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Economic Solutions to In-Work Poverty
Graeme Harrison
Associate Director
Oxford Economics
gharrison@oxfordeconomics.com
Belfast, 28th May 2014
NICVA Centre for Economic Empowerment
Working Poverty Economic Conference
Outline
• Background
• Economic and social policy
• Why does in-work poverty exist?
• Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
• Solution aims
• Solution options
• Forward-planning, target-setting and economic realism
• Useful research areas
Background
• Nature of UK and NI poverty has been transforming
• Long-term trend has been falling out-of-work poverty and rising in-work poverty
• Working households now make up the majority of those in poverty in UK, more than
non-working households; two-thirds of children in poverty are from households where at
least one adult works
• NI share of working age adults in absolute poverty at its highest
• There has been much greater success in reducing poverty for non-working household
like pensioners and lone parents – have working households been neglected?
• Implication: Getting into work is not a sustainable route out of poverty
• Median household income, poverty rates and labour market indicators have worsened
more in NI compared to GB … but NI was living in an economic bubble pre-recession
Background: NI poverty trends
14%
16%
18%
20%
22%
24%
26%
2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12
Working age adults
Pensioners
NI: Relative income poverty (AHC)
Source:FRS
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12
000s
Working age adults
Pensioners
NI: Absolute income poverty (AHC)
Source:FRS
Background: NI poverty characteristics
Composition
Composition
(000s)
%
Economic status of adults in the family
One or more full-time self-employed 16% 64 26%
Single/couple, all in full-time w ork 6% 24 5%
Couple, one full-time, one part-time w ork 5% 18 9%
Couple, one full-time w ork, one not w orking 9% 37 22%
No full-time, one or more part-time w ork 13% 55 36%
Workless, one or more aged 60 or over 11% 46 17%
Workless, one or more unemployed 13% 53 -
Workless, other inactive 27% 110 53%
Total 100% 406 23%
Working 49% 198
Workless 51% 208
Source: FRS
Note: Below 60% median income AHC
NI: Low income households (2011/12)
Economic and social policy
• Social and economic policy are traditionally not joined up, for example a lack of
connection between national economic and poverty strategies and government
departments responsible
• The assumptions that poverty will be solved by trickle down economic growth (the
orthodox economist view), and higher income is the sustainable solution to long-term
poverty (the social view), are flawed
• Often a lack of consideration of how social policies can deliver economic objectives, e.g.
the link between labour market programmes or progressive taxation and growth
• Equally social policy is sometimes designed in a vacuum and is not grounded in
business and economic realities
• Together this leads to neither economic or social targets being met
Why social policy should matter to economists?
• Benefits of economic growth do not automatically reach all
• To maintain citizen support for governments
• Highly unequal societies are associated with lower rates of growth and can lead to social
tensions
Economic and social policy
What is economic policy?
• GDP
• Exports
• Exchange rates
• Productivity
• Innovation
• FDI
• Competitiveness
• Business environment
• Macroeconomic management
• Fiscal policy
What is social policy?
• State intervention that directly affects
social welfare, social institutions and
social relations/cohesion
• Social security, health, housing, social
care
• Redistribution of income and wealth,
equality of opportunity, participation,
voice
• Aim to maximise people’s chances of a
good life – but what is a good life?
• Social policy can also produce new social
institutions, behaviours or norms
• Much more than a limited set of safety
nets and services to cover market failure
Economic and social policy: Grey areas
• Taxation and subsidies
• Public expenditure
• Labour market policy (e.g.
minimum wage, labour mobility)
• Skills
• Credit market policy
• Pensions
• Regulation
• Migration
Economic
policy
Social policy
Economic and social policy: Need for more alignment
• Social policy should complement and work in tandem with economic policy
• Social policy analysts tend to define social policy in relation to, often in opposition to,
economic policy
• Those who analyse/develop “economic policy” tend to be economists; those who
analyse “social policy” are by and large not economists
• Thinking about objectives and targets - is economic growth a sensible final objective of
national strategy, or better as an intermediate objective?
• There is a lack of clarity about the hierarchy of and linkages between objectives, and a
lack of distinction between intermediate and final objectives, or rather, too easy an
identification of intermediate objectives with final ones on the basis of an implicit
mechanism linking the two
• Possible joint objectives - “sustained and sustainable growth in per capita income,
accompanied by diversification of production, reduction of absolute poverty, and
expanding economic opportunities for all citizens”
Why does in-work poverty exist?
