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Lessons from the Financial Crisis.
Paul De Grauwe
Causes of the financial crisis
 Basics of banking
 Banks borrow short and lend long
 This creates inherent fragility
 No problem in normal times, i.e. when
people have confidence
 Problem when confidence disappears
 Confidence disappears when one or
more banks experience solvency
problem (e.g. bad loans)
Causes
 Then bank run is possible : liquidity crisis
 involving other, sound banks (innocent
bystanders)
 A devilish interaction between liquidity crisis
and solvency crisis arises: sound banks have
to sell assets to confront deposit withdrawals
 Fire sales lead to asset price declines
 reducing value of banks’ assets
 leading to solvency problem
 and further liquidity crisis
Causes
 The bank collapse of the 1930s and
the ensuing Great Depression had
introduced some institutional
changes aimed at making banking
system less fragile
 These are
 Central bank as lender of last resort
 Deposit insurance
 Separation of commercial banking and
investment banking (Glass-Steagall Act
1933)
 Most economists thought that this
would be sufficient to produce
safety and
 to prevent large scale banking crisis
 It was not
 Why?
 In order to answer question we first
have to discuss “Moral Hazard”
Moral Hazard
 General insight: agents who are insured
will tend to take fewer precautions to
avoid the risk they are insured against
 The insurance provided by central bank
and governments (LoLR and deposit
insurance) has given bankers strong
incentives to take more risks
 To counter this, authorities have to
supervise and regulate
 They did this for most of the post-war
period but then something remarkable
happened.
The new paradigm
of efficient markets
 The efficient market paradigm became very
popular also outside academia
 Main ingredients
 Financial markets efficiently allocate savings
towards the most promising investment projects
thereby maximizing welfare
 Prices reflect underlying fundamentals; therefore
bubbles cannot occur
 Financial markets can regulate themselves thereby
making regulation by authorities unnecessary
 Greenspan: “authorities should not interfere with
pollinating bees of Wall Street”. Regulation is
harmful
Efficient markets paradigm
captured by bankers
 Efficient markets paradigm was very
influential
 It was captured by bankers to lobby
for deregulation
 Bankers achieved their objective
 Banks were progressively
deregulated in US and in Europe
 Culmination was the repeal of the
Glass-Seagall act in 1999 (Clinton-
Rubin)
 This allowed commercial banks to take
on all the activities investment banks
had been taking
 Underwriting and holding of securities and
derivatives
 They became universal banks
 Thus banks were allowed to take on all
risky activities that the Great Depression
had thought us could lead to problems
 Lessons of history were forgotten
Other factors: financial innovations
 Process of deregulation of financial
markets coincided with
 process of financial innovation
 and was also pushed by the latter
 Financial innovation allowed to design
new financial products.
 These made it possible to repackage
assets into different risk classes and to
price these risks differently
 And to sell these: “securitisation”
Other factors: financial innovations
 It was thought that these complex
products would lead to a better
spreading of the risk over many
more people (efficient markets)
 thereby reducing systemic risk
 and reducing the need to supervise
and regulate financial markets
 A new era of free and
unencumbered progress would be
set in motion
Note on securitisation
 Securitisation allowed banks to sell
repackaged loans (e.g. mortgages) in
the form of asset backed securities
(ABS)
 They then obtained liquidity that could
be used to extend new loans
 that later on would be securitized again
 Thus credit multiplier increased outside
the control of the central bank
 This undermined control of central bank
on total credit
Are financial markets efficient?
 Promise of deregulation was
predicated on theory of efficient
markets
 But are financial markets efficient?
 Bubbles and crashes are endemic
Are financial markets efficient?
 Let’s look at the stock markets first;
 Take US stock market (DJI,
S&P500)
 (same story can be told in other
stock markets )
 and exchange markets
 and housing markets
Dow Jones and S&P500
US stock market 2006-08
 What happened between July 2006 and
July 2007 to warrant an increase of 30%?
 Put differently:
 In July 2006 US stock market capitalization
was $11.5 trillion
 One year later it was $15 trillion
 What happened to US economy so that
$3.5 trillion was added to the value of US
corporations in just one year?
