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DISSERTATION REVIEWS INSTRUCTIONS
This paper will consist of 2 separate 6-page reviews of 2
different doctoral dissertations in 1 Microsoft Word document.
You will locate 2 Liberty University doctoral dissertations
written within the past 5 years.All the School of Education
doctoral dissertations can be found here:
http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/educ_doc_dis/.
The dissertations are organized chronologically with 2019 on
top. Clicking on the title of a dissertation will take you to a
page with some basic info for that dissertation, including the
abstract. Clicking on the “Download” button will pull up a full-
text document for the dissertation. You will not need a special
login to access these PDFs.
Special Note:
· One of the dissertations must focus on the proposed research
topic of personal interest that you identified in Discussion
Board Forum 1 (Multicultural Education)
· The other dissertation must employ a research design type
similar to that which you will propose in your Research
Methodology Presentation later in class.
The review must include:
· For Each Dissertation,
· 2-page summary of the dissertation
· 2-page analysis of the quality of the research conducted (What
are the strengths and limitations of the research? What was done
well? What could be improved? How would you do the research
differently?)
· 2-page personal analysis and practical application discussion
(describe personal lessons learned from the dissertation and the
relevance of the reviewed work within the field of education)
· A References page
The body of the paper must be at least 12 pages (not counting
title and reference pages), must include references and citations
for the 2 dissertation sources, and must be formatted in current
APA style.
Read the following primary sources then post an initial response
to the following questions. You should write like an essay 500
words.
What were some of the main concerns of second-wave
feminism? To what extend was it an outgrowth of the civil
rights movement? What are some of the problems women
encounter in uniting in a cause that other minorities don't face?
Besides being good for a laugh, what is the purpose, do you
think, of Steinem's essay?
RACISM and S E X I S M
23101
A COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE: A MINORITY WOMAN'S
POINT OF VIEW
Bv Valerie Russell
There is a battle now raging about whether or not sexism and
racism have any real e l e -
ments in common, and whether or not the collective struggle of
one has any real implications for
the other. It is my position that the struggle for liberation is a
struggle toward a new humanness,
and that one dare not happen apart from any other struggle. The
seeds which spawn the r a c i s t
mentality also spawn the sexist mentality, though the results
differ in both their historical mani-
festations and degree of oppression. It is critical to any group of
women, working through a
Christian perspective toward liberation, that we take a careful
look at sexism and racism in o r -
der to build an understanding of their similarities and
differences. If we a r e to effect institu-
tional change we need to capitalize upon the similarities but to
realistically acknowledge and be
sensitive to the differences. This will enable us to build a
community of trust with each other
and also affirm the nature of pluralism within a context of
unity.
WHAT IS RACISM? Any attitude, action or institutional
structure which systematically subordin-
ated a person or group because of their color.
WHAT IS SEXISM? Any attitude, action or institutional
structure which systematically subordin-
ated a person or group because of their sex.
As we work through these definitions let us begin to look at
some of the fundamental s i m i -
l a r i t i e s in the two problems. One way of doing this is to
reflect upon the general nature of
oppression and the context which it sets for human liberation.
Jurgen Moltmann has pointed out that a succession of freedom
movements have expressed
the human striving for liberation in Western society. Each new
movement has continued the gains
of previous ones. "Each one has opened a new front in the
struggle for freedom" A staff col-
league of mine, Dr. Letty Russell, states in a paper entitled,
"Human Liberation in a Feminine
Perspective, " that "Women belong to one of the groups who
find that liberties gained in past
revolutions of freedom have not been adequate. As an oppressed
majority they point to a basic
and persistent form of domination which is expressed in the
various social customs regarding
the man-woman relationship. As they strive to break the
peculiar chains of sexism, they become
aware of their solidarity with all those who aspire for full
human liberation. Learning from
others—they also contribute their own perspective to what is
happening in the rapidly changing
institutions of s o c i e t y . . .
"Secondly, HUMAN LIBERATION MEANS NEW
CONSCIOUSNESS OF OPPRESSION AND
RISING EXPECTATIONS CONCERNING THE FUTURE.
Oppressed people begin the p r o c e s s of
liberation by negating the negative of the p r e s e n t situation.
And it is this discovery that frees
them to discover their h u m a n i t y . . .
