Income redistribution
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Taxes and transfers redistribute income across OECD countries, lowering inequality. However, the equalizing effect varies widely. While redistribution has declined for almost all OECD countries since the mid-1990s, the decline was largely driven by reductions in transfers, particularly unemployment-related benefits. Reforms to personal income taxes had a smaller impact. Policy changes, including reductions in top income taxes and unemployment benefits, have contributed to falling redistribution, though some policies increased redistribution for working families.
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Income redistribution
- 1. Income redistribution through taxes and transfers across OECD countries Main findings and policy implications
- 2. Taxes and transfers redistribute income from richer to poorer households in all OECD countries, lowering inequality -60 -40 -20 0 20 40 60 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 % of disposable income Decile Transfers Personal income taxes incl. SSC Net transfers OECD average, working-age population,2014 or latest available year Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017)
- 3. But the equalising effect of taxes and transfers varies widely across the OECD ... even for similar levels of inequality before TT e.g. inequality post-TT lower in Ireland than Greece, lower in Norway than Japan despite similar pre-TT inequality Working-age population, 2014 or latest available year Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017) 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 CHL KOR CHE JPN NZL USA ISR LVA EST CAN GBR AUS ITA OECD32 ISL ESP SWE NLD DEU POL SVK NOR PRT GRC CZE FRA LUX AUT DNK BEL SVN FIN IRL MEX TUR HUN PercentageGini coefficient Inequality before taxes and transfers Inequality after taxes and transfers Redistribution (in %, right axis)
- 4. The approach for measuring redistribution • How is redistribution defined and measured? By comparing household income inequality (Gini coefficients) before and after taxes and transfers: 𝑅𝐸 = 𝐺 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑘𝑒𝑡 − 𝐺 𝑑𝑖𝑠𝑝𝑜𝑠𝑎𝑏𝑙𝑒 𝐺 𝑚𝑎𝑟𝑘𝑒𝑡 • Micro data allow for identifying/separating the respective inequality-reducing effect of various fiscal instruments: • Cash transfers • Insurance (e.g. unemployment & sickness benefits) • Assistance (e.g. social assistance, means-tested) • Universal (e.g. family and child benefits) • Personal income taxes and employee’s SSC
- 5. In all OECD countries cash transfers account for the bulk of redistribution Share of total redistribution, working-age population, 2013 or latest available year Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017)
- 6. Size of transfers matter, but countries also differ in targeting to low-income households Working-age population, 2014 or latest available year Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017) 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 NZL AUS FIN NLD DNK GBR SWE DEU CHE CAN MEX NOR BEL ISL IRL CZE OECD KOR USA ISR SVN EST FRA SVK HUN JPN TUR AUT LVA CHL POL LUX ESP PRT ITA GRC Percentage Share of total transfers to bottom quintile Total transfers in % of total market income
- 7. Redistribution has declined for almost all available OECD countries since the mid-1990s… Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017) 0 10 20 30 40 50 -20 -15 -10 -5 0 5 ISR SWE FIN DNK NZL CAN OECD16 USA AUS NLD DEU FRA GBR JPN CZE ITA NOR PercentagePercentage points Change in redistribution Redistribution 2014 or latest year (right axis) Working-age population, mid-1990s to 2014 or latest available year
- 8. The decline in redistribution was largely driven by transfers, in particular insurance transfers Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017) -14 -12 -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 2 4 6 FIN ISR SWE 1 DNK AUS NLD CAN CZE USA GBR FRA 2 NOR DEU OECD13 Percentage points Transfers Personal income taxes incl. SSC Personal income taxes SSC Total -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 FIN DNK AUS GBR CZE FRA 2 USA DEU OECD8 Percentage points Insurance transfers Universal transfers Assistance transfers Total transfers Working-age population, mid-1990s to 2013 or latest available year A. Change in total redistribution B. Change in transfer redistribution by type
- 9. Reforms to personal income taxes had a much smaller impact Source: Causa and Hermansen (2017) Change in size and progressivity of PIT and SSCs paid by the working-age population, mid-1990s to 2013 or latest available year -10 -8 -6 -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 ISR AUS GBR FIN CZE DNK SWE1 USA CAN FRA2 DEU NOR NLD OECD13 Percentage points Size Progressivity Redistribution
- 10. • Redistribution has fallen across the OECD, but why? • What are the policy drivers of such decline? • Can we disentangle those from changes in market income inequality and population structure? – e.g. more redistribution if higher unemployment, or more workless families and dual-earner couples • What are the influence of megatrends in particular globalisation? Why are tax-transfer systems doing less redistribution?