 While GDP increased by only 5% ($650
billion)
 The answer is: almost nothing
 Fundamentals like productivity growth
increased at their normal rate
 The only reasonable answer is:
excessive optimism
 Investors were caught by a wave of
collective madness
 that made them believe that the US
was on a new and permanent growth
path for the indefinite future
 Then came the downturn with the credit
crisis
 In one year time stock prices drop 30%
 destroying $3.5 trillion of value
 What happened?
 Investors finally realized that there had
been excessive optimism
 The wave turned into one of excessive
pessimism
Nasdaq :similar story
Similar story in housing market
Little happened with
economic
fundamentals in US
warranting a
doubling of house
prices in six years
Prices increased
because they were
expected to increase
Also fuelled by credit
Which itself was the
result of the bubble
Source: http://www.newsneconomics.com/2009/05/housing-bubbles-around-world-looks.html
Similar story in foreign
exchange market
DEM-USD 1980-87
1.3
1.8
2.3
2.8
3.3
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
Euro-dollar rate 1995-2004
0,6
0,7
0,8
0,9
1
1,1
1,2
1,3
6/03/95 6/03/96 6/03/97 6/03/98 6/03/99 6/03/00 6/03/01 6/03/02 6/03/03 6/03/04
Since 1980 dollar has been
involved in bubble and crash
scenarios more than half of the
time
While very little happened with
underlying fundamentals
Market was driven by periods of
excessive optimism and then
pessimism about the dollar
Bubbles and crashes are here to stay
 Bubbles and crashes are endemic in
capitalist systems
 They are the result of uncertainty
 and herding behaviour
 Kindleberger, Manias, Panics and
Crashes: bubbles and crashes have
existed since capitalism exists
 And will continue to exist
Banks ride on bubbles
 Because of deregulation banks became fully
exposed to the endemic occurrence of
bubbles and crashes in asset markets
 They could now hold the full panoply of
assets that regularly are gripped by bubbles
and crashes
 Their balance sheets became extremely
sensitive to these bubbles (hi-tech bubble,
housing bubble, general stock market
bubble)
 that inflated their balance sheets
Asset bubbles and bank credit
correlate and interact
 The reverse is also true
 Banks’ balance sheets became
extremely vulnerable to crashes
 The downward trigger was the crash
in the US housing market
 But this was only a trigger
 The crisis was waiting to happen
Other part of efficient market
theory was also wrong
 Financial markets are unable to regulate
themselves
 Rating agencies were supposed to take a
central role in auto-regulation
 How?
 They rate the quality of banks and their
products
 They have to protect their reputation
 That’s why they will take neutral and
objective stance
 They did not: they greatly
underestimated risk
 There was massive conflict of
interest
 Rating agencies both advised financial
institutions on how to create new
financial products
 that they would then later on give a
favourable rating
 Now they greatly overestimate risks
mark-to-market rules
 The other piece in the belief that
markets would regulate themselves was
the idea of mark-to-market
 If financial institutions used mark to market
rules the discipline of the market would
force them to price their product right
 However, if markets are inefficient and
create bubbles and crashes mark to market
rules exacerbate these movements
Mark to market in a world
of market inefficiency
 Thus during the bubble this rule told
accountants that the massive asset price
increases corresponded to real profits
that should be recorded in the books.