"This i s a phenomenon which points to the growing awareness
that humanization involves
freedom to participate in shaping one's own destiny. "
It is precisely at this critical juncture of what Paulo F r e i r e
calls "conscientization" that
the broad perspective of sexism and racism must converge. It i s
critical that the perception of
the nature of oppression, and the vision of the new freedom not
be one-sided. For when analyz-
ing the nature of past oppression we quickly realize that p a r t
of the disease has been the inher-
ent one-sidedness of the definitions of social reality. Namely,
the norms of America, and
indeed in most Western thought and historical Christianity, have
been set by white, Western,
male thinking. The historical struggle which both women and
racial minorities have suffered in
America is predominately the history of those hang-ups. We
have been living out a reality not
authentically our own. Yet, through inheritance, assimilation,
socialization, seduction, what-
ever name you call it, the majority of Americans—particularly
females—have bought those
Written for the United Church of Christ Task Force on Women
in Church and Society.
- 2 -
hang-ups as their own, "lock, stock and b a r r e l . " This was
particularly true of white women
Since their physical, social, cultural and economic c h a r a c t e
r i s t i c s most closely resembled the
oppressor. Racial groups have always been aware that they have
never been a part of "the
American dream. " To Black, Chicana, Asian American, Indian
and Puerto Rican women, there
i s little reason now to believe that suddenly white women,
newly aware of their oppression will
r i s e up with a new vision of the future which somehow
encompasses more than their historical
experience. I am not saying that white women do not have a
new vision which is nonoppressive*
but it must be defined and demonstrated to be beMeved. T r u s
t must be earned. How such t rust
i s earned should be a major focus for any women's group
seeking to deal with questions of l i b -
eration. Minority s i s t e r s have too bitter a taste in their
mouths from the y e a r s spent doing
white women's housework and child-raising from being
constantly demeaned because of white
standards of beauty and "gracefulness. "' Sojourner T r u t h ' s
now famous poem, "And Ain't I a
Woman?" stands as a cry of minority women from the depths of
their struggle for acceptance.
In their historical eye, the white woman has been their enemy. It
i s now n e c e s s a r y for white
women to prove that just as they will no longer play the
pampered soft sex-object role, they
will no longer play the role of being the enemy of their minority
s i s t e r s . The demonstration of
this fact, however, will take a determined and intentional effort
on the p a r t of all s i s t e r s . It is
not something which will just "happen. " White s i s t e r s have
to understand this and accept it a s
reality. One of the reasons that black s i s t e r s have been so
hostile toward whites in women's
liberation i s that they have perceived great hostility from white
s i s t e r s because they have looked
upon the good intentions of these s i s t e r s with doubt.
I do believe that as white s i s t e r s get past the period of
exorcism (or expression of rage)
to a time when they clearly define their goals, methodologies
and value framework, the relation-
ship will, hopefully, become m o r e possible. When people a r e
broken open, something new
e m e r g e s . But what that new will look like is up for grabs in
the women's movement. All the in-
put possible must be sought by those from other groupings.
None of us can move forward alone.
We must seek out new ways of communication and communion
so that we can provide some mutual
support in the struggle for change.
Finally, white women must realize that minority women a r e
intrinsically bound to the total
struggle of a r a c e . The enemy as stated e a r l i e r , i s "the
white establishment"—not h e r man. The
minority male in America has suffered equally from oppression,
hi a society which equates m a n -
hood with " s u c c e s s " the minority man suffered grave
historical injustice. The struggle of minor-
ity people i s to free themselves mentally and morally from the
"oughtness" and oppressive value
systems of the mainstream of American life. For many
minorities, indeed, the struggle is for
actual physical and spiritual survival. These battles cannot be
waged by women alone but a r e in-
trinsically bound together. Many white s i s t e r s have not
understood this phenomenon and perceive
that minority women a r e merely perpetuating chauvinism
because they have not been so quick to
denounce their interdependence with their men. Minority men
and women do need to work out new
supportive and freeing roles with each other, but that will have
to happen within the context of the
struggle for justice in America. White women must l e a r n to
trus t their minority s i s t e r s that this
i s happening and will continue. The p r o c e s s , however, will
not often take on the rhetoric, form
o r methodology of the predominately white "women's lib"
movement.
All of us as s i s t e r s must become m o r e politically involved
in shaping A m e r i c a ' s new p r i -
orities and in reshaping i t s vision. We must somehow look at
our own histories in the collective
a s well as personal s t o r i e s which have shaped our
consciousness toward liberation. We must b e -
lieve in the right and necessity for those collective and personal
stories to differ. We must b e -
lieve that the goals will bring us together out of our diversity.
