1. 卡林邦（印度）-- 达赖喇嘛及其随从们从西藏逃亡到印度至今已有五十年，如今他的哥哥生活
在这里一座安静的小山顶上，在喜马拉雅山的对面便是他的故乡。他象是流亡者中的流亡者。
80 岁的嘉乐顿珠(Gyalo Thondup）背也驼了，膝盖也不灵便，在藏人中他仍是提倡与北京改善
关系的最大支持者之一。但在年轻的流亡藏人中，这一立场已经不流行了。在目睹谈判多年毫
无成果，以及对西藏的暴力镇压后，他们对中国的怨恨在不断积聚。
流亡藏人与北京政府的关系已经到了十分紧张的地步，达赖喇嘛的特使已经中止了与中国的对
话。然而，嘉乐顿珠仍在为改善双方关系而奔走，但他的这个角色在很大 程度上是临时的。在
西藏问题麻烦不断的过去一年中，他一直在向中国政府示好，以缓和紧张关系。就连他的手表
也调成了北京时间。
嘉乐顿珠在印度卡林邦(Kalimpong)的家中接受《华尔街日报》记者采访时说，“即便我们看法
不一致，我仍然要去与他们对话。这关乎中国与西藏的共同利益，我们必须和平相处。我们必
须打交道。”卡林邦是一个坐落在尼泊尔和不丹之间的边贸小镇。
这个想法可能要面临考验，因为几周之后的 3 月 10 日就是达赖喇嘛逃亡西藏 50 周年纪念日。
在去年中国藏区为纪念这个日子而举行的抗议活动中，平民的暴动最后演变成了暴力活动，并
遭到镇压。
关于西藏发生抗议活动和逮捕行动的报导一直持续不断。西藏的一名共产党官员在周四还警告
佛教神职人员不要参与政治活动。据官方的《西藏日报》报导，中共西藏自治区常委洛桑坚赞
(Lobsang Gyaincain)要求喇嘛和尼姑要认清“达赖集团的反动本质”。
在中国方面，政府已经宣布将 3 月 28 日定为“农奴解放日”，以庆祝西藏推翻长达五百年的封建
农奴制。
由于紧张关系升级，一个由流亡藏人组成的特使团队将与中国的对话推迟到这个纪念日之后。
达赖喇嘛的特使洛第嘉日(Lodi Gyari)称，“我们非常担心西藏的局势，但达赖喇嘛建议我们保持
谨慎和克制。”
一 部分流亡藏人团体希望达赖喇嘛对中国采取更强硬的态度，但这遭到嘉乐顿珠反对。西藏青
年人大会(Tibetan Youth Congress)正酝酿在流亡纪念日前几周发动一系列号召独立的集会。据藏
青会会长次旺仁增(Tsewang Rigzin)称，其中计划在印度北部小城达兰萨拉举行的一次抗议将焚
烧毛泽东和中国国家主席胡锦涛的模拟像，作为在藏历新年前举行的传统“驱魔”活动的 一部
分。达兰萨拉是西藏流亡政府所在地。
在谈到为何与中国政府进行了三十年的谈判后仍无进展时，嘉乐顿珠明言：“怎么可能指望一个
人跟土匪去谈什么道德、理智和怜悯？”他笑道：“当然，他们也把我当土匪看待。”
嘉乐顿珠与中国政府打交道始于 1937 年他弟弟被确认为达赖喇嘛的转世灵童。在上世纪四十年
代初期，他在 14 岁时被当时的西藏摄政派往南京学习汉语。在抗战陪都重庆，他与当时的中国
领导人蒋介石成为朋友，此后辗转在印度安家。
上 世纪五十年代，为保卫西藏，嘉乐顿珠加入了地下组织，并争取到美国中央情报局(Central
Intelligence Agency)帮助培训和武装派遣回藏区的西藏战士。但这些潜伏人员大部分都被逮捕或
杀害。1979 年，嘉乐顿珠在达赖喇嘛的授意下与中国领导人邓小平会 面，并开始了长达 14 年
的对话。然而对话没有取得任何成果，嘉乐顿珠也不再担任特使。不过他仍保持着与中国方面
的联系。

2. 在一年前的抗议活动发生后，嘉乐顿珠与中国政府官会面，抗议他们妖魔化达赖喇嘛的行为，
并告诉他们此举会加剧藏人的不满。他声称，事后中国领导人减弱了舆论攻势。而他也一直在
劝说流亡藏人避免激怒北京。
嘉乐顿珠说，“藏人必须小心处理与中国的关系。”
Fifty years after the Dalai Lama fled Tibet with his followers to India, his older brother lives on a quiet
hilltop here, just beyond his Himalayan homeland, like an exile among exiles.