 These profits, however, did not
correspond to something that had
happened in the real economy
 They were the result of a bubble that led
to prices unrelated to underlying
fundamentals
 As a result mark to market rules
exacerbated the sense of euphoria
 and intensified the bubble
 Now the reverse is happening
 Mark to market rules force massive
writedowns correcting for the
massive overvaluations introduced
just a year earlier
 intensifying the sense of gloom
 and the economic downturn
A note
 Bankers now complain about mark
to market rules
 now that the market goes down
 They did not complain during the
upturn
 As a result, their credibility is weak
The role of academia in the
development of the crisis
 As I have stressed, idea of efficient
market was an academic idea
 Acedemia influenced the financial
markets in more concrete ways
 through the models used to
compute a price for new financial
products
 Example: Black-Scholes model of an
option contract
 More generally for most derivatives
and sophisticated financial products
Fundamental assumption of these
models: normal distribution
Returns on investment0
distribution
Private insurance does not insure
against tail risk very well
 Normality implies that 99% of all
observations are within a bound of + or –
3 standard deviations
 There is one general feature in all financial
markets: returns are not normally
distributed
 Returns have fat tails (bubbles and
crashes): i.e. sometimes there are really
very large changes
 Implication: models based on normal
distribution dramatically underestimate
probability of large shocks
Example: stock market (DJ)Dow Jones Industrial Average 1928-2008
-0,3
-0,25
-0,2
-0,15
-0,1
-0,05
0
0,05
0,1
0,15
02-10-1928
02-10-1931
02-10-1934
02-10-1937
02-10-1940
02-10-1943
02-10-1946
02-10-1949
02-10-1952
02-10-1955
02-10-1958
02-10-1961
02-10-1964
02-10-1967
02-10-1970
02-10-1973
02-10-1976
02-10-1979
02-10-1982
02-10-1985
02-10-1988
02-10-1991
02-10-1994
02-10-1997
02-10-2000
02-10-2003
02-10-2006
Random normal process
-0,3
-0,25
-0,2
-0,15
-0,1
-0,05
0
0,05
0,1
0,15
02-10-1928
02-10-1931
02-10-1934
02-10-1937
02-10-1940
02-10-1943
02-10-1946
02-10-1949
02-10-1952
02-10-1955
02-10-1958
02-10-1961
02-10-1964
02-10-1967
02-10-1970
02-10-1973
02-10-1976
02-10-1979
02-10-1982
02-10-1985
02-10-1988
02-10-1991
02-10-1994
02-10-1997
02-10-2000
02-10-2003
02-10-2006
Changes that are higher
than 5 standard
deviations occur once
every 7000 years if
returns are normally
distributed
During the last 80 years
there were 76 such
changes
What should we
conclude?
Was last October exceptional?
TABLE : Five Largest Movements of the Dow-Jones Industrial Average in October 2008
An non-Normal October (1)
Date Log-Return Average Frequency under Normal Law
07/10/2008 - 0.05242 Once in 8,038 Years
09/10/2008 - 0.07616 Once in 9,114,869,772 Years
13/10/2008 + 0.105083 Once in 165,017,584,680,094,000,000 (2) Years
15/10/2008 - 0.08201 Once in 597,973,260,906 Years
28/10/2008 + 0.103259 Once in 29,955,839,072,867,400,000 (2) Years
(1) Daily returns from 01/01/1971 – 31/10/2008 (µ= 0.03%, σ = 1.06%)
(2) 10 18
= “Quintillion” in Western (Arabic) Numeral
= “Billion Billion” in US; modern British & Australian
Yes, if you have studied finance theory and believe
returns are normally distributed
No if you have not studied finance theory
 As a result, there is systematic
underpricing of risk (tail risk) creating a
perception of low-risk environment
 In addition, there were no incentives to
price this tail risk because there was
implicit expectation that if something very
bad would happen, e.g. a liquidity crisis (a
typical tail risk)
 central banks would provide the liquidities
 This created the perception in banks that
liquidity risk was not something to worry
about.
Wrapping things up
 Deregulation,
 absence of adequate supervision
 and application of wrong theory
 Financial innovation (securitisation)
 Moral hazard
 Led banks to take significantly more
risky assets on their balance sheets
 and tightly linked the banks’
balance sheets
 to bubbles (IT-bubble, stock market
bubble, housing bubble,
commodities bubbles) that are
endemic in financial markets
 but that efficient market ideologues
told us could not arise
 As a result banks’ balance sheets
exploded
 until they crashed in 2008
 threatening to bring down the whole
financial system
Fundamental problem banks face
today
 balance sheets are massively inflated
because of their participation in
consecutive bubbles.
 banks face a period during which their
balance sheets will shrink substantially
(“deleveraging”).
 This process is will not be a smooth
one
 This is likely to create a further drag
on economic activity.
What can be done: short run
 A return of Keynesian economics.
 Governments are forced to sustain
demand in the face of dwindling tax
revenue
 Thus massive budget deficits are likely
and desirable
 Attempts at balancing government
budgets would not work, as it would
likely lead to Keynes’ savings paradox.
What can be done: short run
 In the process of recapitalizing banks,
governments will substitute private debt
for government debt.
 This also is inevitable and desirable
 As agents distrust private debt they turn
to government debt deemed safer.
 Governments will have to accommodate
for this desire. Otherwise Irving Fisher’s
debt deflation dynamics will work with
full force
Private and government liabilities in eurozone
(percent GDP)
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
percent
Bank liabilities
Government debt
Household debt
Corporate debt
 What will happen in the absence of a
government takeover of the private debt?