We must believe in the power of
healing—that the gaps will be diminished and that our liberation
will result in the freeing of the
whole human society, because our new consciousness and action
toward liberation will empower
and bestow dignity, not oppress and deny it. We a r e not asking
for a bigger piece of the A m e r i -
can pie, r a t h e r we a r e seeking to formulate a new world.
Printed with permission: KNOW, I n c . , P . O . Box 86031,
Pittsburgh, PA 15221.
If Men Could Menstruate
By Gloria Steinem, Ms. Magazine, October 1978
A white minority of the world has spent centuries conning us
into thinking that a white skin makes
people superior—even though the only thing it really does is
make them more subject to ultraviolet rays
and to wrinkles. Male human beings have built whole cultures
around the idea that penis-envy is
“natural” to women—though having such an unprotected organ
might be said to make men vulnerable,
and the power to give birth makes womb-envy at least as
logical.
In short, the characteristics of the powerful, whatever they may
be, are thought to be better than the
characteristics of the powerless—and logic has nothing to do
with it.
What would happen, for instance, if suddenly, magically, men
could menstruate and women could not?
The answer is clear—menstruation would become an enviable,
boast-worthy, masculine event:
Men would brag about how long and how much.
Boys would mark the onset of menses, that longed-for proof of
manhood, with religious ritual and stag
parties.
Congress would fund a National Institute of Dysmenorrhea to
help stamp out monthly discomforts.
Sanitary supplies would be federally funded and free. (Of
course, some men would still pay for the
prestige of commercial brands such as John Wayne Tampons,
Muhammad Ali’s Rope-a-dope Pads,
Joe Namath Jock Shields—“For Those Light Bachelor Days,”
and Robert “Baretta” Blake Maxi-Pads.)
Military men, right-wing politicians, and religious
fundamentalists would cite menstruation (“men-
struation”) as proof that only men could serve in the Army
(“you have to give blood to take blood”),
occupy political office (“can women be aggressive without that
steadfast cycle governed by the planet
Mars?”), be priest and ministers (“how could a woman give her
blood for our sins?”) or rabbis (“without
the monthly loss of impurities, women remain unclean”).
Male radicals, left-wing politicians, mystics, however, would
insist that women are equal, just different,
and that any woman could enter their ranks if she were willing
to self-inflict a major wound every month
(“you MUST give blood for the revolution”), recognize the
preeminence of menstrual issues, or
subordinate her selfness to all men in their Cycle of
Enlightenment. Street guys would brag (“I’m a three
pad man”) or answer praise from a buddy (“Man, you lookin‘
good!”) by giving fives and saying, “Yeah,
man, I’m on the rag!” TV shows would treat the subject at
length. (“Happy Days”: Richie and Potsie try
to convince Fonzie that he is still “The Fonz,” though he has
missed two periods in a row.) So would
newspapers. (SHARK SCARE THREATENS MENSTRUATING
MEN. JUDGE CITES MONTHLY
STRESS IN PARDONING RAPIST.) And movies. (Newman and
Redford in “Blood Brothers”!)
Men would convince women that intercourse was more
pleasurable at “that time of the month.”
Lesbians would be said to fear blood and therefore life itself—
though probably only because they
needed a good menstruating man.
Of course, male intellectuals would offer the most moral and
logical arguments. How could a woman
master any discipline that demanded a sense of time, space,
mathematics, or measurement, for
instance, without that in-built gift for measuring the cycles of
the moon and planets—and thus for
measuring anything at all? In the rarefied fields of philosophy
and religion, could women compensate
for missing the rhythm of the universe? Or for their lack of
symbolic death-and-resurrection every
month?
Liberal males in every field would try to be kind: the fact that
“these people” have no gift for measuring
life or connecting to the universe, the liberals would explain,
should be punishment enough.
And how would women be trained to react? One can imagine
traditional women agreeing to all
arguments with a staunch and smiling masochism. (“The ERA
would force housewives to wound
themselves every month”: Phyllis Schlafly. “Your husband’s
blood is as sacred as that of Jesus - and so
sexy, too!” Marabel Morgan.) Reformers and Queen Bees would
try to imitate men, and pretend to have
a monthly cycle. All feminists would explain endlessly that
men, too, needed to be liberated from the
false idea of Martian aggressiveness, just as women needed to
escape the bonds of menses envy.
Radical feminists would add that the oppression of the
nonmenstrual was the pattern for all other
oppressions (“Vampires were our first freedom fighters!”)
