This document discusses the spread and influence of Islam in Africa. It addresses several key topics:
1) It distinguishes between Arabization (the spread of the Arabic language) and Islamization (the spread of the Islamic faith) in Africa, noting they occurred at different paces and with different consequences in different regions.
2) It examines the 19th century Sudanese religious leaders Muhammad Ahmad and Khalifa Abdullahi, noting they faced different oppressors during their reigns which led to different outcomes for their regimes.
3) It analyzes how former West African colonies like Nigeria and Senegal evolved to integrate Islam more into politics, despite colonial efforts to separate religion and state.
4)
New Approaches To Africa History: Arabization, Imperialism, & Religious Duality
1. Running head: ARABISM, IMPERIALISM, & RELIGIOUS DUALITY
New Approaches to African History: Arabization, Imperialism, & Religious Duality
Max J. Smith
Arizona State University
2. ARABISM, IMPERIALISM, & RELIGIOUS DUALITY 2
The following is a collection of passages providing insight into the often overlooked and
neglected history of Africa from an Islamic and Arab paradigm. The essay is based
around the work of Religious and African Studies scholar, Prof. David Robison, pulling
mostly from Cambridge text, Muslims in African History: New Approaches to African
History.
I.) Arabization, Islamization, & Africanization
To begin, on must understand the difference between Arabization and
Islamization. Arabization is the spread of the Arabic language (As it is the ‘word of god’)
while Islamization is the spread of the Islamic Faith. "Sharia Law," or the divine law of
god, and the Quran made each of the above processes possible on a grandeur scale for a
simple reason; they made Islam portable. Having said that one would assume these two
tightly knit processes would work hand-in-hand, however, such is false. Arabization
came along the same paths as Islamization throughout Africa but at a different pace and
with different consequences (Miles, 31). While many Northern Africans were converting
to Islam (Islamization), Africans on other parts of the continent were keeping to their
native Creole languages. This Africanization of Islam is found much more prevalent
during the spread of Islam throughout the country than that of Arabization. Islam is said
to have spread during three phases or process in Africa: Minority Islam, Court Islam, and
Majority Islam (Robinson, 28). Beginning with Minority Islam, Islamic influence came
through merchants and traders in Sub-Saharan bazaars. This was followed by Court
Islam, which entailed the spread of Islam in cities/towns through wealthy merchants,
ranking officials, and rulers. The spread of Islam didn't reach the countryside until much
latter; being that this was where the majority of Africans lived, the Majority Phase. In
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3. ARABISM, IMPERIALISM, & RELIGIOUS DUALITY 3
knowing how these processes interact one can address at how each were African-
ized to accommodate African cultural norms. A primitive example of these processes at
work is the African Talismans. Followers of Islam used (in addition to spiritual
protection) talismans to make his or her faith concrete by the combination precious
stones/metals with Arabic numerology or language. This Islamization and Arabization
was prevalent over the entire continent. However, in a more remote occurrence in Eastern
Africa, Swahili Muslims carried scripture accompanied by a translated copy in Swahili,
featuring both secular and Islamic themes. It can be said from this that although
Islamization took a strong initial hold in the Swahili states, it took Arabic much longer to
infiltrate the culture of the area (Robinson, 36). On the other hand, the Berbers in the
Sahara converted to Islam as groups rather than singularities as a choice of their leaders;
as a result, Berber Muslim devotion was much less. It was in these Berber communities
that a Dar Al-Islam was created which supposedly aided in the removal of the Jahiliyya
(time of ignorance) or time before Islam. Tribes in different areas accommodated
accordingly to fit Islam into their existing life: Africanization. More wealthy tribes had
large concrete mosques with multiple versions of translated scripture allowing the onset
of Arabization to move slower (Miles, 39). Poor areas of Arica had only few copies of
scripture in a native language and mosques made out of mud and stick, requiring poorer
areas of conversion to learn Arabic more quickly. The dynamics of these processes seem
to have more reciprocal effects than imagined – the integral movement of Sharia Law and
the Quran throughout Africa.
