Sinn Fein's EP Manifesto 2014

Putting
Ireland First
Éire Chun Cinn
Sinn Féin EU Manifesto 2014
www.sinnfein.ie
Sinn Féin, 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1.
MAY 2014

Contents
Letter from Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams TD 5
Sinn Féin’s 10 Commitments 6
Sinn Féin’s record in the European Parliament 9
1. Introduction 10
2. Ending the Eurozone crisis 12
3. Getting people back to work 14
4. Protecting those in work 16
5. Supporting those out of work 18
6. Dealing with the debt 20
7. Reforming the EU institutions 22
8. A better deal for rural Ireland 24
9. Protecting the environment 26
10. Promoting Public Health 28
11. Balanced regional development 30
12. Promoting Irish unity 32
13. Reclaiming Irish neutrality 34
14. Promoting Human Rights 34
15. Promoting Irish at home and in the EU 36
3

Gerry Adams TD
Sinn Féin President
4

The European Union is in crisis –
an economic crisis, a social crisis
and a political crisis. Poor design,
bad policies and incompetent
leadership are to blame.
The consequence of this crisis
is being felt by families in every
member state. Unemployment,
emigration, debt and poverty have
become a daily reality for millions
of people.
The economic crisis has left mil-
lions without work. Millions more
are seeing their wages and work-
ing conditions undermined. Across
the EU 26.5 million people are offi-
cially out of work. Youth unemploy-
ment stands at 24%.
The recession has led to a social
crisis. According to Eurostat 120
million people representing 24%
of the population of the EU are at
risk of poverty or social exclusion.
Many of these are in work but
earning wages that do not meet
their family’s basic needs.
The response of the EU institu-
tions, actively supported by gov-
ernments in the member states,
has been to socialise the cost of
the crisis. The needs of banks have
been put before the needs of peo-
ple.
Austerity – imposing the costs of
the economic crisis on those least
able to pay- has become the dog-
ma of politicians in Dublin, London
and Brussels. It is the policy con-
Letter from Gerry Adams TD
sensus that binds Fianna Fáil, Fine
Gael and Labour to the European
Commission, the European Coun-
cil and the European Central Bank.
The only disagreement which the
Unionist parties in the north and
the Conservative-led government
in London have is about who
should impose the austerity meas-
ures - Brussels or London.
The result has been an assault on
the living standards of low and
middle income families across Ire-
land; the demonisation of those
unable to find work and depend-
ent on social welfare; and the as-
set stripping of public services and
utilities on which many of us rely.
To make matters worse political
elites across Europe want to cen-
tralise more power into the EU in-
stitutions – they claim that this is
the only way to resolve the crisis.
It is time to call a halt to the failed
policies of the Brussels consensus.
The European Parliament election
is your opportunity to send a sig-
nal to the political elites that you
have had enough.
On May 22nd and 23rd don’t vote
for parties that have failed in the
past. Vote for a party that is offer-
ing a clear, credible and radical al-
ternative – at home and in the EU.
Sinn Féin is standing in every con-
stituency in the country. It is time
to put all of Ireland first, to vote
for a strong all Ireland team - vote
Sinn Féin.
5

Lynn Boylan
Dublin
Constituency
Sinn Féin’s 10
Commitments
If elected Sinn Féin MEPs will prioritise the following
key policy commitments:
1
To secure greater investment from the European In-
vestment Bank to create jobs in Ireland north and
south.
2
To secure a deal on the legacy debt in AIB and BoI and
a new deal on the Anglo Irish Bank/IBRC promissory
notes.
3 To defend workers’ pay and conditions and to promote
a basic threshold of decency for all workers.
4 To ensure a fairer distribution of CAP and adequate
supports for our farming and fishing communities.
5 To secure urgent action on climate change at an EU
and domestic level.
6
To return powers to member states and increase the
influence of member state parliaments in the EU leg-
islative process.
7
To reduce the power of the Commission, ending its
power of initiative and making it more transparent and
accountable to the European and member state parlia-
ments.
8
To increase power of smaller states at the Council of
Ministers through a reform of the Qualified Majority
Voting procedure.
9 To reassert Ireland’s positive neutrality and to with-
draw from the emerging EU common defence.
10 To promote Irish unity and EU support for a border poll.
6

Liadh Ní Riada
South
Constituency
Martina Anderson
North
Constituency
Matt Carthy
Midlands–North-West
Constituency
7

On the floor of the parliament they argued for:
• An investment led alternative to EU
austerity and to cuts in the EU budg-
et.
• Greater funding for small and medi-
um sized businesses (SMEs) and for
research and development.
• A Peace IV programme and the roll-
out of Interreg V.
• A better deal for Irish farmers dur-
ing the Common Agricultural Policy
reform.
• A greater focus on climate change
and the need for binding emissions
targets.
• International solidarity with peo-
ples in Palestine, Kurdistan and the
Basque Country.
• Increased support for the Irish lan-
guage in Brussels and at home.
• Engagement with civil society includ-
ing ageing, disability, LGBT, women’s
organisations.
• Promoting LGBT rights across the
EU and the creation of a roadmap
against homophobia.
• Support for Irish Unity.
• Promoting the peace process and
the need for national reconciliation.
• Highlighting the legacy of state collu-
sion
8

Our Record in the
European Parliament
In 2009 Bairbre de Brún was elected to the European Parliament by the people of
the Six Counties. She was replaced by former Stormont Junior Minister Martina
Anderson MLA in 2012.
During the last five years Bairbre and Martina have sought not just to represent
the people who voted for them, but the interests of Ireland as a whole.
During her time as an MEP,
Bairbre de Brún:
• Represented the European Parliament at the annu-
al United Nations Climate Change talks in Cancun.
• Acted as an international observer to the Palestin-
ian elections in 2006 and visited Gaza twice as part
of a delegation of European Parliamentarians.
• Authored a Parliamentary report evaluating the ef-
fects of the Peace II programme in Ireland which
was the first Parliamentary report to be published
in Irish.
• Authored the Parliament’s report on animal trans-
portation to prevent the spread of rabies
• Was instrumental in achieving status for an Ghaeilge
as an official language of the European Parliament.
• Hosted an all-Ireland delegation dealing with ‘Fami-
lies Bereaved Through Suicide’.
• Co-hosted with Mary Lou McDonald TD a delegation
led by trade unionists and bereaved families focus-
ing on health and safety in the workplace
During her time as MEP,
Martina Anderson:
• Has been a spokesperson on the Tobacco Products
Directive and campaigned for stricter regulation
of the tobacco industry and in particular their tar-
geting of younger people through advertising and
products aimed at young people.
• Authored a report on the implementation of the EU
Youth Strategy.
• Hosted an International inquiry into Irish Unity in
Brussels which considered the role the EU could
play in the reunification of Ireland.
• Hosted a wide range of organisations in Brussels
including; Older Peoples’ delegation; ICTU LGBT
group; A Farmer delegation with Martin Ferris TD;
Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann and Derry Fleadh
Cheoil Committee, Chambers of Commerce and
business organisations from across the north; the
victims of state collusion and violence, and sporting
bodies representing GAA, soccer, rugby.
Martina was also one of the only Irish MEPs to actively
oppose the cuts to the EU budget arguing for increased
investment in programmes to create jobs, tackle youth
unemployment, and to invest in deprived urban and ru-
ral communities
9