Cultural feminists would develop a bloodless
imagery in art and literature. Socialist feminists would insist
that only under capitalism would men be
able to monopolize menstrual blood . . . .
In fact, if men could menstruate, the power justifications could
probably go on forever.
If we let them.
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DISSERTATION REVIEWS INSTRUCTIONSThis paper will consist of 2 se.docx

  • 1. DISSERTATION REVIEWS INSTRUCTIONS This paper will consist of 2 separate 6-page reviews of 2 different doctoral dissertations in 1 Microsoft Word document. You will locate 2 Liberty University doctoral dissertations written within the past 5 years.All the School of Education doctoral dissertations can be found here: http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/educ_doc_dis/. The dissertations are organized chronologically with 2019 on top. Clicking on the title of a dissertation will take you to a page with some basic info for that dissertation, including the abstract. Clicking on the “Download” button will pull up a full- text document for the dissertation. You will not need a special login to access these PDFs. Special Note: · One of the dissertations must focus on the proposed research topic of personal interest that you identified in Discussion Board Forum 1 (Multicultural Education) · The other dissertation must employ a research design type similar to that which you will propose in your Research Methodology Presentation later in class. The review must include: · For Each Dissertation, · 2-page summary of the dissertation · 2-page analysis of the quality of the research conducted (What are the strengths and limitations of the research? What was done well? What could be improved? How would you do the research differently?) · 2-page personal analysis and practical application discussion (describe personal lessons learned from the dissertation and the relevance of the reviewed work within the field of education) · A References page
  • 2. The body of the paper must be at least 12 pages (not counting title and reference pages), must include references and citations for the 2 dissertation sources, and must be formatted in current APA style. Read the following primary sources then post an initial response to the following questions. You should write like an essay 500 words. What were some of the main concerns of second-wave feminism? To what extend was it an outgrowth of the civil rights movement? What are some of the problems women encounter in uniting in a cause that other minorities don't face? Besides being good for a laugh, what is the purpose, do you think, of Steinem's essay? RACISM and S E X I S M 23101 A COLLECTIVE STRUGGLE: A MINORITY WOMAN'S POINT OF VIEW Bv Valerie Russell There is a battle now raging about whether or not sexism and racism have any real e l e - ments in common, and whether or not the collective struggle of one has any real implications for the other. It is my position that the struggle for liberation is a struggle toward a new humanness, and that one dare not happen apart from any other struggle. The seeds which spawn the r a c i s t mentality also spawn the sexist mentality, though the results differ in both their historical mani-
  • 3. festations and degree of oppression. It is critical to any group of women, working through a Christian perspective toward liberation, that we take a careful look at sexism and racism in o r - der to build an understanding of their similarities and differences. If we a r e to effect institu- tional change we need to capitalize upon the similarities but to realistically acknowledge and be sensitive to the differences. This will enable us to build a community of trust with each other and also affirm the nature of pluralism within a context of unity. WHAT IS RACISM? Any attitude, action or institutional structure which systematically subordin- ated a person or group because of their color. WHAT IS SEXISM? Any attitude, action or institutional structure which systematically subordin- ated a person or group because of their sex. As we work through these definitions let us begin to look at some of the fundamental s i m i - l a r i t i e s in the two problems. One way of doing this is to reflect upon the general nature of oppression and the context which it sets for human liberation. Jurgen Moltmann has pointed out that a succession of freedom movements have expressed the human striving for liberation in Western society. Each new movement has continued the gains of previous ones. "Each one has opened a new front in the struggle for freedom" A staff col- league of mine, Dr. Letty Russell, states in a paper entitled, "Human Liberation in a Feminine Perspective, " that "Women belong to one of the groups who find that liberties gained in past
