Abstract The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post- colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further that Africa's hope of a better tomorrow at independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to destroy their various countries. Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation, this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of democratic and political institutions, which could operate and guide the conduct of politics.

1. HISTORICAL REVIEW
AJOURNALOFTHEDEPARTMENTOFHISTORYAND DIPLOMATICSTUDIES,
TARABASTATEUNIVERSITY,JALINGO,NIGERIA.
JALINGOHISTORICALREVIEWVol.6No1&2September,2020
2276-6804ISSN:
HPL
HAMEED PRESS LIMITED
No. 49 Garu Street Sabonlayi,
Jalingo, Taraba State- Nigeria
TEL: 08036255661, 07035668900
JALINGO
Volume 6 Number 1&2 SEPTEMBER, 2020
ISSN: 2276-6804
CONTENTS
1.
Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor
Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical
Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD
2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the
Bandawa Up to 1900
Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo &
Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin
3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy
Since 1960
Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong
4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment
of people's Perception
Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba,
Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru
5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected
Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu
State
Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma &
Fagbemi Victoria Yemi.
6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and
Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society
Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph & Ruth Samuel Agbu
7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society
Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD
8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in
Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad
Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani
9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During
Military Rule, 1971-1999
Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D
10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local
Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010
Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD
11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature
Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai
12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development
in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria
Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, &
Oyovwi Osusu, PhD
13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga
Chiefdom
Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka
14.Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi-
Dimensional Approach
Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu
15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio-
Economic Activities In Nigeria
Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD
16.An Assessment of Challenges of the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.)
Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for
today's Church Leaders
Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo
17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context
Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe
18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The
need for Autonomy and Good Governance
Saleh Omar, PhD
19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru
During Colonial Period 1935-1960
Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD
20.The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication
on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria
Attah Jonathan
21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence
Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda
22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in Nigeria
Usen.U. Akpan, PhD
23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19 in Nigeria
Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella &
Bodi, Fillah Simon
Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15
16-25
25-36
37-45
46-53
54-65
66-72
73-82
83-90
91-100
101-105
106-115
116-123
124-128
129-140
141-151
152-167
168-179
180-187
188-192
193-204
205-213
214-224

2. ISSN: 2276-6804
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
Volume 6, Number 1 & 2, September, 2020
A Journal of the Department of History & Diplomatic Studies,
Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria.
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
i

3. c Department of History & Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, 2020 Volume 6
Number1&2, September, 2020
ISSN: 2276-6804
Editor-in-Chief:Akombo I. Elijah,PhD
EDITORIALBOARD
HarunaMuhammadSuleiman,PhD (Secretary)
AbdulsalamiM. Deji, PhD (Editor)
AtandoDaudaAgbu, PhD (Editor)
StephanyI.Akipu, PhD (Member)
EDITORIALADVISORYBOARD
Prof.TallaNgarkaS. fhsn,TarabaStateUniversity,Jalingo,Nigeria
Prof. EnochOyedele,AhmaduBelloUniversity, Zaria,Nigeria
Prof. MichaelNoku,TarabaStateUniversity, JalingoNigeria
Prof.Y.AOchefu,HistoricalSocietyofNigeria,Ibadan,Nigeria
Prof. SartiFwatshak, Universityof Jos, Nigeria
Prof. MahmoudHamman,AhmaduBelloUniversity,Zaria,Nigeria
Ass. Prof.AgbenYegaAdedzeIllinoisStateUniversity, Normal,III, USA
Dr. EddieEragbeUniversityof Benin,Nigeria
Dr. PongriJohnson,AdamawaStateUniversity,Mubi, Nigeria
Dr.WinifredAkoda, Universityof Calabar, Nigeria
Dr. EmordiE.C.,AmbroseAliUniversity, Ekpoma,Nigeria
Dr. JikHenry,UniversityofBuea,Camerron
Prof. FelixChami,Universityof Dar-es-Salaami,Tanzania
SUBMISSION GUIDELINES
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State,Nigeria
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jalingohistory@gmail.com,
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW ii

4. The history ofAfrica is, indeed, a reflection of an undulating pendulum manifesting many
successive disturbing phases stretching across the primitive to colonial and post-colonial
periods. The first phase was characterized by primitive accumulation which was followed
by the era of political or imperial revolution characterized by the rise and fall of empires,
kingdoms, chiefdoms and state systems. This phase was characterized by mutual
hostilities associated with wars of conquest for expansionist purposes, with attendant
anarchyandsubjugationofsomegroups totributepayingstatus.
The second phase was dominated by European exploratory activities on the shores of
Africa and associated with unintelligible stories of discoveries of territories and
phenomena that had existed inAfrica from time immemorial. One major feature of this era
was the signing of treaties with African leaders for the benefit of European powers. The
phenomenon was not free from hostilities between the European explorers (agents) and
patriotic African leaders due to their strong suspicion about the hidden agenda for the
treaties. It is not contestable that it was this exercise which paved smooth way for the next
phase of African history, which was European mercantilism, imperialism and eventual
colonialistactivitiesinAfrica.
th
The 19 century ushered in the third phase in African history which was dominated by
European colonialist activities in Africa. The era was, no doubt, a violent phase during
which African territories were forcefully and violently overpowered by the European
colonial powers, prominent among which were Britain, France, Germany and Portugal.
For more than a century, Africa became the source of raw materials and markets for the
sustenance of industrial revolution in Europe. There is even no gain repeating the fact that
thisphasewas equallycharacterizedbyverydisturbingvariables.
th
The wake of the 20 century ushered in the fourth phase in African history, which was the
era of nationalism across Africa. Within this period, the echoes of violent and peaceful
nationalist activities filled up the continent, and in the process, colonialism was
overwhelmed. Very worrisomely, not long after the overthrow of colonialism that it
became eminent that another disturbing phase was emerging in our continental history.
The transfer of leadership baton from the colonialists to African leaders soon ushered in
the fifth phase, which was interplay of misrule, lack of focus and anarchy. These
unfortunate developments ushered in yet another disturbing phase, which was the era of
militarycoups.
The emergence of military rule in Africa enthroned dictatorial leadership with attendant
gross abuse of fundamental human rights, anarchy and misrule across Africa. The
collective cry and efforts by well-meaning Africans, and supported by international
organizations like the United Nations Organisation (UNO) and powerful nations resulted
in the proscription of military leadership. The strong campaign resulted in the vicious
circleofthereturntodemocraticdispensation,whichusheredinthecurrentphase.
Unfortunately, not soon after the institutionalization of the current vicious phase, an ill-
wind blew in with its very disturbing variables. Under the watch of this current phase,
nobody needs any mental energy to know that the phase is overwhelmed by unimaginably
very shameless vices such as corruption and unprecedented electoral irregularities. It is no
doubt that the two variables, put together, have produced all shades and colours of untold
social vices such as terrorism, banditry, kidnapping, armed robbery, inter and intra
ethnic/group hostilities, prostitution, among many. Consequently, today, many African
nations have become theatres of very disturbing bloody crises. And Nigeria is, at present,
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
MISSION STATEMENT
iii

5. worst caughtup atthiscrossroad.
At this juncture, there is even no gain echoing the fact that all the aforementioned phases or
variables in African history have factors claimed to have produced them. This has thrown
theAfrican historian into the herculean task of intellectual excavation and analysis for the
purpose of unearthing the clinching variables responsible for the unfortunate development
orphases inour continentalhistory.
It is for the purpose of giving intellectual analyses of the foregoing unfortunate
developments in our continental history that the Department of History and Diplomatic
Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, has floated this intellectual platform tagged:
“Jalingo Historical Review”, to pull together intellectual resources from scholars. Our
belief is that such intellectual materials will contribute enormously in the in-depth
understanding of the variables accountable for the changing patterns in our continental
th
historyoverthecenturies,especiallyasfromthe19 century.
Akombo I. Elijah,PhD
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
iv

6. CONTENTS
1.
Dashed Hopes With Particular Focus On The Poor Leadership Factor
Prof. E. C. Emordi (Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow,
Historical Society of Nigeria) & Julius O. Unumen, PhD
2. The Geographical Features and the Socio-cultural Life Style of the
Bandawa Up to 1900
Akombo I. Elijah, PhD, Haruna Hussaini Shumo &
Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin
3. Interrogating The Citizen Centeredness Of The Nigerian Foreign Policy
Since 1960
Zhema, Shishi, PhD & Francis, John Tenong
4. Municipal Solid Waste Management In Jalingo Metropolis: An Assessment
of people's Perception
Mohammed Bakoji Yusuf, Umar Jauro Abba,
Ayesukwe Rimamsikwe Ishaku & Yusuf Iraru
5. An Assessment Of The Conditions Of School Libraries In Seven Selected
Public Primary Schools In Nsukka Local Government Area Of Enugu
State
Babarinde, Elizabeth Titilope, Ojobor, Rebecca Chidimma &
Fagbemi Victoria Yemi.
6. A Reconsideration of the Role and Importance of Leisure and
Entertainment in the Traditional Jukun Society
Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Magaji Peninnah Joseph
& Ruth Samuel Agbu
7. The Multifaceted Importance of Arabic Language in the Nigerian Society
Busari, Kehinde Kamorudeen, PhD
8. The Kona and their Neighbours: A Historical Approach in
Understanding Inter-group Relations, 1900 – 2000 Ad
Abdulsalami Muyideen Deji, PhD & Edward Nokani
9. The Management Of Students' Crisis In Nigerian Universities During
Military Rule, 1971-1999
Ajala, B. Luqman, Ph.D
10.Local Government Administration and Rural Development in Brass Local
Government Area of Bayelsa State, 1999-2010
Larry, Steve Ibuomo, PhD
11.Kuteb Proverbs: An Aspect of Oral Literature
Elisha Musa, Yahuza Usman Musa & Azinni Vakkai
12.The Impact of Majority and Minority Issues in the Politics of Development
in African States since the 1960s: The Case of Nigeria
Ayibatari, Yeriworikongha. Jonathan Dodiyovwi, &
Oyovwi Osusu, PhD
13.The Politics of the 19th Century Jihad and the Establishment of Donga
Chiefdom
Iliya Ibrahim Gimba & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka
Post-colonial Africa: The Promise Of Independence And The Pain Of 1-15
16-25
26-36
37-45
46-53
54-65
66-72
73-82
83-90
91-100
101-105
106-115
116-123
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
v