1. Introduction
EU in Ireland’s crisis
The economic and social crisis that
has engulfed the north and south
of Ireland since 2008 was caused
by both domestic and European
factors. The Irish and British gov-
ernments and key EU institutions
including the European Commis-
sion and European Central Bank
all share responsibility.
While the north may have been
sheltered from the worst excesses
of the banking and currency crisis
it has not been immune from the
fallout as two of the four major
banks in the north are southern
based.
Austerity imposed by Westminster
and actively supported by the Eu-
ropean Union has had a significant
impact on the local economy and
on communities. The northern
economy has contracted more
than most areas in the Eurozone
and Britain since 2008.
Irish people were the victims of
bad government in Dublin and
London, bad Irish and European
banks and bad decisions in Brus-
sels and Frankfurt. Nowhere is this
more evident than in the issue of
debt.
As the banking crisis unfolded in
2008 the Fianna Fáil-led govern-
ment acquiesced to pressure from
the European Central Bank Gover-
nor Jean Claude Trichet to bail out
the banks, irrespective of the social
and economic cost. The official pol-
icy in Dublin and Frankfurt was that
no bondholder was to be burnt.
Fianna Fáil and the Green Party
protected the bondholders be-
cause many of them were part of
the infamous golden circle. Bertie
Ahern and Brian Cowen stood by
their friends in Anglo Irish Bank.
The blanket banking guarantee of
October 2008, the nationalisation
of Anglo Irish Bank in 2009, the
€30 billion Anglo Irish Bank prom-
issory note and the €30 billion cost
of recapitalisation of the Bank of
Ireland and Allied Irish Bank all
flowed from this.
Despite opposing this policy when
in opposition, once in government
Fine Gael and Labour continued
to implement Fianna Fáil and ECB
policy – pouring €17 billion of tax-
payers’ money into AIB and the
Bank of Ireland, saddling future
generations with the promissory
note debt and extending the blan-
ket banking guarantee, again and
again.
The result was spiralling public
debt (from 25% of GDP in 2007 to
120% of GDP in 2013) pushing up
the cost of government borrowing
and forcing the government deficit
to rise even further.
The decision by Fianna Fáil and the
Green Party to pile banking debt
onto the shoulders of the taxpayer
paved the way for the humiliating
handover of our economic sover-
eignty to the Troika bailout pro-
gramme in 2010.
During the 2011 general election
Fine Gael and Labour promised to
do things differently. Enda Kenny’s
party promised that not another
red cent would go to banks until
bondholders started to share the
pain. Eamon Gilmore promised
that if elected it would be Labour’s
way not Frankfurt’s way.
But once in office these promises
were broken.
A similar agenda was pursued by
the government in London – cut-
ting the block grant to the Assem-
bly and seeking to impose reduc-
tions in social welfare protections.
In addition to advocating domestic
austerity the European Union cut
its own budget, a decision that was
supported by Fine Gael, Labour,
the Unionist parties and the British
government. The result of this cut
has been a significant reduction in
much needed financial supports
for island of Ireland.
A new direction for
the EU
For too long a cosy consensus has
existed in Irish politics. The con-
sensus extends from economic
and social policy to Ireland’s rela-
tionship with the European Union.
It is a consensus that looks after
the few to the detriment of the
many.
Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour
are the yes men of Europe. What-
ever Brussels and Frankfurt pro-
pose they support. Their MEPs are
the EUs representatives in Ireland
– promoting the agenda of the EU
institutions rather than the inter-
ests of people in Ireland in the EU.
When the single currency was be-
ing created they were warned of
the dangers, particularly for small-
er and economically weaker mem-
ber states. The Dublin government
ignored these warnings and signed
up to a currency union that was
fraught with flaws – a disaster wait-
ing to happen.
They have endorsed wholesale
the European Commission’s right
wing social and economic agenda
10

– stripping back the gains of earlier
battles to build a social Europe.
Over the past five years Sinn Féin
has stood against this Brussels
consensus – we have highlighted
the negative impact of the poli-
cies of austerity and the erosion of
democracy on the lives of people
across Ireland. We have opposed
cuts to the EU Budget for impor-
tant strategic sectors such as agri-
culture, regional development and
investment in jobs and growth.
It is time for a new direction, in Ire-
land and in the EU institutions.
It is time to stand up for Ireland
and the interests of all of the peo-
ple who share this island.
It is time to end the Brussels power
grab, to reign in the Commission
and return powers to the member
states.
It is time to halt the attack on the
wages and conditions of working
people and to promote a basic
threshold of decency for all.
It is time to put in place real sup-
ports for those forced out of work
by the policies of austerity.
It is time to rebuild our public ser-
vices and defend our public utili-
ties – to ensure that people get the
services they need in a fair and ef-
ficient manner.
A bigger and stronger Sinn Féin
team of MEPs from across Ireland
can raise the volume on these is-
sues and demand a better deal for
Ireland.
Ireland’s place is in the European
Union – but the European Union
needs to change. Bringing that
change about means electing
MEPs that put Ireland first; joining
Sinn Féin MEP Martina Anderson
to stand up for ordinary people.
11

2. Ending the
Eurozone crisis
The Euro crisis is not yet over. While some commentators are saying the worst has
passed, for most people, nothing has changed. Indeed while disagreements exist be-
tween the European Parliament, Commission and Council on the details of how to
resolve the crisis, there is a broad consensus on principle. They all want ‘more Europe’.
This is code for the further transfer of power from member states to the EU institu-
tions – political power, economic power and fiscal power.
Fiscal federalism will not stabilise the euro. Greater European Commission control of
member states budgets will not stabilise the euro. A ‘one size fits all’ monetary policy
was part of the problem - adding a ‘one size fits all’ fiscal and budgetary policy will only
make matters worse.
Sinn Féin is firmly of the view that what is required now is a different approach based
on investment, social and economic growth, breaking the link between banking and
sovereign debt and greater flexibility for member states to decide the best strategies
for recovery.
Economic policy should be decided in Ireland - not in Brussels or London- by politi-
cians elected by and accountable to the Irish people, north and south.
12

Sinn Féin MEPs will campaign for:
• An end to the failed policies of austerity that forces the burden of the economic adjustment
on low and middle income families.
• A definitive breaking of the link between sovereign and banking debt.
• EU wide banking regulation that forces financial institutions to pay their fair share of the cost
of the crisis not just in the future but from the start of the current crisis.
• A new focus on EU wide investment to get Europe’s unemployed millions back to work.
• A new EU convention with an explicit mandate to identify competencies to be returned to
member states.
• EU support for transfer of fiscal power from London to the Assembly in Belfast.
13

3. Getting people
back to work
The EU urgently needs investment in jobs, particularly in the periphery. This can
be achieved by combining the resources of member states, including the €6bn in the
discretionary portfolio of the National Pension Reserve Fund (now the Ireland Strate-
gic Investment Fund), with an enlarged investment fund in the European Investment
Bank (EIB).
Sinn Féin is arguing that the existing funds of the EIB should be supplemented by a
once-off investment by EU member states on a proportional basis – this could either
be achieved by a transfer from assets currently held by the European Stability Mecha-
nism or by new transfers from governments.
There is also a need for the government in Dublin to increase its access to EIB funds.
In the six years since the start of the crisis the State has drawn down on average €600
million per year from the European Investment Bank through a variety of projects.
During their first two years in office the amount of EIB funding secured by Fine Gael
and Labour actually fell.
When compared to other member states, the failure of successive Irish governments
to take advantage of these funds is clear. Portugal, with a population of 10.5 million
claimed 5% of the EIB’s total loans in 2011 and 2012. During the same period the
south of Ireland, with a population of 4.6 million claimed only 1% of the EIB’s loans in
each year.
In the north, the Executive is prohibited from borrowing directly from the European
Investment Bank. EIB funding was accessed for the redevelopment of the University
of Ulster campus development works, but there is a need for the Assembly to be able
to directly access these funds.
14

• Increasing the investment capacity of the EIB to assist private and public sector jobs growth
focusing on the range of investment types carried out by the EIB.
• EU support for lifting the borrowing ban on the Assembly to target investment particularly in
areas with high levels of unemployment, poverty and social disadvantage.
• Amending the EIB funding ratio for member states with above average unemployment rates
to 75:25 with the EIB paying the larger portion.
• A real Youth Guarantee fund of €21bn to tackle the youth unemployment crisis – based on
the funding model outlined by the International Labour Organisation and the National Youth
Council of Ireland.
• A trebling of the applications from the Irish government to the EIB to assist in funding job
creation projects including:
• Revival of the sugar beet industry and construction of a new bio-refinery plant in the
South East with the potential to create 5,000 jobs.
• Investing in the rollout of next generation broadband throughout the island.
• The A5/N2 motorway from Derry to Dublin.
• The Western Arc rail connection (Galway – Mayo – Donegal – Derry – Belfast).
• Invest in capital infrastructure at Knock Airport.
• Upgrading our water infrastructure to reduce water leakage.
• Buying, renovating and building social housing units.
• Building additional schools and refurbishing existing schools.
• Building extra Primary Health Care Centres
15

4. Protecting those
in work
Since the start of the crisis, the wages and working conditions of low and middle
income earners have been hit badly. Across both the public and private sector the
majority of workers have seen their real wages decline and their terms and conditions
eroded. The gap between low and middle earners on the one hand and high earners
on the other has widened.
A recent study by the Nevin Economic Research Institute has shown that the recession
has hollowed out the middle of the labour market. Many profitable companies are us-
ing the economic crisis to drive down wages and conditions.
Across the EU, labour’s share of national income has been in steady decline since the
start of the recession. Here, however, the rate of decline has been particularly severe
falling from almost 55% in 2009 to almost 45% today.
As a result we are seeing an increasing number of people in low paid jobs and an in-
crease in the number of working families living at risk of poverty. According to the CSO
EUSILC survey 25% of the population in the south are now officially deprived. A recent
Oxfam report showed that 22% of people in the north are living in poverty.
According to the Institute of Fiscal Studies relative and absolute child poverty rates
are set to increase over the next decade to 30.9% and 38.5% respectively in the north.
In many EU member states vital social services have been undermined by the EU led
liberalisation of services. Sinn Féin is not only opposed to the further liberalisation of
public services such as education, health and portal services but will actively campaign
for the reversal of this agenda in favour of strong publically funded and delivered so-
cial services.
The unquestioning support of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour for EU austerity poli-
cies has resulted in the south of Ireland having significantly more low wage earners
than the EU average. Westminster directed austerity in the north has ensured that
25% of workers in the north do not even make a living wage.
16