  • 4. revolutions of freedom have not been adequate. As an oppressed majority they point to a basic and persistent form of domination which is expressed in the various social customs regarding the man-woman relationship. As they strive to break the peculiar chains of sexism, they become aware of their solidarity with all those who aspire for full human liberation. Learning from others—they also contribute their own perspective to what is happening in the rapidly changing institutions of s o c i e t y . . . "Secondly, HUMAN LIBERATION MEANS NEW CONSCIOUSNESS OF OPPRESSION AND RISING EXPECTATIONS CONCERNING THE FUTURE. Oppressed people begin the p r o c e s s of liberation by negating the negative of the p r e s e n t situation. And it is this discovery that frees them to discover their h u m a n i t y . . . "This i s a phenomenon which points to the growing awareness that humanization involves freedom to participate in shaping one's own destiny. " It is precisely at this critical juncture of what Paulo F r e i r e calls "conscientization" that the broad perspective of sexism and racism must converge. It i s critical that the perception of the nature of oppression, and the vision of the new freedom not be one-sided. For when analyz- ing the nature of past oppression we quickly realize that p a r t of the disease has been the inher- ent one-sidedness of the definitions of social reality. Namely, the norms of America, and indeed in most Western thought and historical Christianity, have been set by white, Western,
  • 5. male thinking. The historical struggle which both women and racial minorities have suffered in America is predominately the history of those hang-ups. We have been living out a reality not authentically our own. Yet, through inheritance, assimilation, socialization, seduction, what- ever name you call it, the majority of Americans—particularly females—have bought those Written for the United Church of Christ Task Force on Women in Church and Society. - 2 - hang-ups as their own, "lock, stock and b a r r e l . " This was particularly true of white women Since their physical, social, cultural and economic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s most closely resembled the oppressor. Racial groups have always been aware that they have never been a part of "the American dream. " To Black, Chicana, Asian American, Indian and Puerto Rican women, there i s little reason now to believe that suddenly white women, newly aware of their oppression will r i s e up with a new vision of the future which somehow encompasses more than their historical experience. I am not saying that white women do not have a new vision which is nonoppressive* but it must be defined and demonstrated to be beMeved. T r u s t must be earned. How such t rust i s earned should be a major focus for any women's group seeking to deal with questions of l i b - eration. Minority s i s t e r s have too bitter a taste in their mouths from the y e a r s spent doing
  • 6. white women's housework and child-raising from being constantly demeaned because of white standards of beauty and "gracefulness. "' Sojourner T r u t h ' s now famous poem, "And Ain't I a Woman?" stands as a cry of minority women from the depths of their struggle for acceptance. In their historical eye, the white woman has been their enemy. It i s now n e c e s s a r y for white women to prove that just as they will no longer play the pampered soft sex-object role, they will no longer play the role of being the enemy of their minority s i s t e r s . The demonstration of this fact, however, will take a determined and intentional effort on the p a r t of all s i s t e r s . It is not something which will just "happen. " White s i s t e r s have to understand this and accept it a s reality. One of the reasons that black s i s t e r s have been so hostile toward whites in women's liberation i s that they have perceived great hostility from white s i s t e r s because they have looked upon the good intentions of these s i s t e r s with doubt. I do believe that as white s i s t e r s get past the period of exorcism (or expression of rage) to a time when they clearly define their goals, methodologies and value framework, the relation- ship will, hopefully, become m o r e possible. When people a r e broken open, something new e m e r g e s . But what that new will look like is up for grabs in the women's movement. All the in- put possible must be sought by those from other groupings. None of us can move forward alone. We must seek out new ways of communication and communion so that we can provide some mutual support in the struggle for change.
  • 7. Finally, white women must realize that minority women a r e intrinsically bound to the total struggle of a r a c e . The enemy as stated e a r l i e r , i s "the white establishment"—not h e r man. The minority male in America has suffered equally from oppression, hi a society which equates m a n - hood with " s u c c e s s " the minority man suffered grave historical injustice. The struggle of minor- ity people i s to free themselves mentally and morally from the "oughtness" and oppressive value systems of the mainstream of American life. For many minorities, indeed, the struggle is for actual physical and spiritual survival. These battles cannot be waged by women alone but a r e in- trinsically bound together. Many white s i s t e r s have not understood this phenomenon and perceive that minority women a r e merely perpetuating chauvinism because they have not been so quick to denounce their interdependence with their men. Minority men and women do need to work out new supportive and freeing roles with each other, but that will have to happen within the context of the struggle for justice in America. White women must l e a r n to trus t their minority s i s t e r s that this i s happening and will continue. The p r o c e s s , however, will not often take on the rhetoric, form o r methodology of the predominately white "women's lib" movement. All of us as s i s t e r s must become m o r e politically involved in shaping A m e r i c a ' s new p r i - orities and in reshaping i t s vision. We must somehow look at our own histories in the collective a s well as personal s t o r i e s which have shaped our consciousness toward liberation. We must b e - lieve in the right and necessity for those collective and personal