7. 14.
Dimensional Approach
Ukoha Igwe Sunday, PhD & Uche Ufondu
15. The Impact of Coronavirus Pandemic on the Religious and Socio-
Economic Activities In Nigeria
Luther AnumTimin & Rimamsikwe Habila Kitause, PhD
16.An Assessment of Challenges of the Sudan United Mission (S.U.M.)
Missionaries in Evangelizing among the Alago People: Lessons for
today's Church Leaders
Oyiwose, Ishaya Owusakyo
17.Understanding Biblical Archaeology in African Context
Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD & Na'ankwat Y. Kwapnoe
18.The Challenges of the Local Government System in Nigeria Today: The
need for Autonomy and Good Governance
Saleh Omar, PhD
19.The Contribution of Kano to the Economic Development of Nguru
During Colonial Period 1935-1960
Lawan Jafaru Tahir, PhD & Sheriff Garba, PhD
20.The Development of Social Networking Sites (SNSS) and its Implication
on Students' Education In Federal College Of Education Zaria
Attah Jonathan
21.Romance with Vampires in Festus Iyayi's Violence
Rebecca Kenseh Daniel Irany, PhD & Wabuji Samuel Adda
22.Problem of Good Governance and Challenges of Service Delivery in
Nigeria
Usen.U. Akpan, PhD
23.The Role of Government in Curbing Community Spread of Covid-19
in Nigeria
Julius Ngomba, Okonkwo, Ifeoma Mary-Marvella &
Bodi, Fillah Simon
Panacea to the Plight of Widows in our Contemporary Society: A Multi- 124-128
129-140
141-151
152-167
168-179
180-187
188-192
193-204
205-213
214-224
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW vi

8. POST-COLONIALAFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE
PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR FOCUS ON THE POOR
LEADERSHIP FACTOR
Prof. E. C. Emordi
Society of Nigeria)
&
Julius O. Unumen, PhD
Department of History and International Studies,
Faculty of Arts, Ambrose Alli University,
Ekpoma, Edo State.
Phone: 08183941032
E-Mail: pastorunumen@yahoo.com
Abstract
The study examines the promise of political independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-
colonial Africa with particular focus on the poor political leadership factor. For analytical
convenience, particular focus is on Nigeria, which provides a good framework for the promise of
independence and the pains of dashed hope in post-colonial Africa. The study acknowledges the
efforts put forward by African nationalist leaders in the struggle for the liquidation of colonialism
and national liberation but argues, however, that nearly sixty years after the majority of African
countries gained political independence, the promise of liberation from poverty, disease and
underdevelopment as well as the enthronement of enduring genuine democracy and good
governance, are far from being achieved. It argues further thatAfrica's hope of a better tomorrow at
independence faded away very quickly almost immediately after independence and became a
crumbling dream with pains, resulting in various crises, including devastating civil wars. It was
against this background that citizens without hope of better tomorrow were seen all over the
continent carrying faces of agony and pains, relishing in despair and frustration, and were poised to
destroy their various countries.Although several factors could be advanced to explain this situation,
this study focuses on the poor political leadership factor. The study essentially adopts a historical
approach and relies on literary sources for its analysis. It concludes by advocating a review of the
process of political leadership recruitment in the continent so that selfless, credible, visionary and
nationalistic leaders could emerge in the various countries. It also advocates the strengthening of
democraticandpoliticalinstitutions,whichcouldoperateandguidetheconductofpolitics.
Keywords: Politicalleadership,post-colonial,Africa,Promise,Dashed Hopes.
Introduction
ManyAfrican countries became politically independent more than fifty years ago.
Yet, there is no visible and justifiable transformation in their socio-political and economic
sectors as their levels of development remain abysmally frustrating. Their democratic and
political institutions have remained extremely weak, thereby making them vulnerable for
easy manipulation for selfish reasons. The results have been crises and conflicts in all
spheres of life of the various countries, giving rise to stunted growth and development.
Pretentious leadership is largely to blame for this development in the continent. It was
obvious disillusionment and disappointment with the situation in Africa, with particular
reference to Nigeria, that Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, Nigerian former military ruler,
observed and remarked that, “drawing from the vision of our founding fathers, the labour
of our heroes past and the present travails of our compatriots”, all he could see from the
(Fellow, Wolfson College, Cambridge; Fellow, Historical
1

9. political horizon were “pains of dashed hopes, the agony of thwarted dreams and the
regrets of expectations not met” (Yakoob, 2006:19). It is from this observation and remark
thatthechoiceofpartofthetitleofthisstudyis derived.
By October, 2018, many sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria,
Cameroon, Congo DR, Somalia, Madagascar, Chad and Gabon, marked their 58 years of
political independence. A lot of money may have been spent celebrating the occasions,
which seem to signify nothing but waste in view of the fact that, although Africans are
liberated from the shackles of colonialism, they remain enslaved by the leaders who have
imposed their misrule on the citizenry. Could the Africa's experience be interpreted to
suggest that the leaders did not realise the import of political independence? Could it also
mean that they did not realise that independence was not just a celebration of freedom and
an occasion for merriment to mark an end to alien rule, but occasions to reflect on the
developments of the yester-years and what the future holds? Or, was it that they failed to
know that independence was an opportunity for newly independent nations to carryout
nation-building and state-building projects, or what Osaghae noted, as quoted by
Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:8), as institutional processes, which aim at state-building and
enduring democratic systems? It is unfortunate thatAfrican leaders did not make good use
of the available opportunities and resources, including colonial legacies, nor develop such
programmes, which would help in actualising greater nations.The result was that the hope
andexpectationsofgreaterAfricaandlifemoreabundantcrumbledwithevidentpains.
Generally, the record of post-colonial Africa has been that of failure compared
with other developing regions of the world. The continent has done worse than Asian
countries that achieved political independence at around the same time, such as India,
Indonesia and Malaysia (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc Connell, 2007:1). By 2007,Africa had 34
of the 48 poorest countries in the world, 24 of the 32 least developed countries in the world,
the largest recipient of donor aid, notwithstanding that it is home to some of the richest
untapped oil resources and other natural resources in the world (Baldauf, Crilly and Mc
Connell, 2007:1). Post-colonial African remains economically stagnant and politically
unstable.AccordingtoBlakdok(2011:17):
From North to South, East to West, except for a few countries
and leaders, the story of Africa is the same. Economic woes,
insecurity, civil wars, internal strives and conflicts, ethnic and
religion cleansing, looting of public wealth, capital flight, lack
of infrastructure and capacity development have become the
hallmarkofAfrica's underdevelopment.
There is no gainsaying that these conditions of the continent as portrayed in 2011
is still the same, if not worse, in 2020. Almost six decades after the majority of African
countries gain political independence, the continent is still beset with social, economic and
political crises. It is against this background that, according to Augustine (2018:1), the
African region has been relegated to an appendage in the international area “only
remembered for poverty, refugees, flood, wars, IDPs, human trafficking, and in recent
times,anewwaveofinternationalterrorism”.
It is against this backdrop that crises and conflicts have been sweeping through
Africa since the 1950s. These developments have become very abysmally frustrating and
embarrassing to, not only Africans but, the international community. Several factors,
including historical, economic, institutional and political variables, could be advanced to
explain why post-colonialAfrica's performance has been generally poor in absolute terms,
and inferior to those of other regions of the world. However, this study focuses on the poor
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 2