• Decent wages for decent work and against the low wage culture.
• An end to zero-hours contracts at home and across the EU.
• Legislation on the right to collective bargaining and protecting the right to strike.
• Strengthen the protections for all workers, especially those in low paid sectors or working
atypical hours, on fixed term contracts or working part time.
• The introduction of a social progress clause into the EU Treaties in order to ensure that
fundamental social rights and collective agreements on pay and conditions take precedence
over the freedom of the markets.
• Social Clauses in procurement contracts to ensure a community dividend, particularly in
areas of high unemployment, from public and private investment.
• All EU funding programmes to have an explicit and target driven role in promoting equality
and social inclusion on grounds including gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity and social
class
17

5. Supporting those
out of work
The EU jobs crisis was not an accident of nature. Policies pursued in Brussels
and supported across the member states created the crisis. In turn, measures in-
troduced by the EU to help those out of work have been tokenistic, punitive, and often
poorly implemented.
These initiatives have also been undermined by austerity policies pursued by the Com-
mission, particularly as part of the Troika programmes in Greece, Portugal, Cyprus and
Ireland.
The European Globalisation Adjustment Fund is a case in point. The purpose of the
fund was to provide supports for workers made redundant as a result of the reloca-
tion of jobs due to globalisation. It was subsequently expanded to include sectors of
workers disproportionately affected by the recession. However, both its scope and its
implementation left hundreds of thousands of workers across the EU short-changed.
Since 2009 the Fianna Fáil/Green Party and then Fine Gael/Labour governments have
made five applications to the fund. The total amount provided to the state was €24.8
million to assist workers from Dell, SR Technics, Waterford Crystal, Talk Talk and the
construction sector retrain and increase their employability. No applications have
been made by the British government for redundant workers in the north.
To date almost 50% of this funding has been returned to the European Commission
because of a failure of both the Fianna Fáil Green Party government and their Fine
Gael Labour party successors to properly manage the money.
Not only has government mismanagement resulted in the return of millions of euros
back to Brussels, but the money that was spent was used to provide supports that the
redundant workers would have had access to anyway, rather than to provide the ad-
ditional tailored supports as intended by the programme.
While in the first instance the blame for this fiasco in the 26 Counties must rest with the
government, the Commission has also failed to adequately monitor this programme.
18

• Greater EU supports for people out of work including an expanded and reformed European
Globalisation Adjustment Fund.
• A real Youth Guarantee fund of €21bn to tackle the youth unemployment crisis – based on
the funding model outlined by the International Labour Organisation and the National Youth
Council of Ireland.
• The right for the Assembly to apply to the EGAF for workers affected in the North.
• EU support for social clauses in public and private contracts targeting the unemployed and
those recently completed education or training.
19

6. Dealing with the
debt
Irish taxpayers have poured an astonishing €65 billion into the failed banks that
caused the financial crisis. The most expensive bank bailout in history has cost eve-
ry man, woman and child in the state €13,956. No other EU or Eurozone country has
imposed such a heavy cost on its citizens.
The decision to bailout the banks at any cost has cost us 3 times more than Iceland’s
bailout, 4 times more than Greece’s bailout, 10 times more than the Spanish bailout,
23 times more than the Portuguese bailout and 198 times more than the Italian bail-
out.
By any measure the people of the 26 counties have shouldered more than their fair
share. The banking crisis was as much European as it was Irish.
In July 2012 the European Council promised to break the link between sovereign debt
and private banking debt. Yet today we continue to pay the costs of the banking crisis.
Fine Gael and Labour’s much hyped 2013 Promissory Note deal has foisted a huge
portion of this debt onto future generations.
20

• The separation of banking debt from sovereign debt.
• The retrospective recapitalisation of AIB and Bank of Ireland.
• Anewdealonthepromissorynoteliftingthisodiousdebtfromourchildrenandgrandchildren.
• A banking supervisory mechanism that makes banks pay their fair share of any future crisis.
21

7. Reforming the EU
institutions
Public confidence in EU institutions is at an all-time low. According to Eurobarom-
eter – the EUs official polling body - public trust in the EU institutions has halved since
before the crisis.
Peripheral member states are bearing the brunt of unemployment, emigration and
poverty. Low and middle income families, SMEs and family farmers are struggling to
survive while the very wealthy and large corporations benefit.
EU leaders and EU institutions have demonstrated beyond doubt that they are not
capable of resolving the economic and social crisis caused by their policies.
The EU’s democratic deficit and calls for institutional reform are not new. However
the crisis has exposed a more fundamental political crisis which urgently needs to be
addressed.
Successive waves of treaty change from Maastricht to Lisbon have made matters
worse not better.
The Commission has too much power. The Council is shrouded in secrecy. Larger
member states have disproportionate influence in the Council.
This has to change. The EU needs to be streamlined; it needs to focus on its core func-
tions; its needs less power not more.
22

• An EU Convention to engage in and open public debate, with an explicit mandate to identify
competencies to be returned to member states as contained in the Laeken Declaration.
• Reducing the power of the Commission by ending its right to propose legislation without
being requested to do so by the Council or Parliament.
• Lifting the secrecy surrounding the European Council by holding meetings in public and
providing full minutes.
• Increasing the power of smaller member states by reforming the operation of Qualified
Majority Voting.
• Increasing the number of MEPs elected from smaller member states.
• Strengthening the ability of individual member state parliaments to influence legislative
proposals.
• Reducing the influence of corporate lobbyists in Brussels.
• Maintaining one Commissioner per member state and making that Commissioner
accountable to the parliament of that member state through a process of approval by, and
regular reporting back to, member state parliaments.
23

8. A better deal for
rural & coastal
Ireland
The Common Agricultural Policy is an important protection for farmers. It helps
sustain rural communities and promotes jobs and families.
The reformed CAP is a compromise between 28 member states; no member state
achieved everything that they wanted for their agriculture sector.
Sinn Fein argued for a well-funded CAP and opposed the cuts proposed by Britain and
others in the EU, cuts supported by northern unionists.
Sinn Féin supported the compromise. But we have continued to argue for greater flex-
ibility in terms of its implementation by each member state.
The focus has now shifted on to member states and MEPs have a role in ensuring
that the implementation of the new CAP regime is fair and provides security to all our
farming communities.
Historically CAP has favoured a small minority of recipients who received the lion’s
share of the Single Farm Payment without having any greater productivity than those
on lower payments.
We also want to see a reform of the inspection regime to ensure that the right balance
is struck between ensuring compliance and the levels of administration required of
farmers.
We need a better deal for all of rural Ireland. It is vital therefore that implementation of
the new CAP regime includes a significant redistribution of funds towards the majority
of farmers, many of whom are struggling to maintain a viable income.
Sinn Féin supports the move towards a flat rate of payment for small farming families
and wants to see it implemented preferably by 2015.
In terms of Common Fisheries Policy Sinn Fein supported greater regionalisation and
local decision making over fishing effort. Sinn Fein wants to see a thriving sustainable
fishing industry with greater opportunities for our fishermen in Irish waters.
24

• A fairer distribution of agricultural supports to smaller struggling family farms.
• A move to a flat rate of Single Farm Payment with greater support for the disadvantaged
areas.
• A properly funded agri-environmental scheme to compensate farmers in disadvantaged
and designated areas.
• The Six Counties to be treated as one region in terms of Single Farm Payments.
• Implementation of the Growing for Growth Strategy creating 15,000 new jobs and levering
in 1.4 billion in private sector investment.
• Maximum regionalisation under Common Fisheries Policy to bring greater local control over
decision making on Irish fishing effort.
• Greater support for our fishermen to assist them with the increasing costs of fishing including
a single boat payment in recognition of fishing as a primary producer.
25

