (a mí) justo en la esquina.
>My car stalled on me just around the corner.
4) No te nos vayas ahora (en lo mejor de la charla).
>Don’t you leave us now (when it’s getting juicy).

Posession/Source/Ethical
1) A Pedro le robaron el auto de la cochera.
>They stole Pedro’s car from his garage.
2) A Pedro le robaron tu auto de la cochera.
>They stole your car from Pedro’s garage
3) A Pedro le robaron tu auto de mi cochera.
>They stole your car from my garage while Padro had it.

Instantiations of SE
• “Se” often seen as a valence-altering morpheme.
> Valence-reducing value: absorbs a thematic
argument (realizes it) or suspends it (marks its
deletion).
> Valence-adding value: can augment the agentivity
or transitivity of the construction by adding
participants to the construal

Valence-altering SE
1) Paola rompió el florero.
>Paola broke the vase.
2) El florero se rompió. [-AGENT]
>The vase broke.
3) Llegó el correo.
>The mail arrived.
4) Se llegó hasta la casa para devolverle el libro.[+AGENT]
>He went all the way to her house to return her book.

• Chameleon ability of SE due to phi-defective*
status
(minimal set of inherent features)
>>only bears 3rd person meaning
* Phi-features include number, person, etc.
Classification of pronouns (Dechaine &Wiltschko)
1. pro-DP > arguments
2. pro-ϕ > arguments or predicates
3. pro-NP > predicates

To complicate matters more…
• Present in both paradigmatic & non-
paradigmatic constructions
>3rd person of verb conjugation paradigms
>contexts with only 3rd person verbal forms.

Paradigmatic
a.Reflexive/Reciprocal La mujer se miraba (a sí misma) al espejo.
El niño ya se afeita la barba.
Los amantes se enviaban cartas secretas.
a.Ergative (Inchoative) Las ventanas se rompieron durante la
tormenta.
a.Causative No puede ir porque mañana se opera.
a.Antipassive Los alumnos siempre se quejan de las tareas.
a.Ethical El niño se le tomó toda la leche de la nevera.

Non-paradigmatic
a.Impersonal A vivir se aprende.
Se vende casa.
a.Passive Se reforzaron los puentes para prevenir
accidentes.
Se buscan secretarias bilingües.
a.Middle La ropa blanca se lava por separado.
El nuevo libro se vende muy bien.

Paradigmatic Uses
Reflexive / Reciprocal
Monotransitive in 3rd Person
• “Reflexive verbs” > transitive constructions where
“se” doubles the subject
1) Con agua fría no se baña.
>He won’t bathe (himself) in cold water.

• AGENT &THEME are co-referential
>> ergativization of the construction
>> clitic seen as DO, with ACCUSATIVE case
• Parallel non-reflexive use:
2) Voy a bañar al bebé.
>?I’m going to bathe the baby.

• Alternance: Estar parado / Parar algo / Pararse
3) Paró la escoba contra la ventana.
>He stood the broom against the window
4) Se paró para salir.
>He stood up to leave.
• This category includes monotransitive reciprocal
verbs.
5) Los novios se besaron dulcemente.
>The bride and groom kissed each other sweetly.

Ditransitive in 3rd Person
• Reflexive verbs which take a further specified object
• Transitive verbs with reflexive use
• Clitic is co-indexed with the subject
>> seen as IO that takes DATIVE case.
• The dative clitic takes on a clear possessive meaning
1) El hombre se afeita la barba con una navaja.
>The man shaves his beard with a knife.

• Parallel non-reflexive use where is co-indexed with the
explicit GOAL/RECIPIENT
> continues to have a possessive meaning
1) La mamá le peina el cabello a la niña.
>The mom combs the girl’s hair.
• With allomorph SE, singularTHEMES and plural GOALS >
selosismo and selasismo occurs
2) *La mama le lo peina. >> La mamá se lo peina.
3) La mamá les peina el cabello a las hijas. >> Se los peina.

• Used with transitive verbs in reflexive use
(Similar to unergatives with cognate object)
1) Marcela se escribió una carta (a sí misma) para leer en el
futuro.
>Marcela wrote herself a letter to read in the future.
• This category also includes reciprocal verb uses.
2) Los amantes se enviaron cartas durante toda la vida.
>The lovers sent each other letters throughout their lives.

Paradigmatic Ergative
• With alternating transitive verbs: use “se” in
apparently reflexive yet non-agentive way.
1) Los muchachos rompieron las ventanas.
>The boys broke the windows.
2) Las venatnas se rompieron.
>The windows broke.