 In that case the debt deflation process is
not likely to stop soon.
 Output and income are likely to go down
further.
 This will negatively affect tax revenues and will
increase future budget deficits, forcing
governments to increase their debt.
 The substitution of private debt by government
debt will then be stretched out over a longer
period, and will make the recession more
intense.
 Refusing to stop the debt deflation
dynamics by issuing government
debt today will not prevent the
government debt from increasing in
the future.
 Thus choosing for higher
government debts and deficits
today is choosing for the lesser evil.
Long-term reform
Back to narrow banking
 We have to go back to narrow banking
 Strict separation of commercial and
investment banking
 The classes of assets in which banks can
invest must be limited
 No securitization anymore
 Higher liquidity ratios
 And less leverage
 Investment banks can do all the
sophisticated asset creation and
management
 but must fund these through the
capital market with liabilities of
same maturity.
 No short-term funding possible
 No funding through commercial
banks
Why is separation important
 Banks are at the center of payment
system
 This creates strong links of
complementarity: when one bank
fails, other banks are in trouble
 Contrast with non-bank firms, e.g.
automobile where substitutability
prevails: when one firm fails this is
good news for the others
 Thus in banking system risk is
linked (failure of one bank is
propagated)
 In addition, banks create a special
kind of risk: liquidity risk, which is
very sensitive to collective
movements of distrust.
 These collective movements can
bring down the whole system
 We cannot quantify these risks
(uncertainty)
 Financial innovations (CDOs and
CDSs) together with securitisation
are techniques that spread the risks
around
 And thus increase the dependence
of one bank’s risk on another
 Systemic risk increases
 We do not have a science for this kind of
risk
 There is only a science of isolated
(independent) risks that is normally
distributed.
 Conclusion: since banks create this
special type of risk we have to prevent
them as much as possible from taking
on other types of risk (credit and market
risks)
 Mixing the two creates an explosive
cocktail that we do not master
 Banking will become much less
profitable
 but less risky
 bankers are screaming
 And lobby hard to prevent any
fundamental change
 It looks like they may win
 and that the basic bank model that
brought us into the mess will be
upheld
 But let us not dispair
 Some things can be done
 Create incentives that will reduce
bankers to take excessive risk
 Tax as a percent of total balance sheet
 Long term bonuses
 Higher liquidity requirements
 International coordination at setting
new rules will be necessary
 Otherwise race to the bottom
leading to new deregulation
 International coordination of rule
setting is most challenging

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Financial crisis 2008

  • 1. Lessons from the Financial Crisis. Paul De Grauwe
  • 2. Causes of the financial crisis  Basics of banking  Banks borrow short and lend long  This creates inherent fragility  No problem in normal times, i.e. when people have confidence  Problem when confidence disappears  Confidence disappears when one or more banks experience solvency problem (e.g. bad loans)
  • 3. Causes  Then bank run is possible : liquidity crisis  involving other, sound banks (innocent bystanders)  A devilish interaction between liquidity crisis and solvency crisis arises: sound banks have to sell assets to confront deposit withdrawals  Fire sales lead to asset price declines  reducing value of banks’ assets  leading to solvency problem  and further liquidity crisis
  • 4. Causes  The bank collapse of the 1930s and the ensuing Great Depression had introduced some institutional changes aimed at making banking system less fragile  These are  Central bank as lender of last resort  Deposit insurance  Separation of commercial banking and investment banking (Glass-Steagall Act 1933)
  • 5.  Most economists thought that this would be sufficient to produce safety and  to prevent large scale banking crisis  It was not  Why?  In order to answer question we first have to discuss “Moral Hazard”
  • 6. Moral Hazard  General insight: agents who are insured will tend to take fewer precautions to avoid the risk they are insured against  The insurance provided by central bank and governments (LoLR and deposit insurance) has given bankers strong incentives to take more risks  To counter this, authorities have to supervise and regulate  They did this for most of the post-war period but then something remarkable happened.