• Note: Work measured at household level
• Low pay and ever lower take-home pay after tax and benefits withdrawn
• Minimum wage below living wage?
• Low working hours / proliferation of part-time, insecure work – many people want to work
more
• Lack of progression opportunities
• Too few dual working households
• High cost and low availability of childcare – limits jobs some mothers can take
• Lack of aspiration
• Lack of labour mobility
Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
• Long list of legacy and recession-related changes
• Economy faces a number of transitional drivers, many of which are negative and
creating new transitional challenges
• Multiple new vulnerable groups
• Current economic data is positive
• But risk of the recovery running out of steam
• Long-term jobs outlook is sluggish, downward pressure on wages
• NI faces the twin challenges of creating lots of jobs and lots of well-paid jobs
Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
Historic structural and recession legacy challenges
Historic
 High share of working age are economically inactive and have no or low qualifications (low labour mobility)
 High share of households are workless
 High share of economically inactive do not want to work and are dependent on benefits as their main income source
 High cost of childcare
 Cycle of worklessness and poverty across generations within families and areas; poverty of aspiration
 High share of young classified as NEETs
 Low average pay means many working households live in poverty and earn below the living wage; financial returns from
employment are often too low to entice claimants off benefits; in other words creating employment is not a guaranteed
exit from poverty
 There has been growth in the number of households more at risk of being in poverty such as lone parent and single
person households
 High rate of fuel poverty
 Long-standing prevalence of economically lagging areas and regional imbalances
 Numerous economic challenges including over-dependence on the block grant, limited private sector export base (NI has
been a net loser from globalisation) and competitive weaknesses
Recession legacy
 Significant job loss and rise in unemployment, especially amongst the youth, despite the cushioning effect of NI’s large
public sector
 Squeezed household incomes from downward pressure on wages and upward pressure on the cost of living
 Upward correction in household saving to reverse past trends and repay debt
 Negative housing market equity, restricting labour mobility
 Constrained access to and higher cost of borrowing for households and business
 Further falling behind in competitiveness as other countries implement more wide-ranging economic reforms such as
ROI
Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
Solution aims
• Note: Working poor and non-working poor are same people at different times
• Increase pay, including take-home pay – but should be linked to productivity
• Increase working hours for those who want to work longer
• Increase feasibility of more dual working families
• Increase labour mobility
• Increase aspirations for working, pay and progression
Solution options
Policy
• Minimum wage – look at Switzerland’s
recent referendum
• Downsides – price out low skilled from labour
market, increase unemployment, cost may be
passed on to consumer prices, unaffordable for
small firms
• But is the welfare system subsidising low wages
anyway?
• Working tax credits
• Personal income tax – devolve powers to
NI?
• Income top ups
• Labour mobility
• Skills – increase employability, boost
productivity
• Child care, including more publicly
funded free child care
Institutional
• A poverty strategy
• A poverty agency like ROI
• More joined up and coordinated
economic and social policy
• Economic strategy – create different
types of jobs?
• Business involvement – what can
businesses do to be part of the solution?
• Political commitment and responsibility
• Rebalancing of supply from out-of-work
poverty towards in-work poverty
Forward-planning, target-setting and economic realism
• Often strategies are piecemeal and lack the ambition and detailed quantified targets to
solve the challenge – they tend to have top-down targets with no bottom-up road map
• There is a need to work back from an ambitious, forward-looking target for in-work
poverty
• How many jobs need to be created, balance between FT and PT, what pay level, in what location etc
• What changes to tax credit, personal income tax, benefits etc need to be introduced
• And quantify the implications for government
• Fiscal implications
• Skills implications
• Child care implications
• Transport implications
• Then consider how realistic the options are – too costly, lack of demand for economic
growth sectors, skills mismatch, wage levels unrealistic etc – and reassess ambitions
• Simulate different scenarios
Useful research areas
• Identify countries, ideally broadly comparable to NI, which have significantly and
sustainably reduced in-work poverty (or reversed rising trends)
• Why was in-work poverty reduced in these countries? What were the driver economic
and social policies? What were the sources and nature of economic growth?