• Clitic seen as absorbing external theta-role (agent) &
internal accusative case required by transitive verb.
• In our view, an aspectual tint of telicity is introduced
(completion of an action) emphasizing the
topicalization of theTHEME.
• In generative terms, “se” merges as head of AspP, and
in the absence of vP no external argument…

3) Los cañonazos hundieron el barco.
>The canon
4) El barco se hundió.
5) Vivo apagando las luces.
6) La computadora se apagó sola.
• A paradigmatic example:
3) Me desperté con el ruido de la calle.

Paradigmatic Causative
• Causative use of se is again an instance
where the clitc inserts argumental
structure in the form of a cause
1) Se depiló con láser.
>She had her hair removed with laser.

Paradigmatic Causative
1)Todavía no puede caminar, aunque se
operó con el mejor cirujano.
>Although he was operated on by the best
surgeon, he still can’t walk.
• A paradigmatic example would be:
2)Me voy a sacar los lunares del cuello.
> I’m going to have my neck moles removed.

• Seen as derived detransivitized constructions that
parallel passive constructions
>> Argument demotion takes place
-in passives: external argument (agent/subject)
-in antipassives: internal argument (theme/object)
Paradigmatic Antipassive

Paradigmatic Antipassive
• Seen as derived detransivitized constructions parallel
to passive constructions
>> Argument demotion takes place
-in passives: external argument (agent/subject)
-in antipassives: internal argument (theme/object)
• >> THEME of (di)transitive predication demoted to:
non-argument (deleted or left implicit)
non-core argument (expressed as an adjunct w/
oblique case).

1) Los hechos avergüenzan a Ben.
>> Lo avergüenzan.
>The facts make Ben ashamed.
>>The facts make him ashamed [ECM]
2) Ben se avergüenza (de su comportamiento).
>Ben is ashamed (by his behabior).
3) El gobierno no desviará la actual política económica.
>The administration will not disrupt the current
economic policy. [Eng >TR]
4) El gobierno no se desviará de la actual política
económica.
>The administration will not stray from the current
economic policy. [Eng > UNACC]

1) Confesó su ignorancia.
> He confessed his ignorance.
2) Se confesó (de sus pecados).
>He confessed (his sins).
3) La guía despidió a los excursionistas.
>The guide saw the tourists off.
4) La guía se despidió (de los excursionistas).
>The guide said goodbye to the tourists.

Active/Passive/Antipassive
Active
transitive AGENT subject verb THEME
unergative AGENT subject verb
unnacusative THEME subject verb
Passive
THEME subject verb oblique AGENT
Antipassive
AGENT subject verb obliqueTHEME

Antipassive Types
Unergatives
Without Alternance
Quejarse, jactarse, percatarse, referirse,
equivocarse, percatarse, mofarse
Transitives of
Transmission
Confesarse, olvidarse, rehusarse,
compadecerse, lamentarse, decidirse
Psychological
Ergatives
Avergonzarse, regocijarse, alegrarse,
conmoverse, asustarse, conmoverse

Paradigmatic Ethical
• Ethical “se” is an aspectual dative introduced in the construal of an
event on top of possible argumental datives
• Aspectual intensifier (to a defined event) or
Aspectual delimiter (to an event seen as
• In English this meaning is expressed in a variety of ways
1) Joaquín compró todas las figuritas de Messi.
>Joaquín bought all the Messi cards.
2) Joaquín se compró todas las figuritas de Messi que quedaban.
>Joaquín bought up all the Messi cards they had left.
3) ¡No se la cierres en la cara! (la puerta) [Allomorph]
> Don’t shut the door on him/her!

Non-Paradigmatic SE
• Impersonal
1)Se trabaja duro en el campo.
• Passive Reflexive
2) Se construyeron nuevos barrios privados.
• Middle Construction
3) Se vende muy bien su nuevo libro.

Impersonal & Passive
Constructions
• RAE distinction between impersonal constructions (no
subject) & passive reflexive (THEME “plays” subject)
• Passive Reflexive ~ Periphrastic Passives > verbal agreem.
1) Aquí no se fuma.
versus
2) Se vende(n) casas con piscina.
?Casas con piscina son vendidas.

2.Se venden casas con piscina. [Passive Reflexive - Pref]
3. Casas con piscina son vendidas. [Periphrastic Passive - Pper]
4.Se las vende. [Passive Reflexive, pronominalized DO/THEME]
• In both expressions: AGENT demoted more than in Pper
> no longer lexicalizable by Prepositional Phrase (“por” +
agent)
2.Se venden casas con piscina *por nuestros agentes.
3. ?Casas con piscina son vendidas por nuestros agentes.
4.Se las vende *por nuestros agentes inmobiliarios.