10. political leadership factor. Political leadership is critical to all ramification of development
because it “shepherds' citizens' socio-economic interests through governmental structures
andnuancedsocio-economicpolicies”(Gumede,2015:97).
While several scholars have written on the abysmal failure of post-colonial
African leaders in terms of transforming the continent to an enviable social, political and
economic pedestal, the question of why African political leaders failed to actualise the
promises of independence is still a subject often glossed over. Using Nigeria as the main
focus, this study argues that instead of adopting the big picture perspective by building a
strong, united and virile nations, post-colonial African political leaderships were blinded
by selfish, clannish, narrow, ethnic, sectional, regional, and parochial interests. It was in his
regardthatnationaltransformationbecameanunrealiseddream.
Discourseon theConcept ofPoliticalLeadership
Leadership is a concept that has no generally acceptable definition. According to
Dion (1968:2), it is an “omnibus term”. Leadership, according to Webster's Universal
Dictionary and Thesaurus, is the 'act of leading, the ability to be a leader, the leaders of an
organisation or movement collectively”. Leadership could be applied to varied roles,
including, playground leaders, committee chairmen, club presidents, business executives
and politicians. Political leadership represents one of the varied categories of leadership
and has been defined as the behaviour of persons in positions of political authority, their
competitors, and “these both in interaction with other members of society as manifested in
thepast,presentandprobablefuturethroughouttheworld”(Paige,1977:1).
Political leadership encompasses the behaviour of persons in positions of highest
authority, but also those of intermediate and lower levels. It includes monarchs, presidents
and premiers, but also governors, provincial chairmen, mayors, village chiefs, headmen
and leaders of party cells (Paige: 1977:1). Paige also argues that political leadership is not
restricted to single personalities but also the “collective leadership” of congregate bodies,
and those both in isolation but in interaction “with followers”. Political leadership is not
also restricted to one type of institution such as the legislator, party or bureaucracy or
process, such aspolicydecision,electionorrevolution,butacrossthemall.Moreover;
It means not only men but women; not only incumbents but
competitors and revolutionaries; not only those who rule by
moral suasion and reasoned agreement but those who gain
compliance by fear and force; not only the admirable but the
despicable;notonlythe“successful”butthosewho “fail”.
Thus,politicalleadershipisall-encompassing.
Political leadership is critical in nations and societies because it is critical to the
development of the different ramifications of a nation's economy and society. It also drives
the social, economic and political systems of nations. Leadership is an essential factor in
development (Agwuele, 2012:20). Adefuye (2015:viii) also argues that “political
leadership is core to the development of any nation.Acountry that enjoys strong leadership
andgood governanceisbound tohavepoliticalstabilityandeconomicprosperity”.
Political leadership is a major factor in the difference between the developed
countries of Europe and the United States ofAmerica, on the one hand, and the developing
countries in Africa, on the other. Whereas the political leaders in the developed countries
are committed to develop a system that could drive the transformation of their polity,
economies and peoples,African post-colonial political leaders, in their narrow perspective
and consumed by greed, including warped value systems, are under developing their
3
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

11. countries beyond what colonialism bequeathed to the continent (Wardok, 2011:17). It is in
this regard that rather than taking fundamental decisions that could alter the balance of
power in favour of the peoples of the continent, post-colonial African leaders, with very
fewexceptions,betrayedthehopesandaspirationsoftheirpeoples(Gumede,2015:97).
African Nationalist leaders and the Promise of Independence
Following the end of World War II,Africans began to realise the need for political
independence without further delay. The educated elite and the masses formed alliances
against colonialism as a system of economic exploitation, political repression and cultural
oppression. The result of the alliances was the inauguration of independence movements
in the continent. With this development, the nationalist leaders came up with energy and
enthusiasm and campaigned with determination to end colonialism. They raised great
hopes and expectations of citizens of their countries of what post-colonialAfrica would be
when independence was achieved and promised to tackle the tasks of development and
nation-building.
In the process, and to enlist the support of the masses, not just in the desire to
achievepoliticalindependenceand pursue the task of stateand nation-building,but in their
quest for power and influence, they blamed all the evils, such as economic exploitation,
political repression and oppression that the people suffered on colonialism and racism.
The roles played by theAfricans in terms of being collaborators were suppressed (Emordi,
1993: 163-169). Then, theybegan to paint beautiful pictures of post-colonial Africa,
showing how it would be a place where there would be no political oppression nor
repression, and economic exploitation, as prevalent in the preceding era; where the human
dignity and rights of people would be elevated and respected; and where basic freedom
and full enjoyment of life would be guaranteed. They, therefore, pledged to provide
education, healthcare delivery system, employment, modern social amenities comparable
to those enjoyed by the exiting Europeans, among other promises (Meredith, 2005: 141).
They also promised the people democracy and peace in which they would have major roles
to play as citizens in building a robust civil society as a check against the excesses of the
newstate(Williams,2008:8-9).
In spite of the above promises, Nzongola-Ntalaja (2000:8) noted that the rural
people had their own specific expectations. They expected to get those intangible things
that could promote sustainable development at the local level. Such things included
putting an end to arbitrary and oppressive regulations, land recovery, particularly in areas
where it was alienated by the colonialists, reducing tax burden and other state demands on
the populace, and increasing access to economic and social services such as agricultural
extensionandcredit,infrastructuredevelopment,healthandeducation.
The slogan then was, “seek ye first the political kingdom and everything else shall
be added unto you” (Otite, 1987:21). The idea in this slogan was that independence would
be an opportunity to intervene in the economic development of African countries. In the
same vein, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, one of Nigeria's nationalist leaders, promised
freedomforalland“lifemoreabundant”(Kirk– Greene,1976:23).Headdedthat:
For a subject people political freedom is not the end of the journey or
struggle; it is nothing more than a most patent means to the
acquisition and consolidation of the economic and other facets of
the country's freedom (and this) political freedom is meaningless
unless it goes hand in hand with economic freedom (Kirk-Greene,
1976:23).
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW
4

12. Marks (2011:10putitmoresuccinctlywhen hewrotethat:
At the down of independence in these countries, the thrill of
autonomous nationhood was matched by the anticipation of
material elevation. There was understandable expectation that
political freedom would translate into economic dividends'.The
giddiness of those day was most famously rendered in the
soaring rhetoric of Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah,
who boldly proclaimed that onceAfrican countries realised “the
political kingdom”, for which they had so valiantly struggled, it
was onlyamatterof timebefore“allthingsshallbeadded”.
However, in the course of their campaigns and producing their post-colonial blue-
prints, they unwittingly de-emphasised the duties and obligations of the citizens to the
state. It was unfortunate (and still unfortunate as would be seen presently) that the majority
of theAfrican people to whom such promises were made were not educated and were poor.
So, the nationalists exploited their ignorance and promised what they knew they could not
provide, thereby, according to Magnus Williams, as quoted by Dudley (1973:3-36),
deceiving them to lead them with their presumption that the bulk of the African people
were not in position to distinguish between truth and falsehood. The people, including the
intellectuals, students, cultural associations and demobilised soldiers, who had been
inspired into action by democratic ideals (Bluwey, 1992: 39) and with certain grievances
in their minds, believed and trusted that the leaders would fulfil their promises. Thus, the
people's expectations of a bright future where there would be an expanded space of
fundamental rights and liberties long violated by the colonialists on one hand, and social
programmes in terms of a real improvement in standards of living, on the other hand
(Nzongola-Ntalaja, 2006:4), played a tremendous role in ensuring the sustainability of
their loyalty and patriotism throughout the period. Unfortunately, the people's hopes were
soon to be dashed by the leaders and rulers who began to indulge in gross human rights
abuses (GanaandEgwu,2003:xvi)withevidentpainson thepeople.
It is important to note that the promises of the African nationalists
notwithstanding, the departing colonialists were not convinced about the ability ofAfrican
nationalists to translate their promises to reality as articulated by a racist teacher at Igbobi
College, Lagos. The teacher was quoted to have told the student who wrote on a
blackboard: “Africa forAfricans”, few days before independence that “you can have your
country you'll see what mess you'll make of it” (Fatuse, 2000:43). In addition,
commenting and justifying the refusal by the Apartheid regime to relinquish power to the
Blacks in SouthAfrica by 1985, and having seen the performances ofAfrican leaders since
independence, Pik Botha noted that Africans “can't rule themselves. Give them guns and
they will kill each other. They are good in nothing but making noise (and lack) foresight.
TheaverageBlackmandoesnotplanhislifebeyondayear….”(Lawrence,2014:53)
Post-ColonialAfricaand Painsof Dashed Hopes:ThePoliticalLeadershipFactor
As independence came, with leaders sitting down on a number of blue-prints for
the future (Azikiwe, 1974: 21), it was expected that the era of development and progress
would follow in view of the available human and material resources. The leaders were,
therefore, under the obligation to fulfil the promises, which they had made to their people
and to do sowith some degree of urgency. This urgency was imperative as the opposition
groups, which had been in existence ever before independence, continued to flourish. This
development was evident in Nigeria's First Republic where there were the Action Group
5
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