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II.) Sudan and the Mahdi: Muhammad Ahmad and Khalifa Abdullahi
Beginning in the Nineteenth Century the Sudan was privileged with two highly
influential religious leaders: Muhammad Ahmad and Khalifa Abdullahi. These Sudanese
men of Islamic faith, Muhammad Ahmad and his successor Khalifa Abdullahi had very
similar reigns over the Sudanese population which swore allegiance to each. During
Muhammad Ahmad's reign he was often opposed by Turkish forces with Imperialistic
tendencies just as Khalifa Abdullahi fought against Imperialist forces and King Yohannes
prior. In addition to handling similar Imperial pressure, both men were scholarly
educated, preachers and writers. Both men were well known for their dedication to
scripture and its power to bring people together through indoctrination. Most importantly,
both of these men used their understanding of Islam to motivate and mobilize large
populations of Muslims against foreign intrusion and economic hardship (Robinson,
156). While appearing quite similar in Islamic nature, Muhammad Ahmad’s and Khalifa
Abdullahi’s Sudanese Regimes differ greatly in regards to the oppressors and outcome of
the regime.
Muhammad Ahmad grew up in the Nile River Valley beginning to study the
Quran at very small age. As he became older he began to speak outright as a partisan of
reform of certain Islamic traditions, such as burial and ceremonial fasting. Muhammad
Ahmad's mission to gain a Islamic Sudanese following began to gain steam due to
noticeable press on Ahmad's dedication. Not much time after Ahmad claimed he was the
great Mahdi, meaning "he who comes at the end of days (Fradin, 45)." As he recognized
himself as the Mahdi, his following began to grow at exponential rates; adjunct, Ahmad
and his Ansars ('helpers' of the prophet) spent much of the next three years in battle
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5. ARABISM, IMPERIALISM, & RELIGIOUS DUALITY 5
defeating Turkish imperialists (in hope of stopping imperial control of from outside
regimes) (49). However, after many years of fighting Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad died
abruptly in 1885, in which he appointed Khalifa Abdullahi as his successor. Khalifa
Abdullahi was a cleric to the Mahdi and one of his most reformed and passionate
Muslims. However when Abdullahi took reign of the Sudanese following he found much
more opposition from within his own community than the Mahdi (Robinson, 155). The
most serious of these oppositions came from the Ashraf also known as the "descendents
of the prophet." These descendents of the prophet claimed that as sons (blood relative) of
Ahmad they were the rightful heirs to the throne. In addition to civil pressure, Abdullahi
was also under constant pressure to protect the Sudanese Muslims from outside regimes
such as the British and Turkish forces (Fradin, 66). As time passed Khalifa Abdullahi
received more imperial pressure from Christian Ethiopia in addition to a widespread
famine that stormed the country. British Colonialism would be the final draw of the
Mahdist State, as the Sudan was completely inhabited by British force by 1900. The
Khalifa's attempt to lead Sudan can be viewed as a futile attempt to restore order in a time
of chaos; sparked by after the abrupt death of Mahdi Ahmad (159). The oppressing
communities the Mahdi’s regime dealt with were almost all Turko-Egyptian factions
while the Khalifa’s regime dealt with multiple imperial forces as well as oppression from
within his own following. The outcome of each regime is apparently different as well:
Mahdi Ahmad began an Islamic Reformation in Sudan, while Khalifa Abdullahi, the
leader of the same sect of Muslims was suppressed by imperialism.
Although Muhammad Ahmad and Khalifa Abdullahi had much in common as
rulers of the same regime, however, retrospect shows how different each ruler's era
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was. For example, Muhammad Ahmad sparked an Islamic revolution within the Sudan,
and declared jihad on his Imperialist enemies while claiming to be the Great Mahdi from
the Quran. On the other hand, his successor's era is defined by internal Sudanese revolts,
famine, and military pressure from the Turks, British, and Ethiopian regimes. Mahdi
Muhammad Ahmad's era began a strong Islamic reformation within the Sudan, whereas
Khalifa Abdullahi's era can be viewed as the demise of the very same reformative state
begun by Ahmad Muhammad.
