Can Architecture Affect Positive Social Change in Port Cities? The Barcelona Model: A Case Study of Applying Micro-scale Solutions to Waterfront Renewal Projects

1. Can Architecture Affect Positive Social Change in Port Cities?
The Barcelona Model: A Case Study of Applying Micro-scale Solutions to
Waterfront Renewal Projects
A research paper by:
Daryl Kern
Prepared for:
Judith Bing, Dr. Mark Brack and John DeFazio
ARCH 499: Barcelona Study Tour Abroad – Summer 2012
8th October, 2012

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Many port cities across the world have major crime and blight issues,
occurring due to vacancies from an industrial era where architecture, land use
and re-use was not acknowledged as or considered important. Developers and
local governments have only recently begun to realize that these fading port
areas have enormous potential. They can become interesting communities if
woven into the fabric of a city and, more importantly, executed properly. Josep
Acebillo understood this when he wrote, “All developed cities suffer from widely
similar environmental and socio-economic problems. The challenge lies in
coming up with solutions that are tailored to each context rather than just trotting
out generic solutions that tend to undermine each city’s potential and special
character.”1 It is my theory that micro-scale architecture is critical in the proper
execution of such redevelopments. It is only here, at the personal level, that we
can realize the intended use of the spaces we are attempting to create.
Architecture at this personal level must be successful or the larger planning as a
whole can be compromised. 2 In order to explain my theory, this paper will
compare two of Barcelona’s most recent exposition building projects, the 1992
Olympics and the 2004 Universal Forum of Cultures. Through research and
observation of these two projects, I have concluded that two things are equally
necessary in order to obtain a successful waterfront revival. Master planning that
integrates existing and new adjacent communities well, and individual solutions
1
Josep Acebillo, “Barcelona: Towards a new urban planning approach,” Spatium 2006: 57
2
For example, how successful would a sunken railway project be if there was nobody using the space
above? Some would argue that a large, unoccupied green space through a city could be a great benefit. I
would argue not because most likely it would be taken over by criminal activity, but even so, it should be
designed as such. It should be meant to be inhabited in a certain way, so it does not unnecessarily break
up the intricate fabric of the neighborhood, or city as a whole. Otherwise, why sink the railway at all?

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at the micro scale to help resolve this conflict.
In order to study the planning and architecture of the aforementioned
projects, and to argue the success and failures of each, I must first look at the
context in which they belong; that is the “Barcelona Model.” Beginning in the
1980’s, Barcelona city planners have taken an active approach to new
development and re-development. Oriol Bohigas, who was the city planner at the
time, wanted to promote a local identity for all of the neighborhoods in the city, or
in his words to “sanitize the center and monumentalize the periphery.” 3 What he
meant, and what Barcelona moved toward, was selecting small sited individual
public works projects in the historic city center (so as not to greatly disturb the
fabric), while allowing larger but sustainable and lasting projects in the more
remote outlying areas of the city. They achieved this first by initiating the strictest
historical building code and protections in Europe. This idea is still being carried
out, such as in the recent 22@ project where, as Ingersoll puts it, “much care has
been given… to proceed piece by piece and avoid insensitive demolitions,
conserving the urban grain of the existing blocks, including the curious internal
divisions that sometimes followed the pre-Cerda drainage patterns.” 4
Catalans are extremely proud of their architecture and design culture as a
whole, and that Gaudi, who was one of the greatest architects of all time,
constructed all of his masterpieces in the area. This pride spurned a great
interest in close government of Barcelona’s architecture and planning projects.
City planners would begin to insist that individual solutions for the spot
3
Richard Ingersoll, “The Social Integration of Art and Infrastructure in Barcelona,” Sprawltown: looking for
the city on its edges (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 2006) 116-121.
4
Richard Ingersoll, “The Barcelona Model,” Architecture Aug. 2004: 22.