9. Protecting the
environment and
promoting public health
Never before has the case for sustainable economic and ecological development
been so clear. Climate change is an established fact. Our environment and biodiver-
sity continue to be eroded by over reliance on fossil fuels, corporate pollution and
unsound waste policies.
Despite this the last decade has seen a reduction in the number of environmental
initiatives by the EU. There has also been a shift in policy focus from strict targets and
limits in EU directives and a greater focus on ‘incentivising’ good corporate behaviour.
Successive governments in the south of Ireland have been among the poorest in Eu-
rope in implementing EU environmental directives. This has led to an excessively high
number of enforcement actions taken by the European Commission. It has also un-
dermined the process of implementation in a manner that would address the con-
cerns of various interest groups.
This is most recently evident on the issue of turf cutting. Sinn Féin supports the Habi-
tats Directive and wants to see it transposed fully. However we also believe that rural
dwellers tradition of sustainable turf cutting can be accommodated within the direc-
tive. Bad implementation by government has created an unnecessary standoff.
Climate Change is another area where government has failed to act. The European
Union is in the process of setting its climate targets for the next two decades. This will
shape Europe’s carbon emissions and renewable energy development until 2030.
Sinn Féin strongly believes that the EU must take on its fair share of the global effort
to keep temperature rise well below 2°C.
Adopting ambitious, legally binding targets to curb greenhouse gases and stimulate
energy efficiency and renewable energy will be essential if the EU is to play its part in
combating climate change.
A strong EU 2030 package will ensure we bring a robust and united position to the
summit in September 2014.
Sinn Féin has argued that Domestic Climate Change legislation must contain legally
binding 5 year carbon budgets, an independent expert authority to advise and make
recommendations to governments and a science based target for 2050.
Global environmental change does not respect borders. We have a single intercon-
nected energy market. As an island it makes sense to promote all Ireland environ-
mental protection and energy policy. The island of Ireland, with its exposure to wind
and tidal energy, is well placed to utilise natural resources for the benefit of our people
The EU needs to re-establish itself as a global leader in environmental practice and
the Irish government and the Assembly must be more proactive in the setting of the
policy agenda.
Central to this effort must be a shift in investment strategies in support of technolo-
gies that promote sustainable environmental development. Despite the talk of a Green
New Deal very little in the way of actually deliver has materialised.
26

• Urgent action on Climate change with binding EU targets, including an EU net carbon account
for the year 2050, at least 80 per cent lower than the 1990 baseline and an overall target
reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2020 of between 20 to 30%.
• Greater investment in renewable energy, improved regulation of wind farms and increased
investment in wave and other energy sources.
• An EU wide ban on Hydraulic Fracturing (fracking).
• A review of the special areas of conservation to ensure full transposition of the Habitats
Directive while allowing rural dwellers to continue the tradition of sustainable turf cutting.
• EU support for expanding Ireland’s natural environment such as the Liffey Valley Park.
• The withdrawal of local and central government support for the Poolbeg incinerator.
27

10. Promoting Public
Health
Whilst health is a competence for Member State’s there are various initiatives
at a European level where Sinn Féin MEPs can work to improve and promote
public health and the wellbeing of our citizens.
Every year in Ireland, 7000 people die from tobacco-related diseases. Deaths from
lung cancer for Irish women are the 4th highest in the EU and lung cancer is the most
common cancer for both sexes.
Measures to reduce the attractiveness of cigarettes and other tobacco products must
therefore be prioritised to stop generations of young people and children starting
to smoke. Sinn Féin will build upon work done on European legislation such as the
Tobacco Products Directive to ensure that this issue continues to be highlighted at a
European level.
28

• Stronger tobacco control measures to reduce the attractiveness of tobacco products,
especially to young people.
29

11. Balanced regional
development
Sinn Féin recognises the added value a well-resourced and properly focussed
structural funds programme can have in helping Ireland, North and South, make
real and sustainable recovery. Sinn Féin has always prioritised Regional Develop-
ment through membership of the EU Parliament’s’ Regional Development Committee.
Ireland has benefited from structural funds down through the years. This expertise
and knowledge should be harnessed fully to ensure the next round of funding is
equally beneficial.
The structural funds should represent genuine added value and not be used to substi-
tute for services and infrastructure the government should be providing anyway. We
will campaign for structural funds to be focussed on reducing poverty and regional
imbalances, building cross-border links to reduce the impact of partition and improv-
ing our social and physical infrastructure.
The weakening of the social elements of the EU’s Regional Policy has been on-going
for more than a decade now. Sinn Fein has opposed this dilution in Brussels, Stras-
bourg and on the ground at home.
We have vocally opposed the latest dilution through the “macro-economic condition-
ality” clause. This clause would allow the EU to stop funds like PEACE and the proposed
Youth Guarantee in Ireland because of the new austerity rules. This is akin to kicking
Ireland or any other country when they are down. The government say they are op-
posed to macro-economic conditionality but did not raise their voice against it when
it mattered.
We have also opposed cuts to Structural Funds and Peace funds.
30

• A fair and properly resourced Regional Development Policy based on solidarity between
regions.
• A PEACE IV which makes a real difference to peace building and is based on objective need.
• The maximum all-Ireland cooperation on planning in the spending of funds.
• A social and environmental emphasis above competitiveness and other considerations in
the design and implementation of Ireland’s Operational Programmes and Regional Plans.
• The right of the Assembly to draw down structural funds directly from the EU.
• Maximise the opportunity to drawn down additional EU competitive Funds.
31

12. Promoting Irish
unity
The EU has a role to play in peace building and supporting the implementation of
the Good Friday Agreement. This Agreement provides for a border poll to determine
the continued partition or reunification of Ireland. The EU should continue to play a
role in supporting the peace process, promoting cross border working and ultimately
respecting and supporting any vote for reunification.
Partition fractured the economy of Ireland. There are no advantages for an island na-
tion of 6.4 million people on the edge of Europe having two separate tax regimes, two
currencies and legal systems, two public service systems and two separate competing
economies.
The social, economic, political and cultural divisions that have become symptoms of
partition have caused cross-border divergence that has resulted in almost a century
of instability and conflict across the island. Partition has undermined economic devel-
opment, particularly in border areas.
Harmonising structures across the island is central to creating a fully integrated and
healthy economy and public services.
The border hampers trade, undermines workers’ rights and restricts economic growth.
Many successful businesses face the added cost of cross border trade and barriers to
expansion.
Councils along the Border provide back to back services that could be provided in a
more efficient an effective manner through cross border working between councils.
Economic co-operation and co-ordination of trade, investment and progressive taxa-
tion could play a central role in securing a just, fair and healthy economy for the island
as a whole. The starting point must be for maximum fiscal powers to be transferred
to the North.
We have disconnected public service, programmes and centres of excellence. It has
been illustrated that where joint enterprise is applied, such as in health, it makes eco-
nomic sense.
The Treaties of the European Union oblige it to promote cross-border integration and
to help overcome the negative effects of partition in Ireland.
32

There are a number of steps which the EU could advance including:
• Encouraging the development of integrated Irish representation on EU issues.
• Providing for the participation of ministers from the northern Executive in the Council of
Ministers.
• Providing for the possibility of an ‘opt-in’ to EU legislation by the Six Counties where the
British government has opted-out, in order to ensure that the whole island is operating
within the same social and economic framework.
• Developing a single EU Support Framework to ensure that strategic planning can take
place on an all-Ireland basis and that the EU can treat Ireland as a single entity for funding
purposes.
• Promoting additional draw down of INTERREG funding.
• Giving Cross-Border Corridor Groups a more strategic role in the allocation and distribution
of funds.
• Supporting the development of all-Ireland public sector and civil society institutions and
contributing to the establishment of cross-border economic development zones.
• Exempting state aid to support Irish integration and reunification from competition
regulations
• Systematically analysing the costs of continued partition as part of its contribution to an
open, inclusive, informed and respectful debate on the benefits of Irish unity.
• Insisting that the Good Friday Agreement be fully implemented by the British and Irish
governments.
• Adequate funding and political support for the PEACE Programme.
• A stronger all-Ireland dynamic to EU funding.
• Putting equality, social inclusion and sustainable development at the heart of EU funding
regulations.
• Additional EU funding for Ireland in order to promote cross-border integration.
33

13. Reclaiming Irish
neutrality
The Lisbon Treaty gave the EU significant new powers to further develop com-
mon defence, security and foreign policies. While the economic crisis has slowed
down the speed and depth of EU integration in these areas, they none the less con-
tinue to represent a serious threat to Irish neutrality and sovereignty.
Sinn Féin believes in positive neutrality. We are opposed to Irish membership in any
military alliance or common defence. We are also concerned with the increasing mili-
tarisation of the EU and the impact of the EU arms industry in conflict zones across
the world.
14. Promoting Human
Rights
Sinn Féin supports the European human rights architecture and the objective of
continent-wide upwards harmonisation of protections, because they serve the
best interest of the Irish people. We will insist that Ireland upholds these human
rights standards at home, and that the EU institutions also live up to their own human
rights commitments.
European human rights guarantees are not enough. We need stronger domestic pro-
tections in Ireland, starting with full implementation of the outstanding human rights
commitments under the Good Friday Agreement.
34