  • 7. The new paradigm of efficient markets  The efficient market paradigm became very popular also outside academia  Main ingredients  Financial markets efficiently allocate savings towards the most promising investment projects thereby maximizing welfare  Prices reflect underlying fundamentals; therefore bubbles cannot occur  Financial markets can regulate themselves thereby making regulation by authorities unnecessary  Greenspan: “authorities should not interfere with pollinating bees of Wall Street”. Regulation is harmful
  • 8. Efficient markets paradigm captured by bankers  Efficient markets paradigm was very influential  It was captured by bankers to lobby for deregulation  Bankers achieved their objective  Banks were progressively deregulated in US and in Europe  Culmination was the repeal of the Glass-Seagall act in 1999 (Clinton- Rubin)
  • 9.  This allowed commercial banks to take on all the activities investment banks had been taking  Underwriting and holding of securities and derivatives  They became universal banks  Thus banks were allowed to take on all risky activities that the Great Depression had thought us could lead to problems  Lessons of history were forgotten
  • 10. Other factors: financial innovations  Process of deregulation of financial markets coincided with  process of financial innovation  and was also pushed by the latter  Financial innovation allowed to design new financial products.  These made it possible to repackage assets into different risk classes and to price these risks differently  And to sell these: “securitisation”
  • 11. Other factors: financial innovations  It was thought that these complex products would lead to a better spreading of the risk over many more people (efficient markets)  thereby reducing systemic risk  and reducing the need to supervise and regulate financial markets  A new era of free and unencumbered progress would be set in motion
  • 12. Note on securitisation  Securitisation allowed banks to sell repackaged loans (e.g. mortgages) in the form of asset backed securities (ABS)  They then obtained liquidity that could be used to extend new loans  that later on would be securitized again  Thus credit multiplier increased outside the control of the central bank  This undermined control of central bank on total credit
  • 13. Are financial markets efficient?  Promise of deregulation was predicated on theory of efficient markets  But are financial markets efficient?  Bubbles and crashes are endemic
  • 14. Are financial markets efficient?  Let’s look at the stock markets first;  Take US stock market (DJI, S&P500)  (same story can be told in other stock markets )  and exchange markets  and housing markets
  • 15. Dow Jones and S&P500
  • 16. US stock market 2006-08  What happened between July 2006 and July 2007 to warrant an increase of 30%?  Put differently:  In July 2006 US stock market capitalization was $11.5 trillion  One year later it was $15 trillion  What happened to US economy so that $3.5 trillion was added to the value of US corporations in just one year?  While GDP increased by only 5% ($650 billion)
  • 17.  The answer is: almost nothing  Fundamentals like productivity growth increased at their normal rate  The only reasonable answer is: excessive optimism  Investors were caught by a wave of collective madness  that made them believe that the US was on a new and permanent growth path for the indefinite future
  • 18.  Then came the downturn with the credit crisis  In one year time stock prices drop 30%  destroying $3.5 trillion of value  What happened?  Investors finally realized that there had been excessive optimism  The wave turned into one of excessive pessimism
  • 20. Similar story in housing market Little happened with economic fundamentals in US warranting a doubling of house prices in six years Prices increased because they were expected to increase Also fuelled by credit Which itself was the result of the bubble
  • 22. Similar story in foreign exchange market DEM-USD 1980-87 1.3 1.8 2.3 2.8 3.3 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 Euro-dollar rate 1995-2004 0,6 0,7 0,8 0,9 1 1,1 1,2 1,3 6/03/95 6/03/96 6/03/97 6/03/98 6/03/99 6/03/00 6/03/01 6/03/02 6/03/03 6/03/04 Since 1980 dollar has been involved in bubble and crash scenarios more than half of the time While very little happened with underlying fundamentals Market was driven by periods of excessive optimism and then pessimism about the dollar
  • 23. Bubbles and crashes are here to stay  Bubbles and crashes are endemic in capitalist systems  They are the result of uncertainty  and herding behaviour  Kindleberger, Manias, Panics and Crashes: bubbles and crashes have existed since capitalism exists  And will continue to exist
  • 24. Banks ride on bubbles  Because of deregulation banks became fully exposed to the endemic occurrence of bubbles and crashes in asset markets  They could now hold the full panoply of assets that regularly are gripped by bubbles and crashes  Their balance sheets became extremely sensitive to these bubbles (hi-tech bubble, housing bubble, general stock market bubble)  that inflated their balance sheets
  • 25.