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developments mentioned in the previous paragraph must be integrated well
within the urban fabric. A major contributor to the success of this integration is
the commitment to hold on to public space, as a way of tying the city together as
a whole. Developers are often incentivized (whether through monetary gain or
increased occupancy) to donate part of their lots for public space, integrate
technical advancements and develop infrastructure, and provide housing. As
Ingersoll wrote, “What makes the Barcelona Model different from most
postindustrial urban renewals is the commitment to maintaining partial public
ownership.” 5
Leading to and upon the death of Francisco Franco, Barcelona
experienced renewed growth and a re-birth of Catalan cultural pride in all aspects
of society, especially the artistic. As Gastil observed, “With the political release
that came with the fall of Francisco Franco in 1975, Barcelona slowly
reconnected to its history and legacy of design sophistication.”6 The 1992
Olympics was an excellent opportunity to redevelop, generally, the city’s
infrastructure as a whole and, specifically, an Olympic Village and Olympic Port
in Poblenou (Catalan for new village). Located in a dilapidated portion of the
Sant Marti District, this new village assisted with the larger planning agenda by
opening the sea to Barcelona proper through Carrer de la Marina and other
extended roads. It also contributed to the main goal of connecting disparate
outlying areas of the city with the new ring roads that surround it, roads that had
5
Ingersoll Architecture 22.
6
Raymond Gastil, Barcelona: the Event and the Project (New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press,
2002) 87.

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long been in dire need. The mostly linear area along the coast consisting of
largely abandoned industrial buildings was converted into a long greenbelt,
allowing a separate district to be created, while still feeling very much part of the
city regardless of the ring road intrusion.
Micro or local solutions solve the master planning agenda at the Olympic
Village and Port. For example, the ring road in this area is sunken below grade
in order to maintain clear site lines to the Mediterranean from deeper within the
city. This is quite different from most waterfronts, which elevate roads in these
areas and allow access underneath. You can see clearly how successful this is
at the ground plane and how well the multiple elevation scales work between the
waterfront area and the city. Some of the individual architectural solutions here
may appear suspect, or possibly designed in haste, as even critic Joseph
Giovanni wrote, “The underlying achievement of the Barcelona Olympics is that
Barcelona reclaimed their neglected city by impressive works for infrastructure,
but the regret is that the architecture might have been allowed to make a more
significant contribution.” 7 Still, these few fall short at best, and they are not out of
1. Raised promenade. Photo by author. 2. Promenade at La Barceloneta.
Photo by author.
7
Gastil 88.

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place or ill-conceived. On the contrary, much of the architecture at the Village
and Port is prolific, including one of the area’s iconic structures, the Marina
Village shopping section with the unique and culturally fitting Ghery fish sculpture
on top (image 1). It is architecture like this in the area that creates what Majoor
identifies as local identity and strong historic and cultural connections, 8 all of
which were needed for this urban plan to be successful.
Observations in person appear to reinforce this author’s original
conclusions. Areas of La
Barceloneta and the Olympic
Village, specifically where the
promenade is located, are well
integrated into their surrounding
communities and there is high
use by the public. The sense of
scale at both the micro and
macro levels is well thought out.
The promenade, as shown in
image 1, is a small break at street
level, and at the level of adjacent
buildings. It drops off
3. La Barceloneta street. Photo by author.
8
Stan Majoor, “Framing Large-Scale Projects: Barcelona Forum and the Challenge of Balancing Local and
Global Needs,” Journal of Planning Education and Research Feb. 2011: 144.

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approximately fifteen feet to allow interaction underneath (restaurants, changing
rooms) and also to allow visibility of waterfront activity from further into the city.
Many of the existing buildings and urban fabric of the adjacent La Barceloneta
were kept (image 3). The promenade lowers in this residential area (image 2) as
there is no parallel road to consider, and the diagonal blocks merge nicely with
the beachfront activity. This allows for a unique middle ground, with open air
cafes and shops, between the residences and the beach.
Catalans appeared to use the ‘92 Olympics as a catapult to start enticing
international architects, who created unique design solutions like Ghery’s.
Barcelona would continue this trend during future public projects. In 1996 mayor
Pasqual Maragall I Mira promised to secure another International Exposition, in
order to build on and expand the already growing tourism industry which had
stemmed from the ’92 Olympics. Barcelona's city council, the regional
government, the Spanish National Government and UNESCO organized the
2004 Universal Forum of Cultures (Fòrum Universal de les Cultures). The site for
this exposition was to the northeast of the Olympic Port, the last waterfront area
in the line up the coast to remain almost completely untouched by the recent
redevelopment.
The urban planning design for the 2004 Forum was generally considered,
although contensious, very good by most critics at the time. The Poble Nou, La
Mina and La Catalana neighborhoods surrounding the area were all run down
and would benefit from the development at the intersection of Avinguda Diagonal
and the ring road. This was largely an industrial brownfield area that, as Majoor