13. (AG) political party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Northern Elements Progressive
Union (NEPU), led by MalamAminu Kano, and the National Council of Nigeria Citizens
(NCNC) led by NnamdiAzikiwe, which although were active and responsible opposition
groups with some dose of tolerance but ideologically inspired, were against the ruling
Northern People's Congress (NPC) (Adeosun, 2004: 23). Such opposition groups laid in
wait to exploit any acts of omission or commission, which would discredit the ruling
partiestoenablethemtakeovertheleadershiporjustifytheiroppositionstance.
However, in most cases, shortly after independence, the nationalist leaders' drive,
having successfully exploited a variety of grievances among the urban and rural
populations to galvanise support to their cause, and having achieved their aim of being in
positions of leadership,did nothing praise worthy to ensure for their people a betterlife and
those of their children yet unborn. Other loyalties and ambitions also came thrusting to the
fore because of certain factors (Nzongola – Ntalaja, 2006: 4-5), such as ethnicity and
primitiveaccumulationofwealth(Aiyede,2011:86).
It was on the basis of the above development that Nzongola-Ntalaja (2006:9)
remarked that, although the nationalist leaders had expressed a commitment to democracy,
economicdevelopmentandPan-Africansolidarity:
When they began with the practical realities of governance, they
became more interested in advancing their own narrow class
interests, whose realisation required a recourse to authoritarian
methods of rule, corruption and enrichment on a large scale as
well as the promotion of territorial nationalism instead of
national unity. Consequently, the liberal democratic regimes
established at independence were for the most part abandoned in
favor(sic)of one-partyor militarydictatorship.
In similar vein, Ndiovu-Gatsheni and Mhalanga (2013:300) argued that no sooner
was political independence won in mostAfrican countries than it became obvious that the
new inheritors of power had no intention of fulfilling the 'promises of the nationalist
struggle'andtheexpectationsofcitizens.Itwas inthisregardthatthe:
…hope and optimism of independence fadedslowly and
inexorably in the hands of the new political elite and was finally
eclipsed by the dark shadows of corruption, lawlessness,
ingratitude, distortion and repression. Many people came to see
independence as a sort of 'punishment', which brought nothing
but misery, pain, dashed hopes, terror, exploitation,
marginalisation and frustration. Conditions of living
deteriorated and many began to look at the colonial era with
nostalgia(Ndiovu-GatsheniandMhalanga,2013:300).
This development could easily be blamed on the failure of post-colonial
politicalleadership,inparticular,andtheeliteingeneral.
Soon after coming to power, some African leaders imposed one–party system in
their countries and the rule of men rather than the rule of law became the order of the day
after independence. This system gave the leaders the ample opportunities and power to
begin to tinker with the constitutions of their countries. Civil societies, which supposed to
check the emergence of potential authoritarianism of the states declined in essence and
influence. This situation developed because there was no avenue for self-expression of the
labouring classes and intellectuals, and partly because the leaderships of the era had
successfullyatrophiedthedevelopmentenergiesofthemasses(Williams,2008:16-17).
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 6

14. The bottom line of the above development was the lack of practical links between
the leaderships and the masses at the decisive movement of the struggle with evident poor
governance. There was, thus, a crack in the edifice of nation-building process. There also
developed the phenomenon of tenure elongation, sit-tight culture, and making the office
of the head of state hereditary, following their actions of tinkering with the constitutions
and laws that would make them to realise their dreams of making the governance of their
countries family affairs (Mordi, 2013: 48-50). In the process of all of these acts of self-
delusion, their promised projects of nation and state-building were ignored. In the final
analysis,people'senthusiasmtowardsbuildingagreaterAfricacrumbled.
Thus, with one-party system in countries such as Tanzania, Kenya, Cameroon,
Malawi and Zimbabwe, the leaders, beside tinkering with the constitutions of their
countries and subverting the instruments of change, also began to stifle debate and prevent
the development of true democracy and viable ways of looking at issues. They also began
to disallow people from taking decisions on the basis of superior argument or intelligence,
periodically abuse the ballot box, either through rigging of elections or by blocking the
ways through which democratic change could take place, indulge in gross abuse of human
rights and to trample on the people's will so as to remain in power in perpetuity. In no time,
they began to be intolerant of the opposition to their policies and programmes and
intolerant of dissent (Williams, 2009:527). Opposition to them was considered as
“treason and criticism as sabotage” (Jinadu, 2011:27). They also began to target political
opponents by arresting, torturing, jailing and, in some cases, killing them in regions where
they were in control, as a way of excluding and depriving credible persons from
participating in governance. In addition, courts of law were emasculated and the press
censored(Enahoro,1970:30).
It was unfortunate also that at this stage the African leaders did not realise that
opposition is not about fighting for power, money and influence, but coming together in a
constructive manner to provide checks and balances to governance (Valen, 2013:23).
Things degenerated in some countries into a situation where there was a replacement of
the multi-party structures used during the anti-colonial struggles with the consolidation of
civilian autocracy. The new system, otherwise known as “no-party democracy”,
“unfettered democracy” or “big men rule”, a kind of modern day version of the old
monarchicalsystem,becameamajorfeatureofAfrica'spoliticalsystem.
With this system of rulership in place, the leaders began to have false estimation
of their superior personalities and appeared before their people as God-sent. They also
began to take on the trappings of the colonialists for the people to revere them as fathers of
the nations as they acquired a larger-than-life status. They developed into new oppressors
of the common people riding roughshod on the rights and privileges of the people. The
result of this development was the mismanagement of the freedom obtained from
independence (Morton, 1988:30-31). Thus, the dreams and hopes of life more abundant
and the promise of welfare after independence began to crumble as they were fulfilled in
breach,leavingnothingbutpainsforthepeople.
TheMilitaryEra
The developmental crisis generated by civilian autocracy and mis-governance,
among several other factors well-known, with which several theoretical constructs have
been produced to explain them, compelled the military, without much understanding of
the system, to intervene in politics in many African states (Jawowitz, 1964; Gutteridge,
7
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

15. 1969; Huntington 1968 and Odetola, 1982). Their interventions were such that between
1960 and 2001, Africa experienced over 80 military coups, which were successful. Their
incursion into politics only signified “the arrival of new players and contestants in the
already existing authoritarian structures within the authoritarian-democratic paradox of
independence” (Akinyemi, 2011: 121).Using the January 15, 1966, coup in Nigeria as an
illustration, their declared aim was “to establish a strong, united, and prosperous nation
free from corruption and internal strife”, a nation where no one would be ashamed to say
that he or she is a Nigerian (Kirk – Greene, 1976:125 – 126). Once the military came into
politics, their first actions were the suspension of the constitutions of their countries and
imposition of unitary governments, which by their nature were undemocratic and even
worse than the one-party system, as the case may be. They ruled by whims and caprices
onlyallowingcivilianparticipantsatfringelevels.
It is important to recall that before the military came to power ethnic politics had
predominatedAfrica's political scene as primary loyalty remained rooted in ethnic identity.
This situation constituted a major problem to some large and pluralistic societies such as
Nigeria. Hence, when the military took over the reins of government, their first policy
thrust was evident in Lt. Col. Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu's broadcast when he remarked
that it was the intention of the military government under General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, to
create, among other things: “the consciousness of national unity and to lead the citizens of
Nigeria as one disciplined people in a purposeful march to maximum realisation of the
country's potentials” (Kirk-Greene, 1976:146). Following these intentions, Ironsi also
remarked that “tribal loyalties, which promote tribal consciousness and sectional interest
must give way to the urgent task of national reconstruction. The federal military
governmentwillpreserveNigeriaasastrong nation”(Kirk-Greene,1976:154).
However, inno time,themilitarybegantoputself-interestsaheadof collectiveand
national interest as they propagated ethnic politics and religious bigotry in an attempt to
justify and attain power. In the process, they mismanaged the crisis generated by their
actions and inactions with evident continuous crisis and conflicts, including civil wars.
Such wars took place in Nigeria, Ethiopia under Haile Mariam Mengistu, Uganda and
Sudan, resulting in unmitigated disasters, which plagued the countries in the form of
bloodshed and ruin. In such wars, children were conscripted into the armies and sent to
fight and die (Ibaba and Etekpe, 2009:186). Besides, military regimes witnessed more
gross abuse of human rights as they “established military authoritarianism as the most
enduring and most entrenched expression of authoritarianism in African politics and
politicalsystem”(Akinwumi,2011:121).
Military dictatorship together with one party system degenerated into rampaging
tyranny.AsAiyette (2008:34) added, these systems with enormous economic and political
power concentrated in the hands of a few ruling military officers, the state evolved into
'vampirestates'.HearguedfurtherthatGovernmentasaninstitution:
… ceased to exist, hijacked instead by a phalanx of unrepentant
bandits and thugs who used the state machinery to enrich
themselves, their cronies and tribes. All others are excluded.
The richest persons in Africa are heads of state and their
ministers. Quite often, the chief bandit is the head of state
himself.
All others were excluded to enable them accommodate their selfish desires of
elongating their tenures in office, as well as accommodating their friends and supporters
within the constricted political space. This development was evident in Sudan and gives an
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 8

16. apparent reason for the civil war in that country, which lasted for many years until 2011.
The struggle by the excluded southern segment of the country to participate in politics was
a major factor. This struggle to overcome the dominance of the north in politics was not
helped by the religious differences between the northern Muslims and the Southern
Christians. These developments underlie the internecine civil wars that embroiled Sudan.
The Military exploited the situation to perpetuate themselves in power (Williams, 2008:
284), yet without significantly changing the fortunes of the citizens in the socio-political
and economic development of the country. Rather, like their civilian counterparts, they
leftonlypainsofdashedhopes.
Africafrom the1980s
The 1980s was a period when largely uncritical and unrepentant dictators who
pre-occupied themselves with hunting down oppositions to their mis-governance, were in
power. Rather than addressing themselves to the continued plummeting of Africa into
crisis of governance, and deeping economic crisis, characterised by: the fall of per capita
income from 35% in some countries where people had already been living so close to the
edge; the rise of debt burden from $170 billion to $1,200 billion; the loss of $19 billion
much more than it received in aid-from the fall in price of its commodity exports; and the
fall of development assistance from developed economies from an already below-target
level of 0.37% of GNP in 1980 to 0.33% in 1989, with evident collapse of infrastructure
along-side the value of local currencies and widespread pauperisation of the mass of the
people, they were pre-occupied with consolidating and perpetuating themselves in power.
This was the time when developed economies enjoyed the longest continuous period of
sustained economic growth since 1945, while Asian countries industrialised at a pace
never experienced before. It was because of these features that the period was classified as
“Africa'slostdecade”(Seguigni,1990:2).
During the period, African citizens were traumatised and humiliated as they
experienced more gross abuse of human rights with massive upsurge of incidences of
extra-judicial killings; deprivation of liberty and denial of free access to courts; restriction
on freedom of movement, free press and freedom of association and assembly; and very
importantly, due process as a result of the emasculation of the rule of law.Thus, the citizens
were rendered irrelevant in the political process to the point of desolation and penury
(William,2009:530-531).
In the 1990s, military coups continued to take place in some countries such as
Sierra Leone in 1991, Burundi in 1993, Nigeria in 1993, and Rwanda in 1994. Besides,
further implosions organised by politically excluded groups, who rose in rebellion, took
place in countries such as Somalia in 1993, Rwanda in 1994 and Sierra Leone in 1998.The
ensueing carnage, instability and mayhem, which created an environment that became an
intractable hindrance to good governance and sustainable development, may have been
influenced by the increase in human thirst and quest for freedom that for long was
suppressed in many countries. This renewed quest for freedom in Africa was also
triggered by developments in other parts of the world such as the disintegration of the
UnionofSovietsSocialistRepublic(USSR).
The impact of the development of this period inAfrica was the liberalisation of the
political space and the emergence of vibrant civil society organisations and critical and
viable press, which began to challenge, furiously, political repression perpetrated by one-
party and military dictatorships. Their challenge was evident in their campaign against the
9
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