- 11. The approach in a nutshell Two complementary approaches to identify the policy drivers of changes in redistribution: 1. Empirical regression analysis (Causa et al 2018): relying on cross-country time-series analysis to identify major policy drivers of RE among a broad set cyclical and demographic drivers alongside structural changes; covers the last two decades 2. Microsimulation analysis (Browne and Immervoll, forthcoming): relying on microsimulation analysis to decompose observed changes in RE into specific TT policy changes at the country level and “other” changes (i.e. in population structure and market income inequality); covers a more recent period
- 12. Main findings • Microsimulation and regression-based analyses suggest that policy changes during the past two decades have contributed markedly to the decline in redistribution: A reduction in the taxation of top incomes and income from capital, as globalisation has put pressure on governments to shift away from highly mobile tax bases. This has reduced PIT progressivity in the upper-part of the distribution. A decline in the generosity and duration of unemployment-related transfers, including cuts to social assistance for the long-term unemployed. Pension and early retirement reforms to encourage longer working life, for instance increases in the age of full pension eligibility and reductions in replacement rates. • Not all policy changes went in the direction of reducing redistribution: at lower earnings levels, income taxes have frequently become more redistributive as taxes have been reduced for low-income working families.
- 13. Openness and tax redistribution -4 -2 0 2 4 6 8 3.0 3.2 3.4 3.6 3.8 4.0 4.2 4.4 4.6 4.8 5.0 5.2 5.4 5.6 5.8 6.0 Openness ratio (in log) Change in redistribution (%) associated with a 1 percentage point increase in the PIT-to-GDP ratio Increased economic integration has tended to reduce the redistributive effect of tax revenue raised from PIT Note: Regression analysis. This figure shows the estimated effect of the PIT-to-GDP ratio on redistribution as a function of country’s level of trade openness. Dotted lines indicate confidence intervals. Source: Causa et al (2018)
- 14. -40 -30 -20 -10 0 10 20 30 Unemployment benefits Social assistance Family benefits Housing benefits Income tax Social security contributions Note: Microsimulation analysis. This figure shows the change in benefit level as % of median income over a 24 month unemployment spell. Weighted average over four family types, three different employment records and four different previous earnings levels, each with and without entitlement to cash housing support. Source: Browne and Immervoll, forthcoming. Policy reforms reduced redistribution among workless families Change in average benefit level as % of median household income, 2001-15
- 15. But policy reforms increased redistribution among (most) working families Policy effect by percentile point of the earnings distribution -3% -2% -1% 0% 1% 2% 3% 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Gain/lossasapercentageofincome Earnings percentile 2001-07 'Stimulus' period 'Austerity' period 'Post-austerity' period 2001-15 Note: Microsimulation analysis. The figure shows the unweighted average impact of policy reforms on net incomes over 28 OECD countries. Within each country, policy impacts are calculated as a weighted average over 8 family types (single with no children, single with 2 children, couple without children, couple with 2 children, each with and without entitlement to cash housing support). Percentile points between the nine decile points are linearly interpolated. Source: Browne and Immervoll, forthcoming.