At 80 years old with a stooped back and bad knees, Gyalo Thondup remains one of the Tibetan
community's strongest supporters of better ties with Beijing. But it is an increasingly unpopular stance
among younger Tibetan exiles as their bitterness toward China grows over years of fruitless dialogue
and a violent security clampdown in Tibet.
Relations between the two sides have become sufficiently tense that the Dalai Lama's envoys have
suspended talks with China. Still, Mr. Thondup has maintained his largely improvised role in trying to
bring the two sides closer together. Over the past year of troubles in Tibet, he has courted Chinese
officials to try to defuse tensions. His wristwatch is set to Beijing time.
'Even if we don't agree, I will go and talk to them,' says Mr. Thondup during an interview at his home
in Kalimpong, the Indian trading town wedged between Nepal and Bhutan. 'It's in the interest of China
and Tibet, we must live peacefully. We must deal with each other.'
It is a message that may be put to the test in the weeks ahead as the anniversary of the Dalai Lama's
flight to India approaches. Last year's protests in Tibetan areas of China to mark the March 10, 1959,
popular uprising in Tibet turned violent and were crushed.
There have been reports of fresh protests and arrests. On Thursday, a Communist Party official in Tibet
warned Buddhist clergy against political activity. Lobsang Gyaincain, a member of the standing
committee of the regional Communist Party, demanded that monks and nuns recognize what he called
the 'reactionary nature' of the Dalai Lama clique, the official Tibet Daily reported.
For its part, China has declared March 28 'Serf Emancipation Day' to celebrate the toppling of Tibet's
feudal leadership five decades ago.
As tensions rise, a Tibetan exile task force postponed dialogue with China until the anniversary passes.
'At the moment we are much more concerned with the situation on the ground,' said Lodi Gyari, special
envoy of the Dalai Lama. 'His Holiness has advised caution and restraint.'
Some Tibetan exile groups want to see the Dalai Lama take a tougher stand toward China -- an
approach Mr. Thondup opposes. The Tibetan Youth Congress is planning a series of pro-independence
rallies in the weeks ahead. One protest in Dharmsala, the north Indian town that serves as headquarters
for Tibet's government in exile, will burn effigies of Mao Zedong and Chinese President Hu Jintao, as
part of the traditional 'sweeping away of evil spirits' ahead of the Tibetan New Year, according to the
group's president, Tsewang Rigzin.
Mr. Thondup is blunt about why he hasn't achieved more in three decades of talks with Chinese
officials. 'How can a person discuss morality, reason and compassion with gangsters ' he says. 'Of

3. course,' Mr. Thondup chortles, 'they think I'm a gangster, too.'
Mr. Thondup's relationship with China began shortly after his brother was tapped as Tibet's spiritual
leader in 1937. In the early 1940s, a regent dispatched Mr. Thondup, then 14 years old, to Nanjing to
learn Mandarin. In the wartime capital, he befriended China's leader, Chiang Kai-shek, and eventually
wound up in India.
In an attempt to defend Tibet in the 1950s, Mr. Thondup entered the world of clandestine resistance,
eliciting aid from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency for the training and arming of Tibetan fighters
who were parachuted back into Tibet. Most of the agents were caught or killed. With his brother's
consent, Mr. Thondup met in 1979 with the Chinese leader, Deng Xiaoping, and embarked on 14 years
of talks. The talks failed to reach a settlement and Mr. Thondup bowed out of his role as envoy. Still,
he continues to engage his old contacts.
Following the year-ago protests, he met with Chinese officials to complain that their demonizing the
Dalai Lama would inflame Tibetan anger; he claims leaders later toned down their rhetoric. He has
lobbied fellow Tibetans to avoid provoking Beijing.
'Tibetans have to deal with China carefully,' he says.