17. criminal annulment of the June 12, 1993, presidential election in Nigeria, their demand for
respect for human rights, rule of law and multi-party democracy. The development gave
birth to theAfrica's “era of political renaissance”, or “second independence”, this time not
from colonial masters but from incompetent, oppressive and exploitative indigenous
rulers.The struggle this time was aimed at restoring democratic institutions and processes
subverted by single-party and military rule since the mid-1960s, as well as to consolidate
thenewdemocraticgainssincetheendof1980.
Aiding the above developments were foreign donors who directed their resources
to freedom fighters and civil society organisations as response to two major political
developments: “the acceleration of global trend towards democracy in the 1980s and early
1990s, which pushed democracy to the top of international policy agenda and challenged
democratic countries to respond,” and “the end of the cold war, which lowered barriers to
international political cooperation” (Akinbola, 2009:8). What further helped in this
direction were the genocide in Rwanda, large-scale massacre in Burundi, ethnic cleansing
in Congo-Kinshasa, the civil wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, among other inter-
communal violence and conflicts tearing African continent apart. With these
developments,African leaders were compelled to embark on democratisation programme
as they opened democratic space and elections were conducted in several countries such
as Zambia in 1991, Ethiopia in 1991, Republic of Benin in 1991, Burundi in 1993, South
Africa in 1994 and Nigeria in 1999. In some of such countries, some ruling parties were
replaced by opposition parties (Aiyede, 2011:91). However, even thoughAfrican leaders
had refocused their attention to the question of security, stability and progress, many
African countries had become included among the world's most dangerous places to visit
andinvestin(Soyinka,2011:45).
Nevertheless, the continent was still characterised by developmental crisis
despite the political gains since 1990s because many of the leaders, according to Onyekpe
(2011:44), continued to horrendously plunder their states; continued to bestially abuse
fundamental human rights and basic freedom; and capriciously continue to commit so
much atrocities leaving the citizens of their countries in pain. These atrocities were so
hugethattheywouldnotescapejusticewhentheywouldbeoutofpower.
According to Felter (2020:1), sub-Saharan Africa is home to many of the world's
longest-ruling heads of state. By early 2019, three of African heads of state had been in
power for more than three decades each. These were Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo in Equatorial Guinea, Paul Biya in Cameroon and Yoweri Museveni in
Uganda. In addition, by 2019, more than a dozen other African heads of state had been
in power for ten years. The table below shows sub-Saharan African's longest-serving
leaders from 1960-2020
Sub-Saharan Africa's Longest-Serving leader, 1960-2020.
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 10
S/No. Names Country Years in
Office
1. Omar Bongo Gabon 41 years
2. Teodoro Obiang Nwema Nbasogo Equatorial Guinea 40 years
3. Jose Eduardo Dos Santo Angola 38 years
4. Guassingbe Eyadema Togo 37 years

18. Source: Felter, Claire. 2020. “Africa's leaders for life: Introduction”,Council for Foreign
Relations,“htttps://www.cfr.org>background”accessedon 25/06/2020.
The implications of this state of affairs are manifest on the continent. According to Felter
(2020:1):
Strong correlations exist between sub-Saharan Africa's
entrenched leadership and its developmental and security
challenges, including conflicts or instability stagnant or
decliningeconomicsanddemocraticbacksliding.
Felter, also quoting The Economist's “2019 Democracy Index”, asserts that by that year,
more than twenty countries in the continent had what was considered as “authoritarian
governments” (2020:1), where rights abuses, including “arbitrary arrests, and detentions,
rightrestrictionsonfreedomofexpression,andpolicebrutality”,wereprevalent.
To survive their atrocities when they leave office, some of them groomed their
sons, who would occupy the office after their misrule. Such sons stayed in the wing
waiting for the right time to ascend the “throne”. This situation was evident when Faure
Eyadema succeeded his father, Gnassingbo Eyadema, as president of Togo. It also
happened in Gabon when, after Omar Bongo's death, and after 42 years in power, his son,
Alli, was elected president (Madunagu, 2009:59). Another aspect of this survival strategy
was evident in Zimbabwe, which remained continuously plummeting from promise to
destruction because of the activities of its life president, Robert Mugabe. Mugabe decided
to continue to preside over the systematic liquidation of the country in spite of the evident
hunger, poverty and epidemic that had consumed millions of children (Emordiand
Unumen, 2011:158-171) – all in a quest to remain in office for life. One fact that is evident
is thatAfricans cannot continue to blame the continent's backwardness, underdevelopment
and conflicts,on only externalinfluencesbecause there are overwhelmingevidenceof how
Africans caused the various developmental crisis and conflicts, which promoted civil wars
in which children were enlisted as combatants with evident distortion and destruction
(Igwe,2010).
11
5. Paul Diya Cameroon 37 years
6. Robert Mogabe Zimbabwe 37 years
7. Denis Sassou Nguesso Republic of Congo 36 years
8. Yoweri Museveni Uganda 34 years
9. Felix Houghouet-Boigmy Ivory Coast 33 years
10. Mobutu Sese Seko Democratic Republic of Congo 31 years
11. Omar al-Bashir Sudan 29 years
12. Idriss Deby Chad 29 years
13. Isaias Afweki Eritrea 29 years
14. Matthew Kerekou Benin 28 years
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

19. Conclusion
Notwithstanding inter-country differences, Africa's post-colonial economic,
social and politicalperformances have been poor when judged against the aspirations of the
people, the promises of independence and the achievements of other developing regions of
the world. The study concedes that colonialism and post-colonial asymmetrical
relationship between African countries and the developed western countries have
contributed to bringing the African continent to its post-colonial state of lugubrious
political, economic and social conditions. It is argued, however, thatAfrica's irresponsible
and greedy political leadership evident in corruption, mis-management of state and public
properties, autocratic ways of governing as if the state were their personal property,
inability to rise above personal, parochial, ethnic, sectional and/or regional interests, to
transform their countries to enviable heights, are also largely responsible for the continent's
unenviablestateofaffairs.
The development crisis, which created the gap between the legitimate
expectations at independence and the dashed hopes, arose because soon after political
independence,African rulers, whether civilian or military, began to trample under their feet
and boots the principles of individual freedom and the rule of law. With this development,
they began to perpetrate series of social, political and economic aberrations evident in the
authoritarian exclusion of credible persons from participating in political processes and
governance by suppressing democratic ideals and voices of dissent; advancing personal
ambitions for naked power; and the desire for self-perpetuation in office with evident
physical extermination of political opponents and perceived rivals. The results have been
exploitation of ethnicity and religious sentiments for political mobilisation of people for
naked power and dominance with evident crises and conflicts including civil wars, all of
which have emasculated the ability of the African people to live productive lives
(Abubakar,2014:16).
It is also evident from the analysis in this study that for years after political
independence, Africans were exposed to exploitation and oppression of their leaders, a
situation in some cases worse than the conditions they were under colonialism. The result
was that the promises they made to their people before and after independence were not
fulfilled. They were rather fulfilled in breach with evident pains in the form of crises and
civilwars, whichbecameafeatureofAfricangovernance.
The question now is: what could be the way out of this Africa's social, economic
and political development crises? It is recommended that Africans need to enthrone
genuine democracy with built-in strong political and democratic institutions that would
guide the conduct of politics to ensure political stability and sustained growth and
development. If genuine democratic system is put in place, African countries would not
continue to wallow in clueless democracy in which the people vote without choosing as a
resultofelectoralmalpractices.
The elimination of obnoxious culture of “do-or-die” as an African electoral
principle is also advocated.The sit-tight leadership phenomenon in someAfrican countries
also stands condemned. The enthronement of pretentious leaders should be discouraged.
These African political cultures and malaise have remained intractable hindrances to the
emergence of genuine democratic culture and good governance, which would make
Africanstatestocontinuetomarchontheroadtoprogress, developmentandgreatness.
African states need people-oriented constitutions produced and ratified by the
people after national debates on the documents to ensure their integrity.With such a process
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 12