  • 26. Asset bubbles and bank credit correlate and interact
  • 27.  The reverse is also true  Banks’ balance sheets became extremely vulnerable to crashes  The downward trigger was the crash in the US housing market  But this was only a trigger  The crisis was waiting to happen
  • 28. Other part of efficient market theory was also wrong  Financial markets are unable to regulate themselves  Rating agencies were supposed to take a central role in auto-regulation  How?  They rate the quality of banks and their products  They have to protect their reputation  That’s why they will take neutral and objective stance
  • 29.  They did not: they greatly underestimated risk  There was massive conflict of interest  Rating agencies both advised financial institutions on how to create new financial products  that they would then later on give a favourable rating  Now they greatly overestimate risks
  • 30. mark-to-market rules  The other piece in the belief that markets would regulate themselves was the idea of mark-to-market  If financial institutions used mark to market rules the discipline of the market would force them to price their product right  However, if markets are inefficient and create bubbles and crashes mark to market rules exacerbate these movements
  • 31. Mark to market in a world of market inefficiency  Thus during the bubble this rule told accountants that the massive asset price increases corresponded to real profits that should be recorded in the books.  These profits, however, did not correspond to something that had happened in the real economy  They were the result of a bubble that led to prices unrelated to underlying fundamentals
  • 32.  As a result mark to market rules exacerbated the sense of euphoria  and intensified the bubble  Now the reverse is happening  Mark to market rules force massive writedowns correcting for the massive overvaluations introduced just a year earlier  intensifying the sense of gloom  and the economic downturn
  • 33. A note  Bankers now complain about mark to market rules  now that the market goes down  They did not complain during the upturn  As a result, their credibility is weak
  • 34. The role of academia in the development of the crisis  As I have stressed, idea of efficient market was an academic idea  Acedemia influenced the financial markets in more concrete ways  through the models used to compute a price for new financial products  Example: Black-Scholes model of an option contract  More generally for most derivatives and sophisticated financial products
  • 35. Fundamental assumption of these models: normal distribution Returns on investment0 distribution
  • 36. Private insurance does not insure against tail risk very well  Normality implies that 99% of all observations are within a bound of + or – 3 standard deviations  There is one general feature in all financial markets: returns are not normally distributed  Returns have fat tails (bubbles and crashes): i.e. sometimes there are really very large changes  Implication: models based on normal distribution dramatically underestimate probability of large shocks
  • 37. Example: stock market (DJ)Dow Jones Industrial Average 1928-2008 -0,3 -0,25 -0,2 -0,15 -0,1 -0,05 0 0,05 0,1 0,15 02-10-1928 02-10-1931 02-10-1934 02-10-1937 02-10-1940 02-10-1943 02-10-1946 02-10-1949 02-10-1952 02-10-1955 02-10-1958 02-10-1961 02-10-1964 02-10-1967 02-10-1970 02-10-1973 02-10-1976 02-10-1979 02-10-1982 02-10-1985 02-10-1988 02-10-1991 02-10-1994 02-10-1997 02-10-2000 02-10-2003 02-10-2006 Random normal process -0,3 -0,25 -0,2 -0,15 -0,1 -0,05 0 0,05 0,1 0,15 02-10-1928 02-10-1931 02-10-1934 02-10-1937 02-10-1940 02-10-1943 02-10-1946 02-10-1949 02-10-1952 02-10-1955 02-10-1958 02-10-1961 02-10-1964 02-10-1967 02-10-1970 02-10-1973 02-10-1976 02-10-1979 02-10-1982 02-10-1985 02-10-1988 02-10-1991 02-10-1994 02-10-1997 02-10-2000 02-10-2003 02-10-2006 Changes that are higher than 5 standard deviations occur once every 7000 years if returns are normally distributed During the last 80 years there were 76 such changes What should we conclude?
  • 38. Was last October exceptional? TABLE : Five Largest Movements of the Dow-Jones Industrial Average in October 2008 An non-Normal October (1) Date Log-Return Average Frequency under Normal Law 07/10/2008 - 0.05242 Once in 8,038 Years 09/10/2008 - 0.07616 Once in 9,114,869,772 Years 13/10/2008 + 0.105083 Once in 165,017,584,680,094,000,000 (2) Years 15/10/2008 - 0.08201 Once in 597,973,260,906 Years 28/10/2008 + 0.103259 Once in 29,955,839,072,867,400,000 (2) Years (1) Daily returns from 01/01/1971 – 31/10/2008 (µ= 0.03%, σ = 1.06%) (2) 10 18 = “Quintillion” in Western (Arabic) Numeral = “Billion Billion” in US; modern British & Australian Yes, if you have studied finance theory and believe returns are normally distributed No if you have not studied finance theory
  • 39.  As a result, there is systematic underpricing of risk (tail risk) creating a perception of low-risk environment  In addition, there were no incentives to price this tail risk because there was implicit expectation that if something very bad would happen, e.g. a liquidity crisis (a typical tail risk)  central banks would provide the liquidities  This created the perception in banks that liquidity risk was not something to worry about.