  • 8. stories to differ. We must b e - lieve that the goals will bring us together out of our diversity. We must believe in the power of healing—that the gaps will be diminished and that our liberation will result in the freeing of the whole human society, because our new consciousness and action toward liberation will empower and bestow dignity, not oppress and deny it. We a r e not asking for a bigger piece of the A m e r i - can pie, r a t h e r we a r e seeking to formulate a new world. Printed with permission: KNOW, I n c . , P . O . Box 86031, Pittsburgh, PA 15221. If Men Could Menstruate By Gloria Steinem, Ms. Magazine, October 1978 A white minority of the world has spent centuries conning us into thinking that a white skin makes people superior—even though the only thing it really does is make them more subject to ultraviolet rays and to wrinkles. Male human beings have built whole cultures around the idea that penis-envy is “natural” to women—though having such an unprotected organ might be said to make men vulnerable, and the power to give birth makes womb-envy at least as logical. In short, the characteristics of the powerful, whatever they may be, are thought to be better than the characteristics of the powerless—and logic has nothing to do
  • 9. with it. What would happen, for instance, if suddenly, magically, men could menstruate and women could not? The answer is clear—menstruation would become an enviable, boast-worthy, masculine event: Men would brag about how long and how much. Boys would mark the onset of menses, that longed-for proof of manhood, with religious ritual and stag parties. Congress would fund a National Institute of Dysmenorrhea to help stamp out monthly discomforts. Sanitary supplies would be federally funded and free. (Of course, some men would still pay for the prestige of commercial brands such as John Wayne Tampons, Muhammad Ali’s Rope-a-dope Pads, Joe Namath Jock Shields—“For Those Light Bachelor Days,” and Robert “Baretta” Blake Maxi-Pads.) Military men, right-wing politicians, and religious fundamentalists would cite menstruation (“men- struation”) as proof that only men could serve in the Army (“you have to give blood to take blood”), occupy political office (“can women be aggressive without that steadfast cycle governed by the planet Mars?”), be priest and ministers (“how could a woman give her blood for our sins?”) or rabbis (“without the monthly loss of impurities, women remain unclean”). Male radicals, left-wing politicians, mystics, however, would insist that women are equal, just different,
  • 10. and that any woman could enter their ranks if she were willing to self-inflict a major wound every month (“you MUST give blood for the revolution”), recognize the preeminence of menstrual issues, or subordinate her selfness to all men in their Cycle of Enlightenment. Street guys would brag (“I’m a three pad man”) or answer praise from a buddy (“Man, you lookin‘ good!”) by giving fives and saying, “Yeah, man, I’m on the rag!” TV shows would treat the subject at length. (“Happy Days”: Richie and Potsie try to convince Fonzie that he is still “The Fonz,” though he has missed two periods in a row.) So would newspapers. (SHARK SCARE THREATENS MENSTRUATING MEN. JUDGE CITES MONTHLY STRESS IN PARDONING RAPIST.) And movies. (Newman and Redford in “Blood Brothers”!) Men would convince women that intercourse was more pleasurable at “that time of the month.” Lesbians would be said to fear blood and therefore life itself— though probably only because they needed a good menstruating man. Of course, male intellectuals would offer the most moral and logical arguments. How could a woman master any discipline that demanded a sense of time, space, mathematics, or measurement, for instance, without that in-built gift for measuring the cycles of the moon and planets—and thus for measuring anything at all? In the rarefied fields of philosophy and religion, could women compensate for missing the rhythm of the universe? Or for their lack of symbolic death-and-resurrection every month?
  • 11. Liberal males in every field would try to be kind: the fact that “these people” have no gift for measuring life or connecting to the universe, the liberals would explain, should be punishment enough. And how would women be trained to react? One can imagine traditional women agreeing to all arguments with a staunch and smiling masochism. (“The ERA would force housewives to wound themselves every month”: Phyllis Schlafly. “Your husband’s blood is as sacred as that of Jesus - and so sexy, too!” Marabel Morgan.) Reformers and Queen Bees would try to imitate men, and pretend to have a monthly cycle. All feminists would explain endlessly that men, too, needed to be liberated from the false idea of Martian aggressiveness, just as women needed to escape the bonds of menses envy. Radical feminists would add that the oppression of the nonmenstrual was the pattern for all other oppressions (“Vampires were our first freedom fighters!”) Cultural feminists would develop a bloodless imagery in art and literature. Socialist feminists would insist that only under capitalism would men be able to monopolize menstrual blood . . . . In fact, if men could menstruate, the power justifications could probably go on forever. If we let them.