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Semelhante a 12. S Northern ireland troubles to 2011
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12. S Northern ireland troubles to 2011
- 1. TheTroublesNorthernIreland(1968-?) The unemployment in our bones Erupting in our hands like stones; The thought of violence a relief The act of violence a grief; Our bitterness and love Hand in glove “Derry” Seamus Deane
- 2. Northern Ireland - Before “The Nationalist majority . . . stands at 3,684. We must ultimately reduce and liquidate that majority. . . This county is . . . a Unionist county.” E.C. Ferguson, Unionist MP, Femanagh, 1948
- 3. Alleged liquidation campaign Make new housing available primarily to Protestants Make employment scarce for Catholics
- 5. Reaction 1963 Homeless Citizens, League, Dungannon 1964 Fermanagh Civil Rights Association Dr. Conn and Mrs. Patricia McCluskey 1965 Campaign For Social Justice In Northern Ireland
- 6. Activities Presentations, pamphlets, pickets Occupied pre-fab bungalows due for demolition First protest march of the civil rights movement in Dungannon in June 1963.
- 7. Background - Derry February 1967 Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association formed Derry City Council dominated by Unionists despite majority Catholic population High unemployment in area (~20%) Caledon squatting Council houses generally denied to Catholics Catholic squatters evicted; House given to a 19-year old Protestant woman with connections Aug. 24, 1968 Local march wo incident
- 8. Voting – Northern Ireland Parliament 1921, 1925 - Proportional representation 1929 Eliminate proportional representation 1973 Single transferable vote Local elections (1960s) ~1.5% have more than one vote 25% have no vote (lodgers, grown children at home)
- 9. Disproportionate Representation Derry (1957) Nationalists 61.6 % of parliamentary electors 54.7 % of local government electors Belfast (1967) Nationalists 49 % of local government electors 62 % of non-electors
- 10. Derry: Voters and Representatives
- 11. Derry
- 12. Grievances Franchise Gerrymandering, Allocation of houses and jobs by local councils Discrimination by private firms Lack of economic aid leading to high rates of unemployment in Catholic areas.
- 13. Civil Rights - Oct. 5,1968 Derry Housing Action Committee and Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association plan march in Derry along traditional Protestant route Home minister bans march
- 14. Derry March March held anyway Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) baton marchers including two MPs Stones and placards thrown at police Batons and water wagons used against marchers
- 15. Banned March
- 18. Bogside BBC Battle of the Bogside
- 20. More Protests and Response More rallies, marches, and counter demonstrations Newry riot Nov. 22 Reforms Package announced byTerence O'Neill, NI Prime Minister Omsbudsman; Derry Housing Council to allocate on need; Abolish special powers of police when safe Cameron report
- 21. 1969 Cameron report The police handling of the demonstration in Londonderry ... was in certain material respects ill co-ordinated and inept. There was use of unnecessary and ill controlled force in the dispersal of the demonstrators, only a minority of whom acted in a disorderly and violent manner. There are at work within Northern Ireland persons whose immediate and deliberate intention is to prepare, plan and provoke violence, reckless of the consequences to persons or property. ... From the aimless and vicious hooligans of the streets and alleys to the extremists of right or left, of whatever creed, Catholic or Protestant, all would appear to bear a share of blame for the tragic events which have occurred.
- 22. Bloody Sunday
- 25. Victims
- 26. After
- 27. Internment
- 29. “Interrogation in Depth” wall-standing: forcing the detainees to remain for periods of some hours in a "stress position", hooding: putting a dark bag over detainees' heads subjection to noise deprivation of sleep deprivation of food and drink Compton report: the techniques constituted physical ill-treatment but not physical brutality PM Heath: “Government, having reviewed the whole matter with great care and with reference to any future operations, have decided that the techniques ... will not be used in future as an aid to interrogation."