• A specific protocol attached to the EU Treaties on Irish neutrality similar to that secured by
Denmark.
• An end to Irish participation in the evolving EU common defence and security policies.
• A ban on the export of EU manufactured arms to countries in conflict.
• An end to the linking of EU development aid and security policy.
• Ireland to fully comply with all European human rights obligations, whether civil or political,
under the ECHR or economic and social rights under the European Social Charter.
• Ireland to fully comply with its obligations under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights in the
domestic implementation of EU law.
• The British government to fully comply with its obligations under the European Charter for
Regional or Minority Languages with respect to the Irish language.
• EU support for Westminster legislating for a robust and enforceable Bill of Rights for the
north – including economic, social and cultural rights – as provided for under the terms of
the Good Friday Agreement.
• EU support for the Oireachtas legislating for improved constitutional protection of human
rights – including in particular economic, social and cultural rights – as provided for under
the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
• EU support for the adoption of an All-Ireland Charter of Rights to harmonise guarantees, as
provided for under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
• Argue for effective and consistent implementation of the EU guidelines on Human Rights
Defenders by the European External Action Services (EEAS) in EU missions around the world
• Argue that human rights are taken into consideration in all policy areas within the EU
including International trade agreements.
• Argue that social & environmental impact assessments are carried out on proposals in the
developing world that avail of EU funding.
35

15. Promoting Irish at
home and in the EU
Sinn Féin has always argued that the European Union has an important role to
play in the promotion of Irish language and culture. The recognition of Irish as an
official language of the EU, which Sinn Féin campaigned hard for, was an important
achievement.
However the temporary derogation put in place in 2007 had meant that potential of
this achievement has not been fully realised.
The derogation is due to end on the 31st of December 2016. However it could be
brought to an end sooner and full recognition for Irish could be in place. The ending of
this derogation would provide 180 jobs in the EU institutions for Irish language speak-
ers for jobs such as interpreters, translators, lawyer-linguists
36

• The Irish Government to apply to the European Council to put an end to the derogation.
• Increased investment by the Irish Government to ensure that we have a skilled workforce of
translators, interpreters and lawyer-linguists to supply the increased positions arising from
the end of the derogation.
• Maintenance of official recognition and status for Irish in the EU.
• Investment in Gaeltacht communities and educational support to specifically help with the
implementation of the 20 Year Irish language strategy.
• Increased investment for culture based projects and Irish language cultural industries aimed
at increasing the number of people working through Irish.
37

ÉIRE CHUN
CINN
Forógra Shinn Féin um an AE 2014
www.sinnfein.ie
Sinn Féin, 44 Cearnóg Pharnell, Baile Átha Cliath 1.
MAY 2014

Clár Ábhar
Litir ó Gerry Adams TD, Uachtarán Shinn Féin 41
10 nGealltanas Shinn Féin 42
Teist Shinn Féin i bParlaimint na hEorpa 45
1. Réamhrá 46
2. Deireadh a chur le géarchéim Limistéar an Euro 48
3. Daoine a thabhairt ar ais chun na hoibre 50
4. Daoine atá ag obair a chosaint 52
5. Tacú le daoine nach bhfuil ag obair 54
6. Déileáil leis an bhfiachas 56
7. Institiúidí an AE a athchóiriú 58
8. Caitheamh níos fearr le tuath na hÉireann 60
9. An comhshaol a chosaint 62
10. Sláinte Phoiblí a chur chun cinn 64
11. Forbairt tuaithe chothrom 66
12. Aontú na hÉireann a chur chun cinn 68
13. Ar son neodracht na hÉireann,
in aghaidh mhíleatachas an AE 70
14. Cearta an duine a chosaint 70
15. Gaeilge a chur chun cinn sa tír seo agus san AE 72
39

Gerry Adams TD
Uachtarán Shinn Féin
40

Tá an tAontas Eorpach faoi ghéar-
chéim - is géarchéim gheilleagrach,
géarchéim shóisialta agus géarchéim
pholaitiúil í. Is iad drochdhearadh,
beartais dhona agus ceannaireacht
neamhinniúil is cúis léi.
Tá toradh na géarchéime seo ag dul i
bhfeidhm ar theaghlaigh i ngach ball-
stát. Tá an dífhostaíocht, an eisimirce,
fiachas agus an bhochtaineacht le
feiceáil i saol laethúil na milliún duine.
Tá na milliúin duine dífhostaithe mar
gheall ar an ngéarchéim gheilleagrach.
Tá an bonn á bhaint de thuarastal agus
de choinníollacha oibre na milliún
duine eile. Go hoifigiúil, tá 26.5 milliún
duine dífhostaithe ar fud an AE. Is io-
nann an óg-dhífhostaíocht agus 24%.
Tá an cúlú ina chúis le géarchéim
shóisialta. De réir OSCE, tá 120 mil-
liún duine, nó 24% de dhaonra an AE,
i mbaol na bochtaineachta nó an ei-
siaimh shóisialta. Tá roinnt mhaith de
na daoine sin ag obair ach tá tuarastal
á thuilleadh acu nach bhfreastalaíonn
ar bhunriachtanais a dteaghlaigh.
Is é an fhreagairt ó institiúidí an AE dó,
le tacaíocht ghníomhach ó rialtais sna
ballstáit, ná an costas ar an ngéarché-
im a shóisialú. Cuireadh riachtanais na
mbanc roimh riachtanais na ndaoine.
Tá an déine, is é sin, an costas ar an
ngéarchéim gheilleagrach a ghearradh
ar na daoine sin is lú airgead, éirithe
ar chreideamh na bpolaiteoirí i mBaile
Átha Cliath, i Londain agus sa Bhruiséil.
Tá sí ar an gcomhdhearcadh beartais
a cheanglaíonn Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael
agus Páirtí an Lucht Oibre leis an gCo-
imisiún Eorpach, leis an gComhairle
Eorpach agus leis an mBanc Ceannais
Eorpach. An t-aon easaontú atá ag na
páirtithe Aontachtacha sa tuaisceart
Litir ó Gerry Adams TD
agus sa rialtas a bhfuil an Páirtí Co-
imeádach i gceannas air i Londain ná
cé ba cheart na bearta déine a ghear-
radh - an Bhruiséil nó Londain.
Is é an toradh atá air sin ná ionsaí
ar chaighdeáin mhaireachtála na
dteaghlach ísealioncaim agus meán-
ioncaim ar fud na hÉireann; drochlé-
iriú ar na daoine sin nach bhfuil ábalta
fostaíocht a fháil agus atá spleách ar
leas sóisialach; agus scamhadh sócm-
hainní na seirbhísí poiblí agus na bh-
fóntas poiblí ar a mbraitheann roinnt
mhaith dúinn.
Chun cúrsaí a dhéanamh níos measa,
is mian le scothaicmí polaitíochta ar
fud na hEorpa tuilleadh cumhachta a
lárú isteach in institiúidí an AE - maíonn
siad gurb é seo an t-aon bhealach leis
an ngéarchéim a réiteach.
Is mithid deireadh le beartais theipthe
chomhdhearcadh na Bruiséile a iar-
raidh. Is é toghchán Pharlaimint na
hEorpa an deis atá agat cur in iúl do
na scothaicmí polaitíochta gur fhulaing
tú do sháith.
Ná vótáil ar son páirtithe ar theip orthu
san am atá thart an 22 Bealtaine agus
an 23 Bealtaine. Vótáil ar son páirtí a
bhfuil rogha eile atá soiléir, inchreidte
agus radacach sa tír seo agus san AE á
tairiscint aige.
Tá Sinn Féin ag seasamh i ngach togh-
cheantar sa tír. Is mithid tús áite a
thabhairt d’Éirinn, vótáil ar son fhoire-
ann láidir uile-Éireann - vótáil ar son
Shinn Féin.
41

Lynn Boylan
Toghcheantair
Átha Cliath
10 nGealltanas
Shinn Féin
Má thoghtar iad, tabharfaidh MEPanna Shinn Féin
tús áite do na gealltanais thábhachtacha bheartais
seo a leanas:
1
Tuilleadh infheistíochta a aimsiú ón mBanc Eorpach
Infheistíochta chun fostaíocht a chruthú i dtuaisceart
agus i ndeisceart na hÉireann.
2
Teacht ar bheart ar an bhfiachas leagáide in AIB agus
i mBanc na hÉireann agus ar bheart nua ar nótaí geall-
tanais Bhanc-Chorparáid Angla-Éireannach/IBRC.
3
Pá agus coinníollacha na n-oibrithe a chosaint agus
tairseach bhunúsach mhacántachta do na hoibrithe
uile a chur chun cinn.
4
Dáileadh níos cothroime an Chomhbheartais Talm-
haíochta agus tacaí imleora i gcomhair ár bpobal
feirmeoireachta agus iascaireachta a chinntiú.
5 Aghaidh a thabhairt go práinneach ar an athrú aeráide
ag leibhéal an AE agus ag an leibhéal intíre.
6
Cumhachtaí a thabhairt ar ais do bhallstáit agus an
tionchar atá ag parlaimintí na mballstát ar phróiseas
reachtaíochta an AE a mhéadú.
7
Cumhacht an Choimisiúin a laghdú, rud a chuireann
deireadh lena chumhacht tionscnaíochta agus a dhé-
anann é níos follasaí agus níos freagraí do Pharlaimint
na hEorpa agus do pharlaimintí na mballstát.
8
Cumhacht na stát beag ag Comhairle na nAirí a mhé-
adú trí athchóiriú a dhéanamh ar an nós imeachta um
an Vótáil Tromlaigh Cháilithe.
9
Neodracht dhearfach na hÉireann a athdhearbhú agus
tarraingt as cosaint chomhchoiteann an AE atá ag
teacht aníos.
10 Aontú na hÉireann agus tacaíocht ón AE do pho-
balbhreith ar cheist na teorann a chur chun cinn.
42