20. in place, the leaders that would come, thereafter, would be such that would have legitimate
authorities guided by the rule of law. They would not be such that would have lied, as
happened before and after independence, to lead their people. It is recommended that
African masses cultivate the culture of standing up against irresponsible leaderships that
continuetoperpetuatesocio-economicandpoliticalillsratherthandestroytheircountries.
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15
POST-COLONIAL AFRICA: THE PROMISE OF INDEPENDENCE
AND THE PAIN OF DASHED HOPES WITH PARTICULAR
FOCUS ON THE POOR LEADERSHIP FACTOR

23. THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE
STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900
Akombo I. Elijah, PhD,
Haruna Hussaini Shumo
&
Chula Abdulaziz Bilyamin
Department of History & Diplomatic Studies,
Faculty of Arts,
Taraba State University, Jalingo,
Taraba State, Nigeria
Abstract
Bandawa is a community in the former Muri Division of Taraba State, which is understudied. Like
other Nigerian ethnic groups who have traditions of origin outside their present geographical
environment, they also claim origin from outside their present geographical environment. This
study is an attempt to examine the traditions of origin of the Bandawa, their socio-cultural
organization, political organization and economic activities up to 1900. The research methodology
adopted involved the use of primary, secondary, and archival sources.Amultidisciplinary approach
was adopted in data analysis. The study concludes by bringing to limelight those factors that make
theBandawawhattheyare.
Introduction
The Nigerian society is heterogeneous in nature with much diversity and
complexity. It is made up of distinct societies and peoples of diverse cultures and history. In
the pre-colonial times, most of these societies were non-literate societies whose histories
and cultures were preserved orally. A study of this nature is initiated out of the desire to
begin to document the historical details of small Nigeria ethnic groups for future. This is
imperative because, large Kingdoms and Chiefdoms that had risen and fallen within the
Nigerian area had their achievements and shortcomings recorded. However, other groups,
especially those that fall within the 'small ethnic groups' escaped attention because it was
assumed they had nothing historic to offer. Their history did not appeal very much to
historiographersofthepast.
But now, careful observation and research have revealed that in the small Nigerian
ethnic groups, they in fact had institutions of government which were very similar to those
of the large kingdoms and chiefdoms. Even though, the institutions of government of the
small Nigerian ethnic groups was not elaborate, but they had the advantage of stability and
sustenanceofpeaceandorderwhichhadsurvivedup torecenttimes.
This study is concerned with the Bandawa, one of such small Nigerian ethnic
groups.Tittled, 'The Geographical Features and the Socio-Economic and Political Life-
Style of the Bandawa up to 1900, the study gives the general public knowledge about the
pastlife-styleoftheBandawapeopleasderivedfromdiversesources.
16

24. GeographicalLocationand FeaturesofBandawa
Location
Bandawa town lies at the north bank of the river Benue opposite the present-day
0 '
Lau. The town is situated on the geographical coordinates of Latitude 9 16 0” North, and
0 1
Longitude 11 17' 0” East. While the eastern part of the town is bordered by Jen, the
western part is by Gidan-Usmanu (a part of Karim Lamido village Area but lies 9 miles
2
away). Similarly, the northern part is hemmed by Munga and the southern part is shielded
3
by theRiverBenuewhichflows inaneast-westdirection.
The word Bandawa refers to both a settlement and an ethnic group. The Bandawa
as a group call themselves Sho. The name Bandawa was ascribed to them by the Fulani in
Muri Emirate, and derived from the Fulani word “Banduwam,” meaning our relation. The
Bandawa tradition of origin links them to the Jukun. They were among the early
4
communities that came in contact with the Fulani Jihadists in 1812. They speak a language
similar to that of Lau on the south bank of the Benue, a language closely related to that
5
spoken atKunini,MindaandJessi.
th
At evolution in the late 17 century, the Bandawa homeland began with three
villages namely Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. However, by 1900, it extended to nine
village areas with emergence of the following villages namely Lasuwe (Kwatan-Langa),
6
Dang-shang, Lagwashin, Gwenzu, Sobalingu (Kwatan-Bandawa), and Nyampi. These
were evidently not the only settlements of the Bandawa people. They had other villages of
related ancestry and culture such as, Jillahi, Garin-Sarki, Bandawa-Kuka, Bandawa-
Vinnan in Lau Local Government Area and the village of Nabari in Ardo-Kola Local
Government Area in Taraba State. In addition, there are the villages of Kwahuba, Dandu,
Bulukun in Numan Local GovernmentArea, as well as the villages of Matifu and Luggere
7
inLamurdeLocalGovernmentAreaofAdamawaState.
GeographicalFeatures
Bandawa lies in the Middle Benue flood plain. Among the geographical features
8
of Bandawa is the river Benue which flows from the North-east to the South-west. The
2 2
Benue occupies an area of 1,489 km (575 mi ) and descends from an altitude of 170m (550
9
ft) at the confluence with Tiel to 90m (300 ft) at the confluence with the Donga. It flows
throughout the year with considerable seasonal variation in discharge. The discharge is
3 3
less than 1,420m /sec (50,000 ft /sec) for the period November-July and rises to over
3 3 10
8,500m /sec (300,000 ft /sec) at the maximum in October. Bandawa area is often flooded
seasonally and that provides large natural reservoirs in ponds and lakes for fishing and dry
season farming. Even though, flood is considered as a natural disaster to the agricultural
communities, the fishing communities celebrate it, because of the boost it brings to their
occupation by discharging water and fishes into all available water channels such as ponds,
lakes,streamsamongothers.
Bandawa has a sub-Sudan type of climate with Monthly Average Rainfall of 750
11
to 1000 mm (30-40 in); approximately 160 days of rainy season. The area is covered by
dense undergrowth of thick forest with tall trees such as Silk cotton tree (Shi-Gwong),
Baobab tree (Shi-Yinzi), Deleb palm (Shi-Kwonje), Locust bean tree (Shi-Luwe), Fig tree
(Shi-Nzu), Tamarind tree (Shi-Jang), African Ebony (Shi-Ye), Vitex Cienkoski (Shi-Vi),
12
Soap berry tree (Shi-Kummu), Madrid tree (Shi-Pyo), among others. The land is still
covered by large Deleb Palm forest spanning several hectres to the north east border
towardsJen.
17JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW

25. FIG.1:MapofNigeriaShowing Bandawa
Source;GIS laboratory,departmentofgeography,universityofMaiduguri,Borno State
OriginoftheBandawa
The traditions of origin of the Bandawa people states that, the ancestral home of
th
the Bandawa people up to late 17 century was Kwararafa Kingdom, where they lived with
the Jukun. Kwararafa Kingdom, lies on high open land between the present towns of
13
Wurio and Bantaji near or on the watershed of the Taraba and Suntai rivers . The capital
city of Kwararafa was Beipi or Apa, which is situated south of the Benue, about 15 miles
14
(24km)northeastofBantaji.
The tradition further affirms that, power struggle and mysterious death from an
unknown infection rendered the environment insecure for habitation. The Bandawa
people were led by their leader called “Sho” out of Kwararafa Kingdom. The group
trekked from Kwararafa to the confluence where river Taraba joins river Benue opposite
the present Jibu area, and boarded separate canoes for cult officials, men, and women-
children. In that order, they travelled on water eastwards. In the course of the voyage, they
engaged in fishing and hunting animals for their sustenance, until they came to a location
near a large baobab tree and made a camp close to the south bank of the river Benue, a place
formerly called Nwulavi, now known widely as Bandawa-Kuka, west of present-day Lau
15
District.
At Nwulavi, the group dispersed due to inherent need to get hold of more space and
economic resources.The first group crossed the river Benue and settled at the north bank in
a place called Vinnan. The settlement was named after Nan one of the cult officials who
died after they had crossed over to the north bank. He was buried there and they called the
16
place Vinnan, which means the “grave of Nan” in the native language. The second group
moved further eastward from Nwulavi, to a location at the south bank of the river Benue
they referred to as Shito. This settlement was named “Shito” after “vitellaria paradoxa”
17
commonly known as Shea tree. Atree of the Sapotaceae family and the only specie in the
18THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL
LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900