- 17. Illustrative tax reform scenarios Increases in the top marginal rate on personal income and employees’ SSC Increases in the net personal tax on dividend income 0.0 2.0 4.0 6.0 8.0 10.0 12.0 PRT SVN GRC BEL FIN SWE JPN DNK DEU FRA NOR GBR LUX NLD ESP IRL ISL KOR AUT ISR CAN CHE AUS ITA USA CHL POL TUR SVK MEX HUN NZL CZE EST LVA % Closing the gap with the OECD median Closing the gap with the OECD upper-quartile 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 IRL FRA DNK KOR CAN ISR GBR SWE AUT BEL NLD SVN USA FIN PRT AUS ESP NOR DEU CHL ITA CHE JPN ISL LUX POL TUR MEX HUN CZE GRC LVA NZL EST SVK % Closing the gap with the OECD median Closing the gap with the OECD upper-quartile Reform-driven changes in redistribution for the working- age population Note & source: Estimated change in redistribution from closing the policy gap with the median or the upper quartile of OECD countries, depending on countries’ relative starting point. The direction of the policy change is chosen so that the income redistribution effect is positive. Simulations based on regression results in Causa et al (2018)
- 18. Illustrative transfer reform scenarios Reform-driven changes in redistribution for the working- age population Increases in long-term unemployment-related transfers for low-income married couples (including social assistance) Increases in public spending on childcare and early education 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 IRL CHE NLD FIN LUX JPN ISL NOR SWE DEU FRA AUT LVA SVK NZL ISR AUS CAN CZE GBR SVN POL DNK EST BEL ESP PRT KOR HUN USA CHL GRC ITA TUR % Closing the gap with the OECD median Closing the gap with the OECD upper-quartile 0.0 1.0 2.0 3.0 4.0 5.0 6.0 7.0 8.0 ISL SWE DNK FRA NOR FIN NZL HUN KOR DEU ITA SVN ESP IRL BEL AUT ISR LUX GBR CHL SVK CZE POL NLD AUS EST PRT JPN USA MEX TUR % Closing the gap with the OECD median Closing the gap with the OECD upper-quartile Note & source: Estimated change in redistribution from closing the policy gap with the median or the upper quartile of OECD countries, depending on countries’ relative starting point. The direction of the policy change is chosen so that the income redistribution effect is positive. Simulations based on regression results in Causa et al (2018)
- 19. Policy implications • Given that income inequality has increased both before and after taxes and transfers, the boost to job creation and employment from make-work-pay policies that have lowered redistribution has not been sufficient to prevent a rise in inequality. • Yet tax and transfer policies can do much to promote efficient markets and inclusive outcomes. Countries can learn from successful reform strategies that have leveraged policy synergies between equity and efficiency objectives. In particular, carefully designed in-work taxes and benefits and credits can boost employment levels among target groups and reduce inequality. • Policy changes should ensure that redistribution is achieved in the most efficient way and take into account the rapidly changing context in which policies operate. Social protection reforms should seek to expand the coverage of unemployment benefits, not least to address policy challenges raised by changes in the nature of work. Social assistance reforms should seek to enhance the targeting of cash transfers to low-income households. • A comprehensive strategy for tackling inequality should include policies promoting greater equality of opportunities through access to high-quality education, healthcare, affordable housing and lifelong training programmes.
- 20. References 2 0 • Causa, O. and M. Hermansen (2017), “Income redistribution through taxes and transfers across OECD countries”, OECD Economics Department Working Papers, No. 1453, OECD Publishing, Paris, http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/bc7569c6-en. • Causa, O., A. Vindics and O. Akgun (2018), "An empirical investigation on the drivers of income redistribution across OECD countries", OECD Economics Department Working Papers, No. 1488, OECD Publishing Paris, https://doi.org/10.1787/5cb47f33-en. • Causa, O. , J. Browne, J. and A. Vindicis (2019), “Income redistribution across OECD countries: main findings and policy implications”, OECD Economics department Policy Papers No. 23 • Browne, J. and H. Immervoll ,“Have tax and transfer become less inclusive? Results from a microsimulation analysis”, OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers, forthcoming.
Notas do Editor
- Increased economic integration has tended to reduce the redistributive effect of tax revenues, and in particular of tax revenue raised from PIT and employees’ SSC. In other words, increased economic integration has made a given level of fiscal deployment through the tax system less effective at reducing income inequality. This result is relevant as it is fully in line with recent research that has shown that: i) globalisation and international tax competition have put pressure on governments in OECD countries to shift taxation towards less mobile bases, and ii) this has been achieved mainly increasing the labour tax burden on the middle and upper-middle classes while reducing the burden on the top of the distribution – leading to a decline in the progressivity of PIT. By contrast with tax revenue, redistribution through social spending is not found to be affected by globalisation (column, 11), suggesting that the shaping of social policy is less directly influenced by the degree of exposure to external developments. This figure shows the estimated marginal effect of PIT-to-GDP ratio on redistribution depending on countries’ openness. The figure points to strong non-linearities in the link between openness, PIT and redistribution: For around half of OECD countries, the effect of the PIT-to-GDP ratio on redistribution is significantly positive but this effect declines with openness levels. For a country at the OECD average level of trade openness, a one percentage point increase in the PIT-to-GDP ratio is associated with a 2% increase in redistribution. For the countries for which such effect is statistically significant, it ranges from 3.7% (USA) to around 1.5% (Korea) These findings are also largely in line with others who similarly to us show that the effect of tax on inequality is "eroded" with openness. Overall, these results nuance the finding of a positive effect from globalisation on income redistribution and point to the potential challenge that increased economic integration poses for governments’ capacity and effectiveness to deliver income redistribution through personal income taxes.