- 30. European Court for Human Rights holds (1978) Five techniques constituted a practice of inhuman and degrading treatment but not torture That there existed at Palace Barracks a practice of inhuman treatment That it cannot direct the respondent State to institute criminal or disciplinary proceedings against those members of the security forces who have committed the breaches...found by the Court and against those who condoned or tolerated such breaches IRELAND v. THE UNITED KINGDOM
- 31. 1972- 1985 1972 UK suspends Northern Ireland government (Stormont) – Direct rule 1974 Prevention of Terror Act Hunger strikes Bombings, snipings, random acts of unkindness
- 32. Organizations - Militia Republican Official IRA, Provisional IRA(1972) Irish National Liberation Army (1974), Continuity IRA (1996), Real IRA (1997) Loyalist Ulster Volunteer Force (1966) Ulster Defence Association - Ulster Freedom Fighters (1971)
- 33. Organizations - Political Official Sinn Féin -> Sinn Féin the Workers Party -> The Workers' Party -> Workers' Party of Ireland. Sinn Féin (associated with Provisional IRA)
- 35. 1981 Hunger Strikes - Funeral
- 36. Innocents
- 38. The Toll – One estimate9 % of those killed by the IRA are other republicans9% of those killed by UVF are other loyalists
- 40. Distribution
- 41. Path to Peace 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement “We say never, never, never” Ian Paisley "...the formal recognition of the partition of Ireland...[is] a disaster for the nationalist cause” Gerry Adams Irish opinion 59 % pro, 29% anti
- 42. Path to Peace 1993 Downing Street Declaration Informal talks 1994 Formal talks 1998 Belfast (or Good Friday) Agreement Complication - Decommissioning
- 43. Negotiators
- 44. Sides Gerry Adams, Sinn Fein David Ervine, Progressive Unionist Ian Paisley, Democratic Unionist Martin McGuiness, Sinn Fein, IRA
- 45. Mitchell Principles Negotiators commit to: Democratic and peaceful means of resolving political issues Total disarmament of all paramilitary organizations; Verifiable disarmament to the satisfaction of an independent commission; Renounce and oppose use of force, or threat to use force, to influence negotiations; To agree to abide by the terms of any agreement Urge that 'punishment' killings and beatings stop and take effective steps to prevent such actions.
- 46. Drumcree March, Portadown Commemorate Battle of the Boyne 1995 RUC blocks Garvagny Rd. Loyalist riots March permitted Nationalist riots Still blocked Annual protests
- 47. Blocking the Route (1998)
- 48. Ian Paisley They breed like rabbits and multiply like vermin. Ian Paisley on Catholics, to loyalist rally in 1969 I denounce you, Anti-Christ! I refuse you as Christ's enemy and Antichrist with all your false doctrine. Ian Paisley to Pope John Paul II on a visit to the European Parliament 1988
- 49. “Sitting with the devil” “I will never sit down with Gerry Adams . . . he'd sit with anyone. He'd sit down with the devil. In fact, Adams does sit down with the devil.”Ian Paisley Independent, February 13 1997 Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams, March 2007
- 50. Devolution – Excepted MattersReserved for central government the Crown Parliament international relations Defence national security immigration and nationality taxation national insurance elections currency nuclear energy space
- 51. Devolution – Reserved PowersMay be transferred at a later date navigation (including merchant shipping) civil aviation Coastline postal services import and export controls minimum wage financial services, markets intellectual property units of measurement telecommunications, broadcasting, internet National Lottery xenotransplantation surrogacy human fertilisation and embryology, human genetics consumer safety in relation to goods
- 52. Devolution – Transferred PowersCurrently controlled by North Ireland Agriculture and rural development Culture, arts, leisure Education Employment and learning Enterprise, trade and investment Environment Finance and personnel Health, social services and public safety Justice Regional development (including transport) Social development (including housing)
- 54. 1968: Which of these best describes the way you think of yourself? Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, Queen's University Belfast and University of Ulster
- 55. 1991: Which of these best describes the way you think of yourself?
- 56. 2009: Which of these best describes the way you think of yourself?
- 57. 2009: And are you in favor of more mixing or more separation in people's marriages?
- 58. 2009: If the majority of people in Northern Ireland ever voted to become part of a United Ireland do you think you …
- 59. 2009: Would you say that relationships are better than they were 5 years ago, worse, or about the same?
- 60. 2010- Northern Ireland Government Mrs. Robinson and First Minister Peter Robinson
- 61. 2011 Gerry Adams Resigns as MP (Westminster) Resigns from NI Assembly Runs in Republic
- 62. Headlines – Belfast Times, May 4 Use your vote for peace, says family of murdered policeman Ronan Kerr Semtex found during raids Man jailed over £3.5m cocaine plot
Notas do Editor
- The gerrymancler works on a very simple principle : In theUnionist Constituencies the Nationalist minority is made aslarge as possible, whereas in the Nationalist constituency theUnionist minority is made as small as possible. This ensures amaximum “waste” of Nationalist votes and a maximum utilisationof Unionist votes.