Liadh Ní Riada
Toghcheantair
Theas
Martina Anderson
Toghcheantair
Thuaidh
Matt Carthy
Toghcheantair
Lár-Réigiún Íarthuaisceart
43

D’argóin siad ar son na nithe seo a leanas ar urlár
na parlaiminte:
• Rogha eile atá treoraithe ag inf-
heistíocht ó dhéine an AE agus cior-
ruithe ar bhuiséad an AE.
• Tuilleadh maoinithe d’fhiontair bheaga
agus mheánmhéide (SMEnna) agus le
haghaidh taighde agus forbartha.
• Clár Peace IV agus cur i bhfeidhm Inter-
reg V.
• Beart níos fearr d’fheirmeoirí Éireanna-
cha le linn an athchóirithe ar an gCom-
hbheartas Talmhaíochta.
• Tuilleadh dírithe ar an athrú aeráide
agus ar an ngá le spriocanna cean-
gailteacha maidir le hastaíochtaí.
• Dlúthpháirtíocht idirnáisiúnta le muintir
na Palaistíne, na Cordastáine agus Thír
na mBascach.
• Tacaíocht mhéadaithe don Ghaeilge sa
Bhruiséil agus sa tír seo.
• Rannpháirtíocht leis an tsochaí shibhi-
alta, lena n-áirítear eagraíochtaí aosa-
ithe, míchumais, LGBT agus ban.
• Cearta LGBT a chur chun cinn ar fud
an AE agus treochlár in aghaidh na
homafóibe a chruthú.
• Tacaíocht d’Aontú na hÉireann.
• Próiseas na síochána agus an gá le
hathmhuintearas náisiúnta a chur chun
cinn.
• Béim a leagan ar oidhreacht an chlaon-
pháirteachais stáit
44

Teist Shinn Féin i
bParlaimint na hEorpa
In 2009, thogh muintir na Sé Chontae Bairbre de Brún chuig Parlaimint na hE-
orpa. Tháinig Martina Anderson MLA, iar-Aire Sóisearach in Stormont, isteach ina
háit in 2012.
Le cúig bliana anuas, ní amháin go bhfuil Bairbre agus Martina ag iarraidh ion-
adaíocht a dhéanamh do na daoine a vótáil ar a son, ach do leasanna na hÉireann
ar fad freisin.
Le linn a tréimhse mar MEP, rinne Bair-
bre de Brún na nithe seo a leanas:
• Rinne sí ionadaíocht do Pharlaimint na hEorpa ag cainte-
anna bliantúla na Náisiún Aontaithe um an Athrú Aeráide
i gCancún.
• Ghníomhaigh sí mar bhreathnóir idirnáisiúnta ar thogh-
chán na Palaistíne in 2006 agus thug sí cuairt ar Gaza dhá
uair mar chuid de thoscaireacht Pharlaiminteoirí na hE-
orpa.
• Bhí sí mar údar ar thuarascáil na Parlaiminte ina ndearna-
dh measúnú ar thionchar chlár Peace II in Éirinn a bhí ar
an gcéad thuarascáil ón bParlaimint a foilsíodh i nGaeilge.
• Bhí sí mar údar ar an tuarascáil ón bParlaimint ar iompar
ainmhithe chun an leathadh confaidh a chosc.
• Bhí páirt lárnach aici i stádas mar theanga oifigiúil Pharlai-
mint na hEorpa a bhaint amach don Ghaeilge.
• Bhí sí ina hóstach do thoscaireacht uile-Éireann a dhéileáil
le ‘Teaghlaigh ag Fulaingt Caillteanais Trí Fhéinmharú’.
• Bhí sí ina comhóstach i dteannta Mary Lou McDonald TD
do thoscaireacht a bhí treoraithe ag ceardchumannaithe
agus ag teaghlaigh atá ag fulaingt caillteanais a dhíríonn
ar shláinte agus sábháilteacht san ionad oibre.
Le linn a tréimhse mar MEP, rinne Mar-
tina Anderson na nithe seo a leanas:
• Bhí sí ina hurlabhraí ar an Treoir um Tháirgí Tobac agus
chuaigh sí i mbun feachtais ar mhaithe le rialáil níos
doichte a dhéanamh ar thionscal an tobac agus go
háirithe ar an dóigh a spriocdhíríonn siad ar dhaoine óga
trí fhógraíocht agus trí tháirgí atá dírithe ar dhaoine óga.
• Bhí sí mar údar ar thuarascáil ar chur chun feidhme
Straitéis Óige an AE.
• Bhí sí ina hóstach d’fhiosrúchán Idirnáisiúnta ar Aontú na
hÉireann sa Bhruiséil inar breithníodh an ról a d’fhéadfadh
an AE a imirt in athaontú na hÉireann.
• Bhí sí ina hóstach do raon leathan eagraíochtaí sa Bhrui-
séil, lena n-áirítear toscaireacht Daoine Breacaosta, grú-
pa LGBT Chomhdháil na gCeardchumann, toscaireacht
Feirmeoirí le Martin Ferris TD, Comhaltas Ceoltóirí Éire-
ann agus Coiste Fhleá Cheoil Dhoire, Comhlachais Trách-
tála agus eagraíochtaí gnó ar fud an tuaiscirt, íobartaigh
an chlaonpháirteachais stáit agus an fhoréigin stáit, agus
comhlachtaí spóirt a dhéanann ionadaíocht do CLG, do
shacar agus do rugbaí.
Chomh maith leis sin, bhí Martina ar dhuine den líon beag
MEPanna Éireannacha a chuaigh go gníomhach in aghaidh na
gciorruithe ar bhuiséad an AE agus a d’argóin i bhfabhar inf-
heistíocht mhéadaithe i gcláir chun poist a chruthú, dul i ngleic
le hóg-dhífhostaíocht, agus infheistiú i bpobail uirbeacha agus
tuaithe.
45

