14. Чингис хаан, үндэсний хувцас г.м), Оросын эсрэг хандлага хэмээн хориглогдож байсан эх оронч
үзлийг онцолж үзэж байв.
Гэвч шинэчлэгчид хоёр зүйл дээр алдсан юм. Нэг нь тэд санаачлан зохион байгуулсан жагсаал
цуглаан, өлсгөлөн дээрээ цугласан олныг удирдан хянах зүй зохистой систем хөгжүүлээгүй.
Цугласан олны дунд жижигхэн үймээн дэгдэхэд л цагдаа, хамгаалалтын албаныхантай мөргөлдөхөд
хүргэж байсан бөгөөд элит шинэчлэгчид хүчирхийлэлд өдөөн хатгасан үйлдэлд эмзэг байв. Тэдний
хоёрдахь сул тал нь төр засгаар хамгийн чухал буулт хийлгэхийн өмнө хүртэл эв нэгдлийг
хадгалуулж чадаагүй явдал юм. Тэд улс төрийн хэт олон нам байгуулагдахад хяналт тавьж чадалгүй,
улмаар Монголын түүхэн дэх анхны чөлөөт сонгуульд ялагдахад хүрсэн.
МАХН-ын хууччуул хүчтэй хэвээр байсан бөгөөд далан жилийн ноёрхлын түүхэндээ анх удаа
эсэргүүцэлтэй тулгарсан нь тэр байв. Хуучин коммунист удирдлагынхан болон тэдний залуу халаа
нь энэ үед ардчилсан элит шинэчлэгчид болон цэвэр зах зээлийн эдийн засгийн талынхан гэсэн
шинээр гарч ирсэн хоёр талтай хоёулантай нь зөвшилцөлд хүрэх шаардлагатайг ойлгож хүлээн
зөвшөөрсөн. Тэд мөн өөрсдийнх нь эрх мэдэл аажмаар хумигдаж байгааг ч мэдэж байв. Гэсэн ч тэд
улс төрийн эрх мэдлээ хадгалж, коммунизмын үеийн нэгдэл, улсын үйлдвэр, нийгмийн халамжийн
бодлогоо хэвээр үлдээхийг эрэлхийлж байлаа. 1990-ээд оны турш тэд ялах найдваргүй тэмцэл
өрнүүлж байв: Тэд хувьчлалаас зайлсхийж чадаагүй бөгөөд төр боловсрол, эрүүл мэнд, нийгмийн
хөтөлбөртөө зарцуулдаг хөрөнгөө танасан билээ. Гэхдээ 2004 он гэхэд тэд томоохон цөөнх хэвээр
үлдсэн бөгөөд ардчилсан шинэчлэгчид болон цэвэр зах зээлийн бодлогын талынхан хоёрын аль алин
нь алдаа гаргангуут нь далимдуулахаар зэхээстэй.
Chapter 1 | MONGOLIA: A PEACEFUL TRANSITION 1
The December 10, 1989, Mongolian celebrations of International Human Rights Day did not proceed as
planned. The authoritarian communist government that had ruled Mongolia since 1921 had in the past
orchestrated numerous demonstrations, as wellas so-called spontaneous mass movements, to commemorate
important events or personalities in its history or launch new policies or programs. Military pageants, lengthy
speeches by leaders of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP), the only legal political party,
and snippets of patriotic and communist songs and folk dances, performed by resplendently costumed
professionals , characterized these ceremonies, as did the ever-present security guards, who kept close tabs
on the crowds. Competitions in the threetraditional Mongolian sports of archery, wrestling, and horse-racing
highlighted highlighted the Naadam festival.1 The rulers of the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR), the
name of the country since 1924, had had abundant experience in managing such spectacles, but they would
be unable to manage the events of December 10, 1989. Like their counterparts in the USSR and the People’s
Republic of China, Mongolian government officials and MPRP leaders had access to an ideal public space
for some of these celebrations. The Soviet Union had Red Square in Moscow, the PRC had Tiananmen
Square in Beijing, and Mongolia had Sükhbaatar Square in Ulaanbaatar, named for Sükhbaatar, who in July
1921 proclaimed the country’s independence from China, confirming the victory of communism in the
country. Like the main squares in Moscow and Beijing, Sükhbaatar Square is in the center of the capital. A
large statue of Sükhbaatar on his horse is one of the two principal features of the square, which is otherwise
mainly vacant. Government House, where the Khural, or parliament, meets and in which government and
MPRP leaders have offices, is situated behind thesecondstructure, amausoleum in whichreposethe remains
of Sükhbaatar and his successor, Choibalsan, often referred to as Mongolia’s Stalin. Government House
overlooks the square, permitting officials to observe and hear public events. Other buildings around the
square include the Palace of Culture, which houses the National Modern Art Gallery, and the State Opera
and Ballet Theater. The scene observers in Government House witnessed on December 10, 1989, both
surprisedand shockedthem. As snow drifteddowngently, twohundredpeople marchedaroundwith banners
and signs calling for the elimination of “bureaucratic oppression” as well as a promise to implement
perestroika (in Mongolian, uurchlun baiguulalt, or “restructuring of the economy”) and glasnost (il tod, or
“openness and greater freedom of expression”). The demonstrators were mostly young, well-dressed, polite,
and in no way obstreperous, but officials in Government House surely heard them articulate their demands,
as the rock band Khonkh (“Bell”) provided musical accompaniment.2 Neither the government nor its
15. security guards made any moves to disperse the small crowd, but officials must have been relieved when the
demonstrators left the square. They were concerned about the makeup of the crowd, which included some
of their own well-educated and sophisticated adult children. The ensuing conflict could be interpreted as an
intergenerational struggle for power. Most of the officials were in their fifties and sixties, and most of the
demonstrators were in their twenties or early thirties. Many of these scions of privileged families had
received their educations in the USSR or Eastern Europe and had been exposed to the new ideas swirling
around in the freer Soviet era of the 1980s. All knew one or another of the Slavic languages, and several
were comfortable in English and German, offering them exposure to Western newspapers, radio, and
television. Born in 1962 to an elite family, Sanjaasürengiin Zorig, later known as the “Golden Magpie of
Democracy” and commonly accepted as the 2 MONGOLIA: A PEACEFUL TRANSITION leader of the
democratic movement, was in many ways typical of this group. His father was a Buryat—that is, from a
minority Mongolian group—and his mother, a physician, was half-Russian and half-Mongolian . His
paternal grandfather, a distinguished Russian scientist and explorer, had died in a Siberian prison camp. His
maternal grandfather, a Buryat herdsman, had met the same fate as many Buryats in his generation : owing
probably to a directive from the USSR, the Mongolian government had executed him.3 Although Zorig had
received his elementary and secondary education in Mongolia, he had attended Moscow State University,
graduating...
А.Хишигтөгс