- In order to develop potential forward-looking policy reform avenues for OECD countries, empirical results are used to simulate the effect of selected tax and transfer reforms on income redistribution for the working-age population. The direction of the policy change is chosen so that the income redistribution effect is positive. In order to propose relatively realistic reform scenarios, avoid ‘one-size-fits all' solutions, but at the same time remain simple, the simulations consider two benchmark cases depending on countries’ relative starting point: 1) the median of OECD countries, with the policy gap being closed for countries below this benchmark, 2) the upper quartile of OECD countries, with the policy gap being closed for countries below this benchmark but above the median. This is a highly stylised way to consider cross-country heterogeneity along with political economy and implementation obstacles and concerns. The starting point is the latest available year for each policy indicator. The following reform scenarios are considered in this presentation: Tax reforms to increase the progressivity of personal income taxes, top marginal tax rates and the taxation of dividend income at the personal level would deliver large redistribution gains in countries that feature close to flat PIT systems, such as Eastern European countries as well as in New Zealand. This is because these countries feature relatively low levels of overall PIT progressivity, reflecting flat or close-to-flat PIT systems and consistently low taxation of top incomes and of dividend income at the personal level. While all countries feature positive top PIT marginal tax rates, some have null net dividend income taxation (Estonia and Slovak Republic) and others null PIT progressivity (Hungary). This implies that associated policy simulations correspond to “large” reform shocks which would likely be difficult to implement from a political economy perspective. High-tax countries such as the Nordics and most continental European countries are above or close to policy benchmark levels. So are some low-tax countries and in particular the United States, which reflects a relatively high level of PIT progressivity and (compared to most OECD countries) a larger role of taxes relative to transfers in inequality reduction. All these tax reform simulations imply an increase in the progressivity of personal income taxes. This may raise efficiency concerns, for instance by reducing incentives to increase work effort, promote entrepreneurship and innovation, especially among high-earners. Yet the literature is not conclusive on the efficiency effects of changes in PIT progressivity. Such effects are fundamentally likely to depend on reform design and country context. Related to this consideration and going beyond, tax reform for inequality reduction should consider making the whole tax system more progressive and this implies looking at a variety of tax instruments beyond PIT. Such is the case of property taxation which is consensually less distortive than PIT and can in many OECD countries be made a more potent instrument of income redistribution than it currently is.
- Transfer reform scenarios deliver larger effects than tax reform scenarios (in line with major finding that transfers achieve the bulk of RE across the OECD). The scenarios consistently point to major redistribution gains in countries where social spending on working-age population is relatively low and/ or weakly targeted to low-income households. Increases in long-term unemployed- related transfers to married couples delivers major redistribution gains where these transfers are null, i.e. Chile, Greece, Italy and Turkey, but also the United States where such transfers exists but are very low. The magnitude of these effects reflects the large implied size of the simulated reforms for these countries and should therefore be interpreted in light of alternative policy objectives alongside budgetary constraints. Still, those same countries that exhibit comparatively low passive support for the long-term unemployed tend to also exhibit comparatively low active support. As a result, policy packages that would combine more generous cash transfers with more effective activation and training for jobseekers would likely meet equity and efficiency objectives. The United States and Turkey would also boost redistribution by increasing spending on early education and childcare; and so would Mexico and Japan. This would not only increase redistribution but also help narrowing gender gaps and curbing child poverty. Reforms to enhance access to quality childcare for disadvantaged families are likely to maximise policy synergies between efficiency and equity.