• Understand better the sources and drivers of in-work poverty in NI: low pay versus low
working hours; which sectors and occupations
• Consult with business and public sector employers on possible solutions: what is
realistic and affordable, where does policy need to change
• Modelling and simulation of different scenarios to observe the impact on in-work poverty
– feed findings into strategy
Global analysis for better decisions

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Economic Solutions to In-Work Poverty - Graeme Harrison (Oxford Economics)

  • 1. Economic Solutions to In-Work Poverty Graeme Harrison Associate Director Oxford Economics gharrison@oxfordeconomics.com Belfast, 28th May 2014 NICVA Centre for Economic Empowerment Working Poverty Economic Conference
  • 2. Outline • Background • Economic and social policy • Why does in-work poverty exist? • Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty • Solution aims • Solution options • Forward-planning, target-setting and economic realism • Useful research areas
  • 3. Background • Nature of UK and NI poverty has been transforming • Long-term trend has been falling out-of-work poverty and rising in-work poverty • Working households now make up the majority of those in poverty in UK, more than non-working households; two-thirds of children in poverty are from households where at least one adult works • NI share of working age adults in absolute poverty at its highest • There has been much greater success in reducing poverty for non-working household like pensioners and lone parents – have working households been neglected? • Implication: Getting into work is not a sustainable route out of poverty • Median household income, poverty rates and labour market indicators have worsened more in NI compared to GB … but NI was living in an economic bubble pre-recession
  • 4. Background: NI poverty trends 14% 16% 18% 20% 22% 24% 26% 2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 Working age adults Pensioners NI: Relative income poverty (AHC) Source:FRS 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 2002/03 2003/04 2004/05 2005/06 2006/07 2007/08 2008/09 2009/10 2010/11 2011/12 000s Working age adults Pensioners NI: Absolute income poverty (AHC) Source:FRS
  • 5. Background: NI poverty characteristics Composition Composition (000s) % Economic status of adults in the family One or more full-time self-employed 16% 64 26% Single/couple, all in full-time w ork 6% 24 5% Couple, one full-time, one part-time w ork 5% 18 9% Couple, one full-time w ork, one not w orking 9% 37 22% No full-time, one or more part-time w ork 13% 55 36% Workless, one or more aged 60 or over 11% 46 17% Workless, one or more unemployed 13% 53 - Workless, other inactive 27% 110 53% Total 100% 406 23% Working 49% 198 Workless 51% 208 Source: FRS Note: Below 60% median income AHC NI: Low income households (2011/12)
  • 6. Economic and social policy • Social and economic policy are traditionally not joined up, for example a lack of connection between national economic and poverty strategies and government departments responsible • The assumptions that poverty will be solved by trickle down economic growth (the orthodox economist view), and higher income is the sustainable solution to long-term poverty (the social view), are flawed • Often a lack of consideration of how social policies can deliver economic objectives, e.g. the link between labour market programmes or progressive taxation and growth • Equally social policy is sometimes designed in a vacuum and is not grounded in business and economic realities • Together this leads to neither economic or social targets being met Why social policy should matter to economists? • Benefits of economic growth do not automatically reach all • To maintain citizen support for governments • Highly unequal societies are associated with lower rates of growth and can lead to social tensions
  • 7. Economic and social policy What is economic policy? • GDP • Exports • Exchange rates • Productivity • Innovation • FDI • Competitiveness • Business environment • Macroeconomic management • Fiscal policy What is social policy? • State intervention that directly affects social welfare, social institutions and social relations/cohesion • Social security, health, housing, social care • Redistribution of income and wealth, equality of opportunity, participation, voice • Aim to maximise people’s chances of a good life – but what is a good life? • Social policy can also produce new social institutions, behaviours or norms • Much more than a limited set of safety nets and services to cover market failure
  • 8. Economic and social policy: Grey areas • Taxation and subsidies • Public expenditure • Labour market policy (e.g. minimum wage, labour mobility) • Skills • Credit market policy • Pensions • Regulation • Migration Economic policy Social policy
  • 9. Economic and social policy: Need for more alignment • Social policy should complement and work in tandem with economic policy • Social policy analysts tend to define social policy in relation to, often in opposition to, economic policy • Those who analyse/develop “economic policy” tend to be economists; those who analyse “social policy” are by and large not economists • Thinking about objectives and targets - is economic growth a sensible final objective of national strategy, or better as an intermediate objective? • There is a lack of clarity about the hierarchy of and linkages between objectives, and a lack of distinction between intermediate and final objectives, or rather, too easy an identification of intermediate objectives with final ones on the basis of an implicit mechanism linking the two • Possible joint objectives - “sustained and sustainable growth in per capita income, accompanied by diversification of production, reduction of absolute poverty, and expanding economic opportunities for all citizens”