III.) Post-Colonial West Africa and Islamism
Colonial influence has had a multitude of effects on West Africa. For over one
hundred years West Africa was under control by either British or French control. West
African Architecture, Cuisine, Music, and Language alike were all affected by this
colonization. This is the reason many areas in Mali speak French as their primary
language, or the reason why many areas in Ghana have British architecture within their
mosques (McElroy, 17). A commonality between British and French colonialism is their
belief in a separation of church and state for nation-states in West Africa. Both countries,
Britain & France, felt strongly that mosque rule and political rule must be separate
(Miles, 109). Although Britain and France enforced a separation of mosque and state
during their colonial rule, recent political evolutions in Nigeria and the Senegal prove this
“church and state” influence left no lasting effects in West Africa.
From circa 1850’s to 1960 Nigeria was a British Colony affected by separation of
mosque and State; unlike influences in Architecture and Cuisine in the nation, this
separation did not remain. After Nigeria gained its independence in the 1960 the country
slowly began integrating more and more religion in to political rule (Mahmud, 85). In the
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1970’s the Tariqas and Izala, Islamic organizations with military means, began to rise in
power and popularity. Over the next two decades these groups, as well as smaller Islamist
groups, began to clash with each other and the government for power (Mahmud, 86).
Verbal and violent attacks on buildings and government officials from small radical
Islamic groups demanding Sharia law lead to Nigeria’s biggest step in evolving towards
an Islamist state. As of 2000 twelve nation-states were currently bound under Islamic
Law, Sharia Law (Mahmud, 87). Meaning, the separation of mosque and state put in
place not but forty years before was completely nullified. British colonialism had no
effect on keeping mosque and state separate in Nigeria, and for that matter, West Africa.
Like Nigeria, the Senegal was under colonial rule for over one hundred years.
Beginning in 1860 French colonialists manipulated Islamic rulers as a way to control the
indigenous more easily. Although these officials were Muslim their ‘official duties’ were
in no way connected to Islam; or at least the French wanted it that way. Until Senegalese
independence in 1960 the French kept a control over major political offices to make sure
mosque officials had limited power (Robinson, 109). This French influence over mosque
and state became non-existent as time elapsed. Post-independence, the Muslim
population in Senegal, mostly Sufi, began to outgrow the non-Muslim population. This
Muslim majority played a prevalent role in the 1990’s and even more so in the 2000
presidential election (Villalon, 86). The 2000 Presidential election contained two Sufi
candidates who based their entire election on an Islamist basis. Both men constantly cited
scripture and Islamic narratives to frame the current situation in the Senegal. In 2000, the
democratic landscape had changed from mosque and state being separate nearly four
decades before to Islamist rhetoric as a means of presidential platform (Villalon, 88).
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Although neither Islamist candidate was elected in 2000, since that election only
two percent of those running for political office are non-Muslim. Senegal’s political
structure evolved from a small Muslim influence in the 1960’s to one considering an
Islamist president (Villalon, 87). The power of the mosque in Senegalese elections show
how little a long-lasting effect the French separation of mosque and state had on political
structure in West Africa.
West Africa colonial influences from both the France and Britain are impossible
to ignore however as described above not all influences leave lasting impression. Both
Nigeria and the Senegal were subjected to a separation of Church and State, however,
neither show lasting effect. The West African people of Senegal and Nigeria demonstrate
how one country’s strong convictions (Britain and or France) can have far less value to
others.
IV.) African Slave Trade and an Islamic Dichotomy
From the beginning of documented history, there have been systems designed to
exploit humans for slave labor. Slavery, as it is commonly known, has plagued societies
for generations often times intertwined with a people’s religious identity, either in the
name of or in order to cope with (Miles, 89). For example, religion was used as a coping
mechanism for Jews during WWI, using Judaism to help escape the hardships of harsh
concentration camp life (Chilton, 29). Religion has also been used to enslave populations,
as during the tenth century when Christian Knights would use their religious conversion
tactics to enslave, convert or kill those in the midst of their Crusade (33). Although both
cases are recognized, very rarely is it that the same religion can both enslave and comfort
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a population in the same era; such is the case for Islam in Africa. Islam was used to both
enslave Africans as well as help them cope with the hardships of being enslaved.