  • 40. Wrapping things up  Deregulation,  absence of adequate supervision  and application of wrong theory  Financial innovation (securitisation)  Moral hazard  Led banks to take significantly more risky assets on their balance sheets  and tightly linked the banks’ balance sheets
  • 41.  to bubbles (IT-bubble, stock market bubble, housing bubble, commodities bubbles) that are endemic in financial markets  but that efficient market ideologues told us could not arise  As a result banks’ balance sheets exploded
  • 42.  until they crashed in 2008  threatening to bring down the whole financial system
  • 43. Fundamental problem banks face today  balance sheets are massively inflated because of their participation in consecutive bubbles.  banks face a period during which their balance sheets will shrink substantially (“deleveraging”).  This process is will not be a smooth one  This is likely to create a further drag on economic activity.
  • 44. What can be done: short run  A return of Keynesian economics.  Governments are forced to sustain demand in the face of dwindling tax revenue  Thus massive budget deficits are likely and desirable  Attempts at balancing government budgets would not work, as it would likely lead to Keynes’ savings paradox.
  • 45. What can be done: short run  In the process of recapitalizing banks, governments will substitute private debt for government debt.  This also is inevitable and desirable  As agents distrust private debt they turn to government debt deemed safer.  Governments will have to accommodate for this desire. Otherwise Irving Fisher’s debt deflation dynamics will work with full force
  • 46. Private and government liabilities in eurozone (percent GDP) 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 percent Bank liabilities Government debt Household debt Corporate debt
  • 47.
  • 48.  What will happen in the absence of a government takeover of the private debt?  In that case the debt deflation process is not likely to stop soon.  Output and income are likely to go down further.  This will negatively affect tax revenues and will increase future budget deficits, forcing governments to increase their debt.  The substitution of private debt by government debt will then be stretched out over a longer period, and will make the recession more intense.
  • 49.  Refusing to stop the debt deflation dynamics by issuing government debt today will not prevent the government debt from increasing in the future.  Thus choosing for higher government debts and deficits today is choosing for the lesser evil.
  • 50. Long-term reform Back to narrow banking  We have to go back to narrow banking  Strict separation of commercial and investment banking  The classes of assets in which banks can invest must be limited  No securitization anymore  Higher liquidity ratios  And less leverage
  • 51.  Investment banks can do all the sophisticated asset creation and management  but must fund these through the capital market with liabilities of same maturity.  No short-term funding possible  No funding through commercial banks
  • 52. Why is separation important  Banks are at the center of payment system  This creates strong links of complementarity: when one bank fails, other banks are in trouble  Contrast with non-bank firms, e.g. automobile where substitutability prevails: when one firm fails this is good news for the others
  • 53.  Thus in banking system risk is linked (failure of one bank is propagated)  In addition, banks create a special kind of risk: liquidity risk, which is very sensitive to collective movements of distrust.  These collective movements can bring down the whole system  We cannot quantify these risks (uncertainty)
  • 54.  Financial innovations (CDOs and CDSs) together with securitisation are techniques that spread the risks around  And thus increase the dependence of one bank’s risk on another  Systemic risk increases
  • 55.  We do not have a science for this kind of risk  There is only a science of isolated (independent) risks that is normally distributed.  Conclusion: since banks create this special type of risk we have to prevent them as much as possible from taking on other types of risk (credit and market risks)  Mixing the two creates an explosive cocktail that we do not master
  • 56.  Banking will become much less profitable  but less risky  bankers are screaming  And lobby hard to prevent any fundamental change  It looks like they may win  and that the basic bank model that brought us into the mess will be upheld
  • 57.  But let us not dispair  Some things can be done  Create incentives that will reduce bankers to take excessive risk  Tax as a percent of total balance sheet  Long term bonuses  Higher liquidity requirements
  • 58.  International coordination at setting new rules will be necessary  Otherwise race to the bottom leading to new deregulation  International coordination of rule setting is most challenging