- In Conn McCluskey’s book Up Off Their Knees (1989) the late Patsy McCooey gave a description of Patricia in the introduction. “In her wide-brimmed hat and striking costume, she headed a parade of homeless young mothers, their babies and prams, through Dungannon and strode right into the conscience of a people and into the history of our times.”Born in 1914 in Portadown, the daughter of a local draper, Patricia McShane went to Scotland after leaving school to train as a home economics teacher, working with disadvantaged children.When the second World War started, she helped to organise the evacuation of children to rural homes. It was on a holiday back home in Ireland that she met and later married Conn McCluskey.After their marriage, they lived in Keady and then Dungannon where Conn practised as a doctor. After their daughters were raised, she threw herself into politics. Patricia McCluskey: born March 17th 1914, died December 9th 2010
- 20 JUNE 1968 - THE CALEDON PROTESTAustin Currie, a Nationalist MP at Stormont, and two local men occupied a house in Caledon, Tyrone, on 20 June 1968 in protest over its allocation by the local council to a nineteen-year-old unmarried Protestant, Emily Beatty, who was the secretary of a local unionist politician. A Catholic family with three young children had been evicted recently from the house next door.After a few hours, the RUC removed Currie and his fellow-squatters. Currie said that they had squatted in protest against the allocation of the house to an unmarried woman while more than 250 people were on the waiting list in the Dungannon rural district. He also wanted to draw attention to the system of allocation which allowed an individual councillor to give houses to anyone he wished.
- Surveys with statistical significance questioned
- Winning while losing: The Apprentice Boys of Derry walk their beat Shaul Cohen Political Geography 26 (2007) 951-967As an outgrowth of the Troubles, Protestants in Derry/Londonderry have moved from the west or Cityside of the River Foyle, where the key historicalevents took place, to the east bankdor Waterside The Apprentice Boys parades are a territorial demonstration and a claim of presence that iscarried out by a community that has lost its control of the contested spaceIn the centuries following the siege, Catholics were barredfrom living within the walls of the city, and after completing a day’s labor were compelled to returnto their homes in the marshy lowlands to the west, called the Bogside. By the mid-19th century,however, more than half of the residents of the broader town of Derry/Londonderry were
- British troops fire rubber bullets at stone-throwing Protestant rioters who had set fire to the mobile classrooms of Our Lady of Mercy Secondary School in the Ballysillian area of west Belfast, Northern Ireland, March 28, 1972. (AP Photo/Michel Lipchitz)
- Rukeyser American UPI reporter
- Pallbearers carry one of 13 coffins of BloodySunday victims to a graveside during a funeral in Derry, Northern Ireland, following requiem mass at nearby St. Mary's church at Creggan Hill on Feb. 2, 1972. About 10,000 people shared in the funeral services. British soldiers shot dead 13 catholic protesters in Northern Ireland on Jan. 30. (AP Photo)
- Armed British troops patrol a neighborhood in Londonderry, Northern Ireland, in Feb. 1972,
- Other estimate is 2000 killed by IRA and 1000 by loyalist militia 363 by Army
- British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, and the Irish Taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald.The UUP MP Enoch Powell asked Thatcher in the Commons the day before she signed the Agreement: "Does the right hon. Lady understand—if she does not yet understand she soon will—that the penalty for treachery is to fall into public contempt?"[6] The UUP leader James Molyneaux spoke of "the stench of hypocrisy, deceit and treachery" and later said of "universal cold fury" at the Agreement such as he had not experienced in forty years of public life.[7] Ian Paisley, a few days later to his congregation, compared Thatcher to "Jezebel who sought to destroy Israel in a day".[8] He wrote to Thatcher: "Having failed to defeat the IRA you now have capitulated and are prepared to set in motion machinery which will achieve the IRA goal...a united Ireland. We now know that you have prepared Ulster Unionists for sacrifice on the altar of political expediency. They are to be the sacrificial lambs to appease the Dublin wolves".[9] In his letter to FitzGerald, Paisley said: "You claim in your constitution jurisdiction over our territory, our homes, our persons and our families. You allow your territory to be used as a launching pad for murder gangs and as a sanctuary for them when they return soaked in our people's blood. You are a fellow traveller with the IRA and hope to ride on the back of their terrorism to your goal of a United Ireland. We reject your claims and will never submit to your authority. We will never bow to Dublin rule“, Gerry Adams, denounced the Agreement: "...the formal recognition of the partition of Ireland...[is] a disaster for the nationalist cause...[it] far outweighs the powerless consultative role given to Dublin".[17] On the other hand, the IRA and Sinn Féin claimed that the concessions made by Great Britain were the result of the armed struggle, from which the SLDP gained political credit.