26. genus vitellaria which is called shito in the native language in the area. Through several
fishing and hunting expeditions, the Bandawa groups became attracted to the northern
Benue flood plain as the dense forest in the past had varieties of wild plants, which grew in
18
colonies, abundant wild animals, lakes, ponds, streams with different species of fish. This
discoverynecessitatedthesettlementinthepresentdayBandawa.
Socio-CulturalOrganizationofBandawa
(a) SettlementPattern
The Bandawa had a highly developed social organization based on family
relationship. The family relationship began with the male ancestor and his descendants, to
the clans then to the ethnic group. The Bandawa consisted of the following clans namely,
Nungwe, Ngutai, Ngwakai, Shinchwe, Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu, Kwankwai, Ngwazan,
19
Ngwabei, Ngwasiva and Ngwanton. The twelve clans lived in three villages area namely
Libban, Ngwavin, and Nashin. Each village area was made up of four clans as follows;
Libban village area made of the clans of Nungwe, Ngwakai, Ngutai, Shinchwe; Ngwavin
village area was and is still, made up of Ngwavin, Ngwabu, Ndubu and kwankwe clans, and
20
Ngwazan,Ngwabei,NgwasivaandNgwantonclansmadeup theNashinvillagearea.
(b) Marriage
In almost every society, marriage is the institutionalized means by which new
families are created or existing families are expanded. Marriage forms a basis for most
domestic groups. When a man or woman marries, he or she acquires not only a spouse but
21
also a new set of parents, brothers and sisters' in-Law and other affinal relatives. The
Bandawa constitute an exogamous society, which marriage within one's own descent
group was strictly prohibited. For instance, members of the same descent group composed
of males and females who traced their genealogies through specified links to a common
ancestor were prohibited to marry each other. Marriage was contracted outside a person's
clan and polygamy was practiced, that is the marriage between one man and two or more
22
women. However, divorce was prohibited among the Bandawa, but, were it occurs the
woman marries outside the Bandawa ethnic group. In addition, marriage was classified
intothree,namely,marriagethroughexchange,inheritanceandpaymentofdowry.
(c)Religion
According to C. K. Meek, he states that, like the Jukun, the Bandawa had two
principal deities, one (Lu Lakwa) a sky deity identified mainly with the sun, and the other,
Nyimwa or Nyimo, the earth-deity and creator of man and all living things. Nyimwa, it has
23
been said, corresponded functionally with Jukun Ma (or Ama). Although, the Bandawa
cosmology upheld Nyimo as the Supreme Being, whose abode was believed to be in the sky
(lakwa) along with the sun (lu), moon (tse), and and star (bin). Nyimo was believed to be the
creatorofmanandalllivingthings.
(d) Initiation
Initiation ceremonies were practiced among the following tribes; Bolleri, Jenjo,
24
Munga, Bandawa, and Karim. The Bandawa practiced initiation into age groups. To
qualify for initiation, the youths must hail from Bandawa or recognize neighbouring
groups like Kunini, Lau, Minda, Jen, Jukun-Kona, among others. At approximately seven
25
years intervals, a new group of youths (aged 18-20) were called for initiation. The
initiated youths were kept in confinement for months and subjected to training on history,
customary laws, wood carving, mat weaving, hair plaiting, dreams interpretation, songs
JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW
19

27. and dances among others.This event marked the beginning of peer group formation which
26
was most prominent among the Bandawa, as it is even the practice among them today.
Initiation instilled knowledge, discipline, endurance, secrecy, resistance, and exposed the
youthstohiddenedpotencyoftheBandawaheritage.
ThePoliticalStructureand OfficialsoftheBandawa before1817
(a) RoyalOfficialsand functions
The Bandawa practiced a theocratic political system before the emergence of Muri
Emirate in 1817. The Nechwe was the head of the political system. He was encircled by a
body of officials discharging distinct functions akin to executive, judiciary and
27
legislative. The executive consisted of the Nechwe (Chief Priest), the Abang (the village
minister), the Fong (Head Treasury), the Nechwe-Ngwavin (Ward-Head Ngwavin village),
and Nechwe-Nashin (Ward-Head Nashin village). The judicial officials were the Ku-veh
(Priest of clan shrine). Other important officials that manned the legislative aspects in
Bandawa were the Nyiningwi (elders) and Shayi (Head of household) from various clans in
28
Bandawa. TheyrepresentedthevariousfamiliesattheNechwe's court(Latah).
However, with the emergence of the Muri Emirate in 1817 the power of the
Nechwe political system on traditional, religious and political matters of the Bandawa
community experienced relegation. The relegation of the Nechwe political system was not
in the form of complete usurpation of its power par se, but the elaborate role of the political
system was reduced to manned only traditional religious matters, whereas the political
matters of the Bandawa community was taken care of by the political system introduced by
29
theMuriEmirate. The new political structure emerged with the Ku-Sho (Village
Head of Bandawa) at the apex of the political structure and was assisted by the following
officials, namely; Galadima (heir apparent to Ku-Sho stool), Tafida (Titled official of the
Ngutai clan in the village council), Ajiya (Titled official of the Nungwe clan in village
council), Majidadi (Title official of the Shinchwe clan in the village council), Kaigama
(act in the absence of Ku-Sho and Titled official of the Ndubu clan), Turaki (Titled official
of the Ngwabu clan in the village council), Sarkin-Dogarai (Chief security to the Kuh Sho
and Titled official of the Kwankwe clan in the village council), Wakili (Emissary of the Ku-
Sho) and Galdima (Titled official of the Ngwaton clan in the village council) among
30
others. The functions of these titled officials of the Kuh Sho varied from one title to
another.
By the new system, the appointment of Ku-Sho (Village Head of Bandawa) was
done by the Emir of Muri. The administrative procedure of filling the vacant throne was
either by election or selection depending on the situation. In either situation of selection or
election,theEmirofMurigivesthefinalapproval.
20
THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL
LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900

28. Fig. 3. Bandawa Political Structure before 1817
Source: A. B. Chulla, “The Natirbe System of Administration in Bandawa 1954-1984”
B. A. History Project, Department of History and Archaeology, Taraba State University,
2016
Fig.4:Bandawa PoliticalStructureafter1817
JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW
21
Nechwe
(Chief Priest of Bandawa)
Abang (Village Minister)
Fong (Treasurer)
Nechwe-Nashin
(Ward-Head Nashin Village)
Nechwe-Ngwavin
(Ward-Head Ngwavin Village)
Ku-ve (Priest of Clan shrine)
Nyiningwi/Shayi
(Elders/Head of Household)
General Public
Emir of Muri
Ku-Sho
(Village Heads of Bandawa)
Ajiya Tafida Majidadi Sarkin-Dogari Kaigama Turaki Wakili Galadima Galdima
General public
Source: Sketch designed by A. B. Chulla

29. EconomicActivitiesoftheBandawa
According to James Stuart Olson in his book, The Peoples of Africa: An
Ethnohistorical Dictionary, the Bandawa are an ethnic group living today in Nigeria,
primarily in the former Wurkum and Lau Districts of the former Muri Division of former
Adamawa Province. They make their livings raising livestock and managing subsistence
31
farms. However, the major economic activities undertaken by the Bandawa were fishing,
hunting, farming, livestock husbandry, deleb palm workwork (azara), calabash carving,
wood carving, leather work, blacksmithing, spinning and yarning thread, mat weaving,
domestic commerce and external trade. The details of their economic activities are
discussedunderthefollowingsub-topics.
Farming
Farming as a subsistence occupation by the Bandawa was practiced on a small
scale for local consumption. It was an economic activity carried out both in the rainy and
dry season. Major crops grown by the Bandawa were guinea corn, rice, maize, beans,
cotton, potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, gourd, hibiscus, jute, pepper, among others.
Cereals were the first to be sown at the beginning of the rainy season. The Bandawa used
the practice of bush fallowing, which allowed the soil to rest for as long as five or more
32
years to enable it regain its fertility. The farm products were used as staple food and for
tradeandexchange,festivityfeast,income,amongothers.
Animalhusbandry
The Bandawa kept a wide variety of livestock. These were cattle, goats, sheep,
pigs, dogs, including domestic birds like ducks, chickens, and guinea-fowls. These were
important sources of meat and for sacrifice and rituals as in the case of chickens. Dogs
were kept by the Bandawa not only as pet and for security, but were very important
companions in hunting expeditions. Though both sheep and goats were kept, the number
33
of the latter were said to be more numerous than the former. This was largely because of
the high productivity rate of goats, and which were comparatively easier to maintain than
sheep. Moreover, they were extensively used as sacrificial animals in funerals and other
religiousceremonies.
Fishing
The existence of river Benue and numerous lakes encouraged the development of
fishing as an important occupation among the Bandawa. Though it was widely practiced,
the major fish markets were at Kunini, Lau and Karim. Fishing was practiced on the River
Benue by the use of cast nets (birgi).The Bandawa practiced communal fishing which was
done at the following lakes and ponds namely, La-Pai, La-Chong, La-Ve, La-Gangwa, La-
34
Ka,La-Diba,La-Bobwai,La-Diche,La-Vuveh,La-Jichan,amongothers.
The fishing activities were organized by the clans who were custodians of
individual lakes. Certain rituals were considered necessary before any fishing was allowed
in the lakes. There were various fishing gears used to catch large quantity of fish. These
included fish traps, cast nets (birgi), hooks and line (ngalu), bag nets (akauji), seine nets
(ntaru), and sill net (raga), among others. The fish caught were preserved by smoking,
35
salting, and drying, among others. Fish provided source of livelihood and income for
number of Bandawa people who engaged in fishing activities both full time and part time.
Itwas alsoused asstaplefood.
Hunting
Hunting was one of the earliest occupations of the Bandawa. It was carried out
either on individually or communal levels. At the communal level, it involved all the
22THE GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES AND THE SOCIO-CULTURAL
LIFE STYLE OF THE BANDAWA UP TO 1900