Beginning in the 1400’s African Muslims were enslaved by different groups of
Europeans, and as a result these men and women used their religion to cope with the
conditions they were subjected too. A prototypical example can be found in the
enslavement of Abu Bakr. Abu Bakr was a West African Muslim who lived with his
family of traders along an old Mali Empire trading route. As European influence moved
closer so did the conflicts. Abu was soon forced to fight a war with which he had little
vested interest in (as both sides had no connection to Islam). Abu, as part of the ‘losing
side,’ was enslaved by his new imperialist masters and then shipped to Jamaica for trade
(Robinson, 61). He is quoted from his journal, “They tore my clothes off, gave me a
heavy load to carry, then made me walk the road…made me change my name to Edward,
…sleep like animals,…eat like animals (63).” Scholarly research shows that such stories
were common of those taken through the Atlantic Slave Trade. These subjections to harsh
environments, humiliating conditions, and over work take a hard toll on the African
Muslim slaves. To help cope with these issues, these Muslims would pray as a form of
escape (68). However, due to the fact that there were so few African Muslims taken
during the slave trade it was hard to create religious congregations or establish Islamic
continuity. By default of this, transplanted Muslim slaves in the West Indies and
Americas used faith to cope with their hardships in private. During the same era, this
same religion played a part in enslaving inhabitants on the very same continent.
To understand how Islam was used to help enslave Africans, one must first
understand how the Muslims justified slavery. Slavery was just as long as the
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enslavement was below the divide of the the: the faithful of Islam (Dar al-Islam), and the
ignorant or the non-believers (Dar al-Kufr). This meant that as long as those being
enslaved were non-believers, such an act was a just cause. Just as there was a ‘losing
side’ in Abu Bakr’s war, there was also a ‘winning side.’ Many times Muslims found
along the Trans-Saharan Trade route were patrons of ‘winning sides’ and thus were
reluctant to help the victors with their interest in Africa: Slavery (Robinson, 72). Because
many of the ‘victorious’ Muslims were from flourishing cities, they were in turn well
educated; providing them work as appraisers, inspectors, and recruiters by their European
counterparts (68). All of these jobs were utilized in the trafficking of human property
(Chilton,33). Muslims used their religiously gained education to help facilitate levels of
the slave trade; helping to enslave Africans by way of Islam. It should be recognized that
some African Muslims of the time questioned the involvement of Muslims and
justification of non-Muslim slaves but little could be done during the time as the Muslims
areas were inundated with European military influence (Robinson, 66).
The use of Islam in Africa during the Slave Trade appears somewhat to be in the
dichotomy of war. The dichotomy of war in this case states: at the wars end there is a
definitive a ‘winner’ and a ‘loser.’ The application of Islam in Africa (at the time) was
determined by which side of the dichotomy a Muslim patron sided with. If one was a
member of the ‘winning’ side he or she may be given a skill position like those in the
trans-Sahara. However, if you were on the ‘losing side’ you may end up more like Abu
Bakr, as a commodity in a slave trade. The arbitrary lines of war create a divide in which
peoples of the same religious sect oppress one another, using their similarities as
mechanism of facilitation.
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References
Fradin, M.S. (2003). Jihad: The Mahdi Rebellion in Sudan. ACP: New York. PP 1-86.
Mahmud, S.S. (2004). ASR Focus: Islamism in West Africa, Nigeria. African Studies
Review 47, (2). PP 83-101.
McElroy, W. (2004). West Africa and Colonialism: Part 1, 2, & 3. Freedom Daily 5, (4),
PP 1-22.
Miles, W. F. (2004). ASR Focus: Islamism in West Africa, Introduction. African Studies
Review, (47), 2. PP 55-117.
Robinson, D. (2008). Muslims in African History: New Approaches to African History.
Cambridge Press: Boston. PP 164 -169.
Villalon, L.A. (2004). ASR Focus: Islamism in West Africa, Senegal. African Studies
Review, (47), 2. PP 61-71.
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