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6 Politics and Social Contracts Politics and Social Contracts Flora Gorham Phil 1001 Walden University Politics and Social Contracts 1 Abstract We read and study about American History, The Declaration of Independents, The Constitution of The United States of America, but have you ever been curious where the writers of these documents discovered the ideas and principles that set the standards for such documents. The truth is many philosophers are responsible for the basic frame work of the most celebrated, studied, and referenced documents our government has ever produced. I am going to discuss three of the philosophers in the following paper. Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean Jacques Rousseau, their beliefs in social contracts and human nature have served as framework for many areas in our American History. Politics and Social Contracts. Understanding morality, human nature, and social contracts will help you understand the framework for many of today’s political decisions as they have built upon each other throughout history. First let’s look at our roles as citizens according to Hobbes, Loucke and Rousseau. Hobbes believed that humans were unconstrained by laws or social agreements were living in a state of nature, selfish, destructive, and unprincipled. Without social contracts human lives would be nasty and very unpleasant. Loucke was a bit more optimistic regarding human nature, that humans being rational creatures were governed by natural laws and entitled to certain inalienable rights, known as life, liberty, health and property. That humans will come together to ensure their natural rights. Rousseau was more focused on human compassion, all humans are naturally compassionate. Look at these beliefs, and then think about society today, do you know someone that truly represents each one of these beliefs regarding human nature? Possibly even look back though your own life and the stages of growth you have experienced, I know at various times in my life I could have very fittingly been described by each of these descriptions of human nature. Social contracts are believed to be essential, in order for humans to thrive and prosper by all of the philosophers, yet each of them had a slightly different view of how the social contracts affected society. Hobbes believed that social contracts were necessary to allow humans to coexist successfully in society. That humans would recognize the need and enter into the social contract willfully in order to enhance our own lives. Social contracts were necessary in order to establish justice and laws. Loucke believed that humans would find it to our advantage to come together, form a political state to maintain and ensure our natural rights. Throughout the years our natural rights are more commonly referred to as life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Rousseau focused on human compassion to include empathy and sympathy for fellow members of our society. Our human co.

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First published on 20th February 2008 in Buzzle, AfroArticles, and American Chronicle Excerpt: Kosova’s formal independence heralds a great perspective for Trans-Dniestr, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, as well as Sanjak and Voivodina in the gradually fading tyranny of Serbia. Furthermore, Kosovo announces a promising future for other oppressed peoples in Balkans, notably the Turks and the Macedonians of Bulgaria, and the Hungarians of Transylvania. As a matter of fact, Kosova opens the way for Catalonia, Corsica, the Bask country, Galicia, Occitania, Brittany, and Scotland.

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~UEER THEORY AND TH'E JEWISH QUESTI01 Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini, Editors COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW YORK COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS Publishers Since 1893 New York Chichester, Ulest Sussex Copyright© 2003 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Queer theory and the Jewish question I Daniel Boyarin, Daniel Itzkovicz, and Ann Pellegrini, editors. p. cm.-(Between meh-between women) ISBN 0-231-11374-9 (cloth: alk. paper)- ISBN 0-231-11375-7 (pbk.: olk. pape<) 1. Jewish gays. 2. Jewish lesbians. I. Boyarin, Daniel. II. Itzkovitz, Daniel. III. Pellegrini, Ann IV. Series. HQ75.15.Q5 2003 305.892'4-dcll 2003048494 Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America 010987654321 p10987654321 Acknowledgments Strange Bedfellows: An Introduction Daniel Boyarin, Daniel ltzkovitz, and Ann Pellegrini Category Crises: The Way of the Cross and the Jewish Star Marjorie Garber Epistemology of the Closet Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick Contents ix 19 41 Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy and Alliance Politics 64 Janet R. Jakobsen Freud, Bltiher, and the Secessio lnversa: Mannerbunde, Homosexuality, and Freud's Theory of Cultural Formation Jay Geller Jew Boys, Queer Boys: Rhetorics of Antisemitism and Homophobia in the Trial of Nathan "Babe" Leopoid Jr. and Richard "Dickie" Loeb Paul B. Franklin Viva la Diva Citizenship: Post-Zionism and Gay Rights Alisa Solomon 90 121 149 vii Queers Are Like Jews, Aren't They? Analogy and Alliance Politics JANET R. JAKOBSEN Queers are like Jews. Aren't they? What does it mean to pose the Jewish question in relation to queer theory? Is there any one Jewish question? And does not the Jewish question also pose the question of queer theory itself? What is the relationship berween "Jewish" and "queee'? Does queer, after all, refer to the identity of those with whom it is most commonly associated in the current milieu: homosexuals and other sexual dissidents? Or does queer mean something, well, "different" than that, different than a catch-all ca\egory with reference to sexuality? And if queer refers to something else-to~ for example, that which is other, different, odd, queer-what is its relation to the specific difference (queerness?)' of Jew- ish? One can certainly imagine instances in which it would be quite queer to be Jewish. But, if we simply take up the concept in this manner-that Jews are the queers of this or that setting-does not all difference get colonized into "queer"? And, doesn't the specter of sexual identity continue to haunt the word queer, leaving sexuality as the fundamental difference? What if Jewish is taken to mean something more than a specific difference? What of the impli- cations of Jewishness beyond Jewish d.