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large power plant, sewage treatment plant, and incinerator.
Although the project was well recieved at first, locals began to feel angst
about the individual projects being built. Fagerstrom wrote during construction in
2003, “Barcelona continues its remarkably creative approach to architecture and
planning, but some recent developments are becoming socially contriversial.” 9
Most of the controversy appears to have stemmed from individual buildings in the
area being given over to commercialization. The site, while quite run down and
in need of revitalization, was already deeply integrated into the surrounding
neighborhoods. This seems to clearly defy the Barcelona Model, as public space
is held as precious in this theory. Still, the government was in serious debt from
the ’94 Olympics and had to partner with private investors. Architect David
Mackay of the local practice Martorell Bohigas Mackay Arquitectes put it well at
4. The Forum Building. Sketch by author.
9
Christina Fagerstrom, “View from Barcelona,” The Architectural Review June 2003: 34

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the time when he said, “The developing of the Forum area is correct and in line
with the city planning since the 1860s and the days of Ildefons Cerda who laid
the famous urban Barcelona-grid. ‘However, we do question the
commercialization of the public areas and the integration of the Forum area with
the surrounding living districts. Already the price setting at Diagonal Mar shows
the shops are not intending to stay longer than to get their investments back’.” 10
In order to understand how this commercialization of public space was
allowed to take place, we must look at where the plan broke away from the
Barcelona Model. The major stakeholder of the 2004 master plan was a large
triangular building designed by Swiss architects Herzog & de Meuron called the
Forum Building. This was located on a triangular site created by extending
Avinguda Diagonal to the waterfront. It is striking at first appearance, with it’s
midnight blue concrete clad skin that hovers above the ground plane. It has, in
fact, become an instantly recognizable icon of the city. It does not, however,
appear to communicate very well with the surrounding environment. In well
taken photographs the building appears quite stunning and unique. In person,
5. Forum Entrance. Photo by author. 6. Forum Building. Photo by author.
10
Fagerstrom 35.

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however, it is a dark and heavy floating island, detached from all reality of urban
life. It definitely sticks out like a sore thumb, and not necessarialy in good
fashion.
I believe that at the micro level the Forum Building appears out of place for
two reasons. First, the building is very closed off. There are public beaches just
a few yards away, yet the Forum has turned it’s back to the street in all three
directions. The looming effect of the floors above do nothing to assuage it’s
uncomfortableness, and in fact contribute enormously to it’s heavy feeling. There
are no shops, or interactive activities underneath or surrounding the building to
breathe life into the area, and allow for interaction underneath of the structure,
which one assumes is the sole purpose of lifting the entire building. Second is
that the design appears conflicted. One of its largest features is the vertically
oriented polygonal glazing slicing through the rough concrete skin (image 6).
This glazing reflects both the sky and sea, a naturalistic idea that contradicts
harshly with the building’s clearly modern design. The reflective glass allows for
no visibility of life inside, which adds to the appearance of isolation at street level.
It was my sincerest hope that some conclusions drawn about the Forum building
7. Forum Building. Photo by author. 8. Vacant - Forum Building. Photo by author.

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prior to visiting it might be proved wrong. Unfortunately, they were reinforced.
It would appear that Herzog & de Meuron designed the Forum building for
an area that was expected to facilitate high pedestrian traffic. This may explain
some reasoning for it’s structure, even if it does not it’s asthetics. There is some
saving grace for them in the theory that, should one have a place to go, crossing
underneath or around the Forum building would seem logical. Unfortunately,
there is no place to go. David Mackay’s comments about public spaces being
forfitted and the surrounding neighborhoods not being integrated 11 appear quite
astute. The fact that his comments were made prior to the completion of the
9. Forum esplanade. Photo by author. 10. Solar Array. Photo by author.
11. Forum area. Photo by author. 12. Forum esplanade. Photo by author.
11
Fagerstrom 35.

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project show excellent foresight on his part. Today, almost the entire site is bare
and void of life. There are no shops. New midrise buildings border the site on
it’s western edge, and form a wall on the opposite side of the ring road. These
new buildings completely cut off older surrounding neighborhoods. Mass
stretches of concrete between the Forum building and waterfront (the esplanade)
now lay vacant. Europe’s largest urban solar array (image 10), with 10.500m2 of
surface area, is a structural beauty. Unfortunately, it is only visible from the sea
or air. It is, like most of the forum area, completely closed off from the city.
Other urban areas of the site that conform more closely to the Barcelona
Plan appear to work quite well. The power plant, sewage treatment plant, and
incenerator were all renovated and
worked extremely well into the new
CoastPark by Ábalos and Herreros.
They are uniquely successful in
creating the “observatory” intended by
the architect, and integrating the new
buildings including a recycling plant
into the design. This architecture
created, as Ábalos put it, “a collage
that could allow the use of the beach,
the salon, the mall as a public space
13. Forum esplanade. Photo by author.