1. Réamhrá
Ról an AE i ngéar-
chéim na hÉireann
Ba iad tosca intíre agus tosca Eorpa-
cha araon ba chúis leis an ngéarchéim
gheilleagrach agus shóisialta atá ag dul
i bhfeidhm ar thuaisceart agus dheis-
ceart na hÉireann ón mbliain 2008 i
leith. Is freagrach aisti atá Rialtas na
hÉireann, Rialtas na Breataine agus
institiúidí tábhachtacha an AE, lena n-
áirítear an Coimisiún Eorpach agus an
Banc Ceannais Eorpach.
Cé gur cosnaíodh an tuaisceart ar an
gcuid is measa den ghéarchéim bhain-
céireachta agus airgeadra, ní raibh sé
saor ón iarmhairt mar go bhfuil dhá
cheann de na ceithre bhanc is mó sa
tuaisceart lonnaithe sa deisceart.
Tá tionchar suntasach ar an ngeillea-
gar áitiúil agus ar phobail ag an dé-
ine a gearradh in Westminster agus
ar thacaigh an tAontas Eorpach go
gníomhach léi. Ba mhó an cúngú a
tháinig ar gheilleagar an tuaiscirt ná
ar gheilleagar fhormhór na limistéar
i Limistéar an Euro agus sa Bhreatain
ón mbliain 2008.
D’fhulaing muintir na hÉireann mar
gheall ar dhrochrialtas i mBaile Átha
Cliath agus i Londain, ar dhrochbhainc
Éireannacha agus Eorpacha agus ar
dhroch-chinntí sa Bhruiséil agus in
Frankfurt. Is soiléire sin i saincheist an
fhiachais.
De réir mar a thit an ghéarchéim
bhaincéireachta amach in 2008, ghéill
an Rialtas a raibh Fianna Fáil i gcean-
nas air don bhrú a chuir Jean Claude
Trichet, Gobharnóir an Bhainc Chean-
nais Eorpaigh, air na bainc a tharrtháil,
beag beann ar an gcostas sóisialta
agus geilleagrach. Ba é an beartas oifi-
giúil i mBaile Átha Cliath agus in Frank-
furt ná nach mbeadh drochthionchar
ar aon sealbhóir bannaí.
Chosain Fianna Fáil agus an Comhaon-
tas Glas na sealbhóirí bannaí toisc go
raibh roinnt mhaith díobh ina mbaill
den chiorcal órga mínáireach. Rinne
Bertie Ahern agus Brian Cowen ta-
caíocht lena gcairde sa Bhanc Angla-
Éireannach.
An ilráthaíocht bhaincéireachta i mí
Dheireadh Fómhair 2008, náisiúnú
an Bhainc Angla-Éireannaigh in 2009,
nóta gealltanais €30 billiún an Bhainc
Angla-Éireannaigh agus an costas €30
billiún ar athchaipitliú Bhanc na hÉ-
ireann agus Bhanc-Aontas Éireann,
tháinig siad go léir as sin.
Cé gur chuir siad in aghaidh an
bheartais sin agus iad sa fhreasúra,
lean Fine Gael agus Páirtí an Lucht
Oibre ar aghaidh ag cur bheartas Fhi-
anna Fáil agus an Bhainc Cheannais
Eorpaigh chun feidhme agus iad sa
rialtas. Chuir siad €17 billiún d’airgead
na gcáiníocóirí isteach i mBanc-Aontas
Éireann agus i mBanc na hÉireann, rud
a ghearr fiachas an nóta gealltanais ar
ghlúine amach anseo agus a leathn-
aigh an ilráthaíocht bhaincéireachta
arís is arís eile.
Ba é an toradh a bhí air sin ná fiachas
poiblí a bhí ag ardú (ó 25% den oll-
táirgeacht intíre in 2007 go 120% den
olltáirgeacht intíre in 2013) a mhéa-
daigh an costas ar iasachtú rialtais
agus a d’ardaigh an t-easnamh rialtais
tuilleadh fós.
Shocraigh an cinneadh a rinne Fianna
Fáil agus an Comhaontas Glas fiachas
baincéireachta a leagan ar ghuaillí an
cháiníocóra an bealach le haghaidh
aistriú náireach ár gceannasachta geil-
leagraí chuig clár tarrthála Troika in
2010.
Le linn olltoghchán 2011, gheall Fine
Gael agus Páirtí an Lucht Oibre go ndé-
anfadh siad nithe ar bhealach éagsúil.
Gheall páirtí Enda Kenny nach dtab-
harfaí aon airgead eile do na Bainc go
dtí go bhfulaingeodh sealbhóirí bannaí
an oiread sin. Gheall Eamon Gilmore
go mbeadh Páirtí an Lucht Oibre cean-
nasach agus nach mbeadh Frankfurt
ceannasach dá dtoghfaí é.
A luaithe is a tháinig siad i seilbh oifige,
briseadh na gealltanais sin.
Ghabh an rialtas i Londain do chlár oi-
bre cosúil - rinne sé an blocdheontas
don Tionól a chiorrú agus d’fhéach sé
le laghduithe a ghearradh ar chosaintí
leasa shóisialaigh.
De bhreis ar thacú le déine intíre,
chiorraigh an tAontas Eorpach a bhui-
séad féin. Is cinneadh é sin ar thacaigh
Fine Gael, Páirtí an Lucht Oibre, na
páirtithe Aontachtacha agus Rialtas
na Breataine leis. Is é an toradh ar
an gciorrú sin ná laghdú suntasach
ar thacaí airgeadais atá ag teastáil go
géar d’oileán na hÉireann.
Treo nua le haghaidh
an AE
Tá comhdhearcadh compordach i
bpolaitíocht na hÉireann le tréimhse
rófhada anuas. Síneann an comh-
dhearcadh seo ó bheartas geilleagrach
agus sóisialta go caidreamh na hÉire-
ann leis an Aontas Eorpach.
Is comhdhearcadh é a thugann cúram
don mhionlach agus a dhéanann
dochar don tromlach.
Is lútálaithe na hEorpa iad Fianna Fáil,
Fine Gael agus Páirtí an Lucht Oibre.
Tacaíonn siad le cibé rud a mholtar sa
Bhruiséil agus in Frankfurt. Ionadaithe
don Aontas Eorpach in Éirinn is ea a
gcuid MEPanna - cuireann siad clár oi-
bre institiúidí an AE chun cinn in ionad
leasanna na ndaoine in Éirinn agus san
AE.
Nuair a bhí an t-airgeadra aonair á
chruthú, thug siad rabhadh faoi na
contúirtí, go háirithe do bhallstáit
bheaga agus do bhallstáit atá níos
laige ó thaobh na heacnamaíochta de.
Rinne an rialtas i mBaile Átha Cliath
neamhiontas de na rabhaidh sin agus
chláraigh sé d’aontas airgeadra a bhí
lochtach ón tús - ba thubaiste í a thit-
feadh amach am éigin.
Thacaigh sé go hiomlán leis an gclár
oibre sóisialta agus geilleagrach den
eite dheis de chuid an Choimisiúin Eo-
rpaigh - rud a lagaigh an méid a baine-
46

adh amach roimhe sin chun an Eoraip
shóisialta a fhorbairt.
Le cúig bliana anuas, sheas Sinn Féin
in aghaidh chomhdhearcadh na Brui-
séile - leagamar béim ar thionchar
diúltach na mbeartas déine agus an
chreimthe daonlathais ar shaol na
ndaoine ar fud na hÉireann. Chuirea-
mar in aghaidh ciorruithe ar Bhuiséad
an AE d’earnálacha straitéiseacha táb-
hachtacha amhail talmhaíocht, forbairt
réigiúnach agus infheistíocht i bpoist
agus i bhfás.
Is mithid treo nua a leanúint in Éirinn
agus in institiúidí an AE.
Is mithid seasamh ar son na hÉireann
agus ar son leasanna na ndaoine go
léir atá ina gcónaí ar an oileán seo.
Is mithid deireadh a chur le greim
chumhachta na Bruiséile, srian a chur
leis an gCoimisiún agus cumhachtaí a
thabhairt ar ais do na ballstáit.
Is mithid deireadh a chur leis an ion-
saí ar phá agus choinníollacha na n-
oibrithe agus tairseach bhunúsach
mhacántachta a chur chun cinn do
chách.
Is mithid tacaí fíora a chur i bhfeidhm
dóibh siúd ar chuir na beartais déine
as an obair iad.
Is mithid ár seirbhísí poiblí a atógáil arís
agus ár bhfóntais phoiblí a chosaint -
chun a chinntiú go bhfaigheann dao-
ine na seirbhísí a dteastaíonn uathu ar
bhealach cothrom agus éifeachtúil.
Is féidir le foireann níos mó agus níos
láidre de MEPanna Shinn Féin ó gach
cearn d’Éirinn na saincheisteanna seo
a chur in iúl agus beart níos fearr a
éileamh d’Éirinn.
Ba cheart d’Éirinn bheith san Aontas
Eorpach - ach ní mór don Aontas Eo-
rpach athrú. D’fhonn an t-athrú sin a
bhaint amach, ní mór MEPanna a thu-
gann tús áite d’Éirinn a roghnú, ag dul
le Martina Anderson, MEP de chuid
Shinn Féin, chun seasamh ar son an
ghnáthdhuine.
47

2. Deireadh a chur le
géarchéim Limistéar an Euro
Níl géarchéim Limistéar an Euro thart go fóill. Cé go bhfuil roinnt tráchtairí ag rá go bhfuil
na tosca is measa thart, níor athraigh a dhath d’fhormhór na ndaoine. Go deimhin, cé go
bhfuil easaontuithe ann idir Parlaimint na hEorpa, an Coimisiún Eorpach agus an Chomhairle
Eorpach faoi na sonraí maidir le conas an ghéarchéim a réiteach, tá comhdhearcadh leathan
ann ó thaobh an phrionsabail de. Is mian leo go léir ‘an Eoraip níos mó’. Is é an bhrí leis sin ná
tuilleadh aistrithe cumhachta ó bhallstáit go hinstitiúidí an AE - cumhacht pholaitiúil, cumhacht
gheilleagrach agus cumhacht fhioscach.
Ní dhéanfaidh cónaidhmeacht fhioscach an euro a chobhsú. Ní dhéanfaidh tuilleadh rialaithe
ar bhuiséid na mballstát ag an AE an euro a chobhsú. Cuid den fhadhb a bhí i mbeartas airge-
adaíochta ‘a oireann do chách’. Má chuirtear buiséad fioscach agus buiséadach ‘a oireann do
chách’ leis, déanfar an cás níos measa.
Tá Sinn Féin go láidir den tuairim gurb é atá ag teastáil anois ná cur chuige éagsúil atá bu-
naithe ar fhás infheistíochta, sóisialta agus eacnamaíoch, ar an nasc idir fiachas baincéireachta
agus fiachas ceannasach a bhriseadh agus ar thuilleadh solúbthachta do bhallstáit chun na
straitéisí is fearr le haghaidh téarnamh a chinneadh.
Ba cheart beartas geilleagrach a bheith cinnte in Éirinn, agus ní sa Bhruiséil ná i Londain, ag
polaiteoirí atá tofa ag muintir na hÉireann, sa tuaisceart agus sa deisceart, agus atá freagrach
dóibh.
48