  • 10. Why does in-work poverty exist? • Note: Work measured at household level • Low pay and ever lower take-home pay after tax and benefits withdrawn • Minimum wage below living wage? • Low working hours / proliferation of part-time, insecure work – many people want to work more • Lack of progression opportunities • Too few dual working households • High cost and low availability of childcare – limits jobs some mothers can take • Lack of aspiration • Lack of labour mobility
  • 11. Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty • Long list of legacy and recession-related changes • Economy faces a number of transitional drivers, many of which are negative and creating new transitional challenges • Multiple new vulnerable groups • Current economic data is positive • But risk of the recovery running out of steam • Long-term jobs outlook is sluggish, downward pressure on wages • NI faces the twin challenges of creating lots of jobs and lots of well-paid jobs
  • 12. Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty Historic structural and recession legacy challenges Historic  High share of working age are economically inactive and have no or low qualifications (low labour mobility)  High share of households are workless  High share of economically inactive do not want to work and are dependent on benefits as their main income source  High cost of childcare  Cycle of worklessness and poverty across generations within families and areas; poverty of aspiration  High share of young classified as NEETs  Low average pay means many working households live in poverty and earn below the living wage; financial returns from employment are often too low to entice claimants off benefits; in other words creating employment is not a guaranteed exit from poverty  There has been growth in the number of households more at risk of being in poverty such as lone parent and single person households  High rate of fuel poverty  Long-standing prevalence of economically lagging areas and regional imbalances  Numerous economic challenges including over-dependence on the block grant, limited private sector export base (NI has been a net loser from globalisation) and competitive weaknesses Recession legacy  Significant job loss and rise in unemployment, especially amongst the youth, despite the cushioning effect of NI’s large public sector  Squeezed household incomes from downward pressure on wages and upward pressure on the cost of living  Upward correction in household saving to reverse past trends and repay debt  Negative housing market equity, restricting labour mobility  Constrained access to and higher cost of borrowing for households and business  Further falling behind in competitiveness as other countries implement more wide-ranging economic reforms such as ROI
  • 13. Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
  • 14. Challenges for NI addressing in-work poverty
  • 15. Solution aims • Note: Working poor and non-working poor are same people at different times • Increase pay, including take-home pay – but should be linked to productivity • Increase working hours for those who want to work longer • Increase feasibility of more dual working families • Increase labour mobility • Increase aspirations for working, pay and progression
  • 16. Solution options Policy • Minimum wage – look at Switzerland’s recent referendum • Downsides – price out low skilled from labour market, increase unemployment, cost may be passed on to consumer prices, unaffordable for small firms • But is the welfare system subsidising low wages anyway? • Working tax credits • Personal income tax – devolve powers to NI? • Income top ups • Labour mobility • Skills – increase employability, boost productivity • Child care, including more publicly funded free child care Institutional • A poverty strategy • A poverty agency like ROI • More joined up and coordinated economic and social policy • Economic strategy – create different types of jobs? • Business involvement – what can businesses do to be part of the solution? • Political commitment and responsibility • Rebalancing of supply from out-of-work poverty towards in-work poverty
  • 17. Forward-planning, target-setting and economic realism • Often strategies are piecemeal and lack the ambition and detailed quantified targets to solve the challenge – they tend to have top-down targets with no bottom-up road map • There is a need to work back from an ambitious, forward-looking target for in-work poverty • How many jobs need to be created, balance between FT and PT, what pay level, in what location etc • What changes to tax credit, personal income tax, benefits etc need to be introduced • And quantify the implications for government • Fiscal implications • Skills implications • Child care implications • Transport implications • Then consider how realistic the options are – too costly, lack of demand for economic growth sectors, skills mismatch, wage levels unrealistic etc – and reassess ambitions • Simulate different scenarios
  • 18. Useful research areas • Identify countries, ideally broadly comparable to NI, which have significantly and sustainably reduced in-work poverty (or reversed rising trends) • Why was in-work poverty reduced in these countries? What were the driver economic and social policies? What were the sources and nature of economic growth? • Understand better the sources and drivers of in-work poverty in NI: low pay versus low working hours; which sectors and occupations • Consult with business and public sector employers on possible solutions: what is realistic and affordable, where does policy need to change • Modelling and simulation of different scenarios to observe the impact on in-work poverty – feed findings into strategy
  • 19. Global analysis for better decisions