More Impersonal than Passive
Why is there agreement in some Pref?
> Impersonal constructions with internal argument
(THEME in relational-semantic terms)
• Feature Migration Hypothesis like “selosismo”
WHEN?
1. Los besos son como el whisky siempre se prefieren
dobles.
BUT Se los prefiere dobles.

More Impersonal than Passive
When is there agreement in some Pref?
• Argument carriesABSTRACT case.
>agreement is spurious
>>when the internal argument carries OVERT CASE
marking, the agreement disappears.

1) Se buscan secretarias bilingües para filial
extranjera. [abstract case]
> Bilingual secretaries for international
subsidiary wanted.
2) Todavía se busca a los responsables de la
masacre. >> Se los busca. [overt case]
>Those responsible for the massacre are
still saught.

• Medieval Spanish used agreement in both cases
4) Se tratan bien los pobres (a sí mismos?)
> in order to avoid reflexive ambiguity the presposition
intervened in cases passive reflexive cases.
5) Se trata bien a los pobres.
6) Que se respeten a los prelados de la iglesia
(1652).
>*According to RAE

• Tendency to agreementTODAY even in OVERT case
situations
• We have to be able to understand diacronic changes!!!
7) ?Se expulsaron a los jugadores violentos.

Feature Migration
in Other Domains
1) Hubieron problemas.
2) Llueven sapos y ranas.
3) Son las seis y media.
4) ?Hacen 35 grados.

Unified view of Impersonals & Passive
Reflexives
1) En estos debates, se dice de todo.
2) Se dice que van a adelantar las elecciones.
3) Se dicen muchas cosas durante un debate.
4) Se las dijo pero no quiere decir que las vayan
a hacer.

All Verbs are Impersonal
1) En este restaurante se come muy bien.
[from UNERGATIVE/TRANSITIVE]
2) Se llega más rápido por este camino.
[from UNACCUSATIVE/UNERGATIVE]
3) Se reparan zapatos en el día.
[fromTRANSITIVE]

All Verbs are Impersonal
• Impersonal constructions achieved w/valence +/- SE
• Reading is ACTIVE with a null unspecified subject that
bears θ-role but is unpronounced [pro]
• Agent is unspecified and aligned with minimalist phi-
features
1)¡Se habla español y también se lo escribe!

SE+Verb
Adjunct
IP
pro
I
I’
VP
V
V’
Generative Derivation
Verb
Adjunct
IP
SE
I
I’
VP
V
V’

Clitic Case by Choice
• Case selection dependent upon event construal (on
the part of the speaker)
1) Su secretaria lo molestó con continuas
interrupciones.
>His secretary bothered him with her constant
interruptions.
2) Su secretaria le molesta con su nuevo peinado.
>His secretary annoys him with her new hairstyle.

1) El tráfico / Que vengas la irrita.
2) A María le irrita el tráfico / que vengas
3) Su amiga la decepcionó cuando no vino al cumpleaños.
4) A Jesús nunca le decepciona su amiga María.
5) Su jefe consiguió sorprenderla más que cualquier otro
compañero.
6) A Jesús le sorprende que vengas.

1) El tráfico la irrita. (a Marta)
>Traffic bothers Marta.
• Agentive Reading: the object “Marta” isTHEME >
ACCUSATIVE case
2) A Marta le irrita que vengas.
>Marta is annoyed with your visit.
• Non-agentive Reading: the object “Marta” is
EXPERIENCER (goal) > DATIVE case

How Clitic Choice
is Derived
1.A mi hijo lo asustó aquel perro.
2.A mi hijo le asustan los truenoslo asustó
Spec v
asustado
v
v'
vP
PP
V
V
VP
DP
Aquel perro
√susto
P’
asustar
Causal Rel
Transitional Rel
Spatial Rel
NP[WITH]
a mi hijo
DP

How Clitic Choice
is Derived
1.A mi hijo lo asustó aquel perro.
2.A mi hijo le asustan los truenos
P
a mi hijo
le
asustan
Spec
asustado
v
v’
vP
PP
V
V
VP
Los truenos
√susto
P’
asustar
Causal
Rel
NPP
Spec
DP
vP
PP
P’Spe
c
NPP
VP
V
v’
Adjunct

Idiosynchratic constructions in English and Spanish

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