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Gender equality calls for women and men to have equal rights and entitlements to human, social, economic and cultural development, and an equal voice in civil and political life. This does not mean that women and men will become the same, but that women’s and men’s rights, responsibilities and opportunities do not depend on whether they are born male or female. The pursuit of gender equality has a long history. Especially in the West, it can be seen as an extension of the ongoing claims for liberty and equality unleashed by the French Revolution, when equality before the law became newly established as the basis of the social order. Well into the 20th century, the extended struggle for the franchise has stood as the symbol of a much wider struggle by women playing a central role in extending, defending or giving substance to social citizenship rights. The call for equal rights for women resurfaced in the 1960s and 1970s alongside movements for civil and human rights, peace, the environment, and gay liberation. One of the major triumphs of this stage was the UN adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979, the first international human-rights instrument to explicitly define all forms of discrimination against women as fundamental human-rights violations. CEDAW emphasised women's individual rights in opposition to those traditionalists who defend major inequalities in the status quo as the ‘complementary’ roles for men and women that nature intended. It called for the equality of men and women in public and political life, before the law and with respect to nationality rights, in education, employment, the provision of healthcare (including access to family planning services), and in marriage and family matters. Another high point was the constitution of the new South Africa (1996 – built on the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality and the ANC’s 1993 Bill of Rights), which emphasises the equal citizenship of women and men and people of all races, by making provision for equal protection under the law, equal rights in the family, and in all areas of public life. In the last three to four decades, this pursuit of gender equality has brought successive challenges to many major areas of social, economic and political life, beginning with a quest for equal representation in the corridors of power, but developing into a broader critique of masculine bias and ‘power politics’, and the search for forms of mutual empowerment.

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Week 1, Lecture B: "Do We Need A Government?" Often we use words like freedom and liberty without ever thinking about what these words mean. We assume that we all mean the same thing by these words; however, in reality, we all live by different personal definitions of freedom and liberty. Our definitions are not based on a dictionary but are informed by our unique personal life experiences. Consider the diversity even in this course. How might someone understand words like liberty and freedom from a background, culture, age, gender, or even race that is different from yours? Each of us has a unique story that has brought us to this point – and each of our stories is intrinsically valuable and important. If we think about this level of diversity – how and why do such different individuals come together to exist together in a society? The State of Nature, or Life Without Government Simply, freedom and liberty are not the same thing. Let’s consider what we mean by freedom. For our purposes, freedom is doing whatever you want to do, whenever you want to do it. If everyone had absolute freedom and could do whatever they wanted whenever they wanted what would our world look like? What would our relationships with each other look like? These are the questions that political philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke asked. These are also question that our founders asked as they pondered the creation of a new nation. They called this condition of absolute freedom the State of Nature – a state in which people lived in absolute freedom with no social structures or government. For Hobbes, life in this state of nature looked very terrible. Hobbes described the state of nature as: “In such condition there is no place for industry, because the fruit thereof is uncertain: and consequently no culture of the earth; no navigation, nor use of the commodities that may be imported by sea; no commodious building; no instruments of moving and removing such things as require much force; no knowledge of the face of the earth; no account of time; no arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short…” Additionally, Hobbes suggested: “For before constitution of sovereign power, as hath already been shown, all men had right to all things, which necessarily causeth war.” For Hobbes, freedom was each individual having the right to all things. If you have new car, in the state of nature, I have right to take your new car – even by force and violence. Hobbes is saying that in the state of nature, or trying to live life without government, no form of cooperation between individuals is possible and thus there will be no grocery stores, no computers, no smartphones, no art, and each individual will suffer a very quick and violent death. The founders of our nation shared Hobbes’ fairly pessimistic outlook regarding human nature. James Madison famously wrote i.

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