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and at the same time the perception of the place as a garden, a park.” 12
In observing these two waterfront projects, both through researching and
by visiting in person, there are two main lesson that were learned. While the
overall urban planning of revitalized waterfront areas is important, it is how
individual projects are percieved at the personal scale that contribute the most
toward the success or shortcoming of the master plan design. What Barcelona
did at the micro-scale for the Olympic Port, for example, may not work well at
Philadelphia’s waterfront. Ring roads (or highways) in Philadelphia were long
ago constructed and would be enormously costly to lower. Other factors, like
how carefully the interim spaces were considered and executed, and how areas
for activity were designed between the neighborhoods and waterfront, should be
looked at more closely. We must take more significant consideration of the
block, the neighborhood, and observe how it is currently being used and will be
inhabited in the future. We must not think strictly in overall broad terms about
these projects and realize that no matter how well conceptualized, poorly
designed buildings and spaces will undermine good urban planning every time. 13
In this way, good architecture can help resolve urban planning issues, especially
at the waterfront, where adjacent social interaction is so vital to success.
12
Xavier Costa, “Coast Park, Forum, Barcelona,” Housing and Space (Barcelona: fundació mies van der
rohe, 2010) 46.
13
DeFazio, John, “Fwd: Kern- Research Paper Proposal Barcelona's Waterfront Master Plan & Forum
Building by Hertzog & de Meuron” E-mail to Daryl Kern, 25 July 2012.

14. Works Cited
Acebillo, Josep. "Barcelona: Towards a new urban planning approach." Spatium
2006: 55-59.
Cohn, David. "A new event, the Universal Forum of Cultures, helps Barcelona
transform an ailing district." Architectural Record June 2004: 109-114.
Print.
—. "Building Barcelona." Architectural Record August 1992: 100-109. Print.
Costa, Xavier. "Coast Park, Forum, Barcelona: Iñaki Ábalos and Sanford
Kwinter." Housing and public space. Barcelona: Fundació Mies van der
Rohe, 2010. 36-59. Print.
DeFazio, John. "Fwd: Kern- Research Paper Proposal Barcelona's Waterfront
Master Plan & Forum Building by Hertzog & de Meuron." E-mail to Daryl
Kern. 25 July 2012.
Dunnebacke, Niclas and Andy Robinson. "Barcelona plays for the Games: with
the Olympics looming, Barcelona is building on a vast scale, but what
comes after?" Blueprint (1989).
Fagerstrom, Christina. "View from Barcelona." The Architectural Review June
2003: 34-35. Print.
Gastil, Raymond. "Barcelona: The Event and the Project." Beyond the edge: New
York's new waterfront. New York, N.Y.: Princeton Architectural Press,
2002. 87-92.

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Giovanni, Joseph. "Olympic Overhaul." Progressive Architecture June 1992: 62-
69. Print.
Hoffman, Lily M., Susan M. Fainstein and Dennis R. Judd. "Barcelona: Governing
Coalitions, Visitors, and the Changing City Center." Cities and visitors:
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Ingersoll, Richard. "The Barcelona Model." Architecture August 2004: 21-22.
Print.
Ingersoll, Richard. "The Social Integration of Art and Infrastructure in Barcelona."
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Majoor, Stan. "Framing Large-Scale Projects: Barcelona Forum and the
Challenge of Balancing Local and Global Needs." Journal of Planning
Education and Research 31.2 (2011): 143-156. Print.
Marshall, Tim. Transforming Barcelona: the renewal of a European metropolis.
London: Routledge, 2004. Print.
Riley, Terence. On-site: new architecture in Spain. New York, NY: Museum of
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Shusta, Chris. "BARCELONA: NEW LIFE AT THE OLD PORT." 30 January
2011. Parks, Promenades & Planning. 2010 Rotch Traveling Scholarship.

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7 July 2012. <http://urbanwaterfront.blogspot.com/2011/01/barcelona-
new-life-at-old-port.html>.
Universal Forum of Cultures. Forum Barcelona 2004, 2004. Print.