- Chairman of the Northern Ireland peace talks and former U.S. Sen. George Mitchell points to a reporter during a news conference in Belfast, Northern Ireland, Tuesday, Jan. 13, 1998. At right is Co-chairman HarriHolker [former PM of Finland]i. Mitchell announced Tuesday that all eight participating parties had accepted a joint British-Irish plan for progress.(AP Photo/Paul McErlane)
- Few politicians in recent Irish history have divided opinion as much as Gerry Adams. To his followers, he is regarded as one of the best leaders the republican movement has ever had. To his fiercest unionist opponents, he is at best little more than an apologist for IRA gunmen, and at worst, a member of its highest command.A former barman, the Sinn Fein president comes from a strongly republican family. In security circles, it is believed he has held senior positions in all branches of the republican movement, including the IRA, but he has never been convicted of membership of that organisation.Interned by the British government in 1971, he was considered important enough within the republican leadership to be released in July 1972, to take part in secret talks in London with then-Northern Ireland Secretary William Whitelaw.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Mr Adams has been the key figure in developing the political strategy of the republican movement along with his close colleague Martin McGuinness.In 1979, he said that the aims of republicans could not be achieved simply by military means. The statement was a prelude to what became known as the twintrack strategy of "the armalite and the ballot box" - pursuing republican goals through both violent and political means.Following the 1981 hunger strike in which 10 republicans died, Sinn Fein's base was given renewed strength. Mr Adams persuaded the republicans to place increasing emphasis on the political strategy and success of Sinn Fein.Mr Adams was elected party president in 1983 and under his leadership the party took the historic step of abandoning its policy of abstention from the Irish Parliament.He was also elected MP for West Belfast in 1983. He lost the seat to the SDLP in 1992, but later regained it in 1997. He has never taken his place at Westminster. Mr Adams began a series of contacts with the SDLP leader John Hume, which in 1993 became the foundation of the modern peace process. He helped deliver the first IRA ceasefire in 1994.When this collapsed in February 1996, with a bomb attack in London, it raised two key questions. Firstly, if he didn't know, what was his real influence upon the IRA - could he deliver anything at all? Secondly, many unionist critics pointed out that if he did know that the ceasefire was to be broken, was Adams only committed to the peace process when it tactically suited Republican goals.With the ceasefire restored, Mr Adams eventually led his party into the multi-party talks at Stormont which concluded with the Good Friday Agreement.He has persuaded his supporters to contemplate steps many people had thought impossible, including taking their places in the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont, which was set up under the agreement.In the run-up to the deadline for the formation of a new Northern Ireland executive in March 1999, he insisted that the IRA could not yet be persuaded to give up its arms and that the weapons issue should be considered as part of a wholescale "decommissioning of all the guns", including the British security aparatus.When the process appeared to be floundering in the autumn of 1999, Mr Adams' statement committing Sinn Fein to "all aspects" of the Good Friday Agreement, including decommissioning, was among several key moments following Senator George Mitchell's final review of the peace process, leading to the establishment of a powersharing executive.But while the peace process has stuttered since then, it appears to have done Gerry Adams no harm. Sinn Fein became the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland after it doubled its number of MPs to four in the 2001 general election - something that analysts have dubbed the "greening of the west".The question from observers is whether that will become something more, the greening of the north. The question being asked by unionists, is whether Gerry Adams’ strategy remains that of 20 years ago or just purely peaceful means
- absolute commitment: a. To democratic and exclusively peaceful means of resolving political issues; b. To the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations; c. To agree that such disarmament must be verifiable to the satisfaction of an independent commission; d. To renounce for themselves, and to oppose any effort by others, to use force, or threaten to use force, to influence the course or the outcome of all-party negotiations; e. To agree to abide by the terms of any agreement reached in all-party negotiations and to resort to democratic and exclusively peaceful methods in trying to alter any aspect of that outcome with which they may disagree; and, f. To urge that 'punishment' killings and beatings stop and to take effective steps to prevent such actions.
- Drumcree MarchRed line: Route taken by Orangemen on the Sunday before 12 July; from their Carlton Street Hall (D) under the railway bridge (C) along Obins Street (A) to Drumcree Church (F) and back along Garvaghy Road (B). Blue line: Route taken on 12 July; from Corcrain Hall (E) along Obins Street (A) and under the railway bridge (C). Green areas are largely nationalist/Catholic. Orange areas are largely unionist/Protestant.
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- Jan. 2010 A political scandal riveting Northern Ireland has a certain cinematic feel: an affair by 58-year-old woman named Mrs. Robinson with a 19-year-old male lover.Five separate Facebook groups with hundreds of followers have sprung up, lampooning the affair and comparing it to the 1967 film, "The Graduate."But there is a serious side to the story of Iris Robinson, who also happens to be a member of Parliament and the wife of Peter Robinson – Northern Ireland's government leader.The BBC reported that Iris Robinson allegedly solicited 50,000 pounds ($80,000) from businessmen so her young lover could open a restaurant – without disclosing the fact to lawmakers