30. villages of Nashin, Ngwavin and Libban among others. Oral account states that
communal hunting was usually a great event among the Bandawa. It was mostly
organized under a leader who was responsible for the hunting expedition. At the
assembly of the community, libation of locally brewed beer was offered by the leader,
36
wishing every hunter luck and safety. Games killed were eaten at the clan shrine
(gweve), while the hind legs of the animal killed was handed to a female sibling of the
huntingherowho, inreturn,preparedguineacornporridgetothehunter.
In the past, wild games were hunted and killed during hunting expeditions.
Prominent among the wild games killed were Buffalo (ja), Tiger (vo), Antelope (Nang-
37
fe), Warthog (Ngaraushin), Hippopotamus (jing), among others. The heads of the larger
animals killed were deposited in the shrine. The animals meats were used for food, the
surplus were smoked or dried and preserved for upcoming festival feast in small barn
(bang-jyi)insidethehut.
Craftand industry
The Bandawa were creative people who had different hand craft skills such as
carving,weaving,andwood-work, amongothers.
(a) Carving
The existence of different species of soft and hard wood encouraged the practice
of wood carving. A wide range of goods such as canoes (gwa), pestles (sivi), mortars
(njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe paddler (jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), small drum
frame (shi-ching), big drum frame (shi-biyung) and different kinds of handles for spears,
hoes, sickles, knives, axes, among others, were carved. Canoes were carved from the
38
Khaya senegalensis (shi-ye). These crafts provided them with domestic utensils,
furniture,shelter,religiousparaphernalia,andincomeamongothers.
(b) Matweaving
Mat weaving was another important craft among the Bandawa. This was
practiced mainly in the dry season by the males. A variety of raw materials such as palm
fronds of Deleb palm tree (shi-kwonje) and gamba grass which abound in the Benue flood
plain were used. Mat was a traditional sleeping material in Bandawa. Also, mats were
39
used to cover the shrines and compounds among others. Weaving was done manually
into mat of different sizes and patterns. The Bandawa people weaved mat as part time
vocation to supplement family income during the dry season. Mats were traded in
marketsofneighbouringvillagessuch asLau,Kunini,andKarim.
Leatherwork
Another important craft among the Bandawa was leather work. The leather
workers in Bandawa usually got their raw materials from the hides or skin of the
following animals: goats, cows, snakes, buffaloes, and iguana, among others. Leather
was used in making sheaths, sandals, musical instruments such as big or small drums,
40
dancingkits,amongothers.
Blacksmithing
th
The blacksmiths used the iron bar which was used as currency in the 19 century,
known as taji among the Mumuye or 'che' in Bandawa to produce various agricultural
implements and hunting weapons such as hoe, sickle, machetes, axes, swords, spears,
41
knives and hooks. The Bandawa used these products made locally and the products had
tremendous economic benefits to the Bandawa in the areas of farming, fishing, hunting,
JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW
23

31. amongothers.
(a) Tradeand Exchange
The Bandawa produced different agricultural products and artisan goods. The
agricultural products used for trade are guinea corn, rice, maize, beans, cotton, cassava,
sweet potatoes, tobacco, pumpkin, guna, calabash, among others. The artisans' goods
included pestles (sivi), mortars (njuwe), stool (shi-adidi), canoe (gwa), canoe paddler
42
(jangwa), Wooden bowls (nkang), machetes, spears, hoes, sickles, knives, axes. In
addition,fishconstitutesmajoritemoftradeandexchangeinBandawa.
Although, no one person had everything he or she needed, the inevitable outcome
of this situation led to exchange.As time went on, the person-to-person exchange of goods
widened in scope within the Bandawa villages and extended to the neighbouring villages,
most especially Lau, Munga, Jen, and Karim. The medium of exchange was barter which
43
was followedbyironbars(che),cowries(yibu),Britishpound andShillings.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the study on the geographical features and the socio-economic and
political life-style of the Bandawa up to 1900 highlights the pattern and nature of the pre-
colonial Bandawa society. The study has attempted to discuss the geographical
environment, origin, socio-political organization of the Bandawa. Additionally, the study
shows the existence of a centralized political system among the Bandawa, which was
founded on trado-religious laws derived from the ancestors of the community. The
traditional laws were entrenched in the memory of the people and passed on from
generation to generation. The study also shed light on the nature of the Bandawa economy
highlighting its different components such as farming, fishing, hunting and animal
husbandry, artisan work such as blacksmithing, carving, weaving, among others.Also, the
study unveiled that, the emergence of the Muri Emirate undermined the political structure
and traditional religious belief of the Bandawa people who are today politically organized
undertheemiratesystem.
References
1.http://www.maplandia.com/nigeria/karimla/bandawa/bandawagoogleearth.html/map/d
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25JALINGO HISTORICALREVIEW

33. INTERROGATING THE CITIZEN CENTEREDNESS OF THE NIGERIAN
FOREIGN POLICY SINCE 1960
Zhema, Shishi, PhD
&
Francis, John Tenong
Department of History and Diplomatic Studies,
Federal University Wukari
P.M.B 1020
Wukari, Taraba State-Nigeria
Phone: +234-8032257518, 08136333818
E-mail: szhema@yahoo.com, francisjohntonong@gmail.com
Abstract
It is national interest that sovereign states seek to pursue/achieve in the international system,
through their foreign policy framework. In this regard, foreign policy should be an embodiment of a
state national interest which should, in the final analysis, promote the well-being of its citizenry.
Nigeria became an independent country in 1960, and in 1963, she took on a status of a republic with
full power to chart an independent foreign policy. In recognition of this status, successive
administrations, both in principles and in practice, contemplated varieties of foreign policy options
for Nigeria with different degrees of consequences.To what extent have these foreign policy options
by the various regimes taken into cognizance the issue of Nigerian citizenry? It is in the light of the
above question that this paper attempts to examine the nature and character of the foreign policy
options taken by the various regimes, since 1960. The paper adopts a multidisciplinary research
method and the use of system theory in its analysis. It became obvious that the Nigerian foreign
policy is more externally propelled and motivated than internally.As such, due regards has not been
giventotheNigeriancitizensintermsofforeignpolicyouting.
KeyWords: NationalInterest,ForeignPolicy, Citizen.
Introduction
Since independence in 1960, Nigeria's external relations has been characterized by
a focus on Africa as a regional power and by the attachment to several fundamental
principles:African unity and independence; capability to exercise hegemonic influence in
the region: peaceful settlement of disputes; non alignment and non- intentional
interference in the internal affairs of other nations; and regional economic co-operation and
development. Thus, generally, Nigeria's foreign policy trends (the development and
formulation) since 1960, has consistently been guided by the same principles and
objectives.Although while the main thrust of the country's foreign policy, the promotion of
her national interest and the policy of afro-centricity, remained permanent, the strategy and
emphasis for such protection by successive regimes varied from one to another. What is
even more is that the international environments have been the major determinants in
Nigeria's foreign policy trends over the years (Akinyemi, B A 13). The focus of this paper
therefore, is to interrogate the bearing of the Nigerian Foreign Policy on its citizenry. Basic
concepts like foreign policy, national interest, and the Nigerian Foreign policy
framework/objectivesshallbeconsidered.
26

34. Concept ofForeignPolicy
In international relations or international system, the focus of any state is to
engage other actors to attain a relatively favorable position (Shafaru, Shamsideen Toyin
1). The sovereign state which stands as the main player articulates and advances its main
objectives/goals to the international environment. These objectives/goals constitute the
national interest. In order to pursue its national interest; a state articulates a foreign policy.
The foreign policy of a state often determines, to a great extent, its identity in the
international system (Bluwey, Gilbert K.23). Foreign policy consists of two elements:
national objectives/interest to be achieved and the means for achieving them (Pham, Peter
J).
Therefore, Foreign policy is the relations between and amongst states, which
embodies the totality of the acts, strategies and manipulations by a given state in the
process of launching her domestic objectives/interests in the international system
(Nwanolue, BOG eta'l 1-3). It is the mechanism which sovereign states use to influence
the international system to achieve their national interest. Thus, the foreign policy of any
given country is the external projection of the internal or domestic environment of such a
country (Mathew, Chime Jide 277). Therefore, foreign policy is concerned with the
pursuitofnationalinterestsby states(Morgenthau,H.J.).
It is generally the practice all over the world that nation-states design and
implement foreign policies so as to guide their external relations and as well protect,
promote and defend their national interests. These interests could be defense of territorial
integrity, economic interest, military, strategic and diplomatic interests etc. Hence,
national interest constitutes a set of high prized national objectives which a country
aggregates, nurtures, protects, projects and seeks to achieve as it interacts with other
nation states in the international political environment (Chime276). What should then be
of interest to Nigerian foreign policy framework is its core values as a nation. Do various
Nigerian leaders consider the country's national interest at all, in the pursuit of foreign
policythrusts?Thatwould bepartoftheconsiderationhere.
Nigerian'sforeignpolicyframework/objectivesand principles.
Nigeria's foreign policy framework/objectives as identified by Gamawa, Yusuf
Ibrahiminclude;
i. TheprotectionoftheterritorialintegrityoftheNigerianstate;
ii. Thepromotionofeconomicandsocialwell-beingofNigerians;
iii. TheenhancementofNigeria'simageandstatusintheworldatlarge;
iv. The promotion of unity as well as the total political, economic, social and cultural
liberationofNigeriaandAfrica;
v. The promotion of the rights of the black people and others under colonial
domination;
vi. The promotion of international cooperation, conducive to the consolidation of
worldpeaceandsecurity;
vii. Mutual respect and friendship among all peoples among states; Redressing the
imbalance in the international power structures that have tended to frustrate the
legitimateaspirationsofdevelopingcountries;
viii.The promotion of world peace based on the principles of freedom, mutual respect
andequalityofallpersons oftheworld(72)
Since that was established at independence by the government of Balewa, it was
never revised until the regime of Murtala/Obasanjo who set up a committee known as
JALINGO HISTORICAL REVIEW 27