Rachaidh MEPanna Shinn Féin i mbun feachtais ar son na
nithe seo a leanas:
• Deireadh leis na beartais theipthe déine a chuireann ualach an choigeartaithe gheilleagraigh ar
theaghlaigh ísealioncaim agus mheánioncaim.
• Briseadh cinntitheach an naisc idir fiachas ceannasach agus fiachas baincéireachta.
• Rialú baincéireachta ar fud an AE a chuireann iallach ar institiúidí airgeadais a sciar cothrom de chos-
tas na géarchéime a íoc, ní amháin sa todhchaí ach ó thús na géarchéime reatha freisin.
• Díriú nua ar infheistíocht ar fud an AE chun na milliúin duine atá dífhostaithe san Eoraip a thabhairt
ar ais chun na hoibre.
• Coinbhinsiún nua de chuid an AE a bhfuil an t-údarás aige inniúlachtaí a shainaithint a thabharfar ar
ais chuig ballstáit.
• Tacaíocht ón AE d’aistriú na cumhachta fioscaí ó Londain go dtí an Tionól i mBéal Feirste.
49

3. Daoine a thabhairt ar ais
chun na hoibre
Tá infheistíocht i bpoist ag teastáil go géar ón AE, go háirithe san fhorimeall. Is féidir é sin
a bhaint amach trí acmhainní na mballstát, lena n-áirítear na €6bn atá i bpunann lánroghnach
an Chúlchiste Náisiúnta Pinsean (Ciste Infheistíochta Straitéisí na hÉireann anois), a chomh-
cheangal le ciste infheistíochta méadaithe sa Bhanc Eorpach Infheistíochta (EIB).
Tá Sinn Féin ag argóint gur cheart cistí reatha an EIB a bheith forlíonta ag infheistíocht aonu-
aire arna déanamh ag ballstáit an AE ar bhonn cionmhar - d’fhéadfaí an méid sin a bhaint
amach trí aistriú na sócmhainní atá á gcoinneáil faoi láthair ag an Sásra Cobhsaíochta Eorpach
nó trí aistrithe nua ó rialtais.
Is gá don rialtas i mBaile Átha Cliath an rochtain atá aige ar chistí an EIB a mhéadú. Sna sé
bliana ó thús na géarchéime, tharraing an Stát €600 milliún sa bhliain ar an meán anuas ón
mBanc Eorpach Infheistíochta trí roinnt tionscadal. Sa chéad dá bhliain ina raibh siad i seilbh
oifige, tháinig laghdú iarbhír ar mhéid an mhaoinithe ón EIB a d’aimsigh Fine Gael agus Páirtí
an Lucht Oibre.
I gcomparáid le ballstáit eile, tá sé soiléir gur theip ar rialtais na hÉireann i ndiaidh a chéile
leas a bhaint as na cistí seo. D’éiligh an Phortaingéil, arb ionann a daonra agus 10.5 milliún
duine, 5% d’iasachtaí iomlána an EIB in 2011 agus in 2012. Le linn na tréimhse sin, níor éiligh
deisceart na hÉireann, arb ionann a daonra agus 4.6 milliún, ach 1% d’iasachtaí an EIB sa dá
bhliain.
Sa tuaisceart, tá cosc ar an gCoiste Feidhmiúcháin iasachtaí a fháil go díreach ón mBanc Eor-
pach Infheistíochta. Fuarthas rochtain ar mhaoiniú an EIB le haghaidh athfhorbairt oibreacha
forbartha champas Ollscoil Uladh, ach ní mór don Tionól bheith ábalta rochtain ar na cistí seo
go díreach.
50

nithe seo a leanas:
• Cumas infheistíochta an EIB a mhéadú chun cabhrú le fás fostaíochta san earnáil phríobháideach
agus san earnáil phoiblí trí dhíriú ar raon na gcineálacha infheistíochta a dhéanann an EIB.
• Tacaíocht ón AE do dheireadh a chur leis an gcosc iasachtaíochta ar an Tionól d’fhonn infheistíocht
a spriocdhíriú, go háirithe i limistéir ina bhfuil leibhéil arda dífhostaíochta, bhochtaineachta agus
mhíbhuntáiste shóisialta.
• Cóimheas maoinithe an EIB do bhallstáit ag a bhfuil rátaí dífhostaíochta os cionn an mheáin a leasú
go 75:25, mar a n-íocann an EIB an chuid is mó.
• Fíorchiste Ráthaíochta Óige is fiú €21bn chun dul i ngleic leis an ngéarchéim dífhostaíochta i measc
na hóige – bunaithe ar an múnla maoinithe atá leagtha amach ag an Eagraíocht Idirnáisiúnta Saothair
agus ag Comhairle Náisiúnta Óige na hÉireann.
• Líon na n-iarratas a dhéanann Rialtas na hÉireann chuig an EIB a mhéadú faoi thrí chun cabhrú le
tionscadail um poist a chruthú a mhaoiniú, lena n-áirítear:
• Tionscal an bhiatais siúcra a athbheochan agus gléasra nua bithscaglainne a thógáil san Oird-
heisceart, rud a bhfuil an cumas aige 5,000 post a chruthú.
• Infheistiú i gcur i bhfeidhm na chéad ghlúine eile den leathanbhanda ar fud an oileáin.
• Mótarbhealach an A5/N2 ó Dhoire go Baile Átha Cliath.
• Nasc iarnróid an Stua Thiar (Gaillimh - Maigh Eo - Dún na nGall - Doire - Béal Feirste).
• Infheistiú i mbonneagar caipitil ag Aerfort Chnoc Mhuire.
• Ár mbonneagar uisce a uasghrádú d’fhonn ligean uisce a laghdú.
• Aonaid tithíochta sóisialta a cheannach, a athchóiriú agus a thógáil.
• Scoileanna breise a thógáil agus scoileanna atá ann cheana a athchóiriú.
• Ionaid Chúraim Sláinte Phríomhúil sa bhreis a thógáil.
51

4. Daoine atá ag obair a
chosaint
Ó thús na géarchéime, chuathas i bhfeidhm go mór ar phá agus ar choinníollacha oi-
bre na ndaoine ar ísealioncam agus ar mheánioncam. Ar fud na hearnála poiblí agus na
hearnála príobháidí araon, tá meath ar a bhfíorphá agus ar a dtéarmaí agus coinníollacha ei-
spéirithe ag formhór na n-oibrithe. Tháinig leathnú ar an mbearna idir daoine ar ísealioncam
agus ar mheánioncam ar thaobh amháin agus daoine ar ardioncam ar an taobh eile.
Léiríodh i staidéar a rinne Institiúid Taighde Eacnamaíoch Nevin le déanaí gur fholmhaigh an
cúlú lár an mhargaidh fostaíochta. Tá roinnt mhaith cuideachtaí brabúsacha ag baint úsáid as
an ngéarchéim gheilleagrach chun pá agus coinníollacha a bhrú anuas.
Ar fud an AE, tá an sciar den ioncam náisiúnta atá ag an lucht oibre ag meath go seasta ó thús
an chúlaithe. Is dian go háirithe atá an ráta meatha anseo, áfach. Thit sé ó bheagnach 55% in
2009 go beagnach 45% sa lá atá inniu ann.
Mar thoradh air sin, tá líon méadaithe daoine i bpoist ar phá íseal agus tá laghdú ar líon na
dteaghlach i bhfostaíocht atá i mbaol na bochtaineachta. De réir shuirbhé EUSILC ón bPríomh-
Oifig Staidrimh, tá 25% den phobal sa tuaisceart díothach go hoifigiúil. Léiríodh i dtuarascáil ó
Oxfam le déanaí go bhfuil 22% de dhaoine sa tuaisceart beo bocht.
De réir na Fondúireachta um Staidéar Fioscach, tá rátaí bochtaineachta coibhneasta leanaí
agus dearbh-bhochtaineachta leanaí le méadú sna deich mbliana romhainn go dtí 30.9% agus
38.5% faoi seach.
Bhain an léirscaoileadh seirbhísí atá treoraithe ag an AE an bonn de sheirbhísí sóisialta rítháb-
hachtacha i roinnt mhaith de bhallstáit an AE. Ní amháin go gcuireann Sinn Féin in aghaidh
thuilleadh léirscaoilte na seirbhísí poiblí ar nós seirbhísí oideachais, sláinte agus tairsí, rachaidh
sé go gníomhach i mbun feachtais chun an clár oibre sin a aisiompú i bhfabhar seirbhísí sói-
sialta a mhaoiníonn agus a sholáthraíonn an pobal.
Tá an tacaíocht dhílis a thug Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael agus Páirtí an Lucht Oibre do bheartais
déine an AE ina cúis le líon daoine ar phá íseal i ndeisceart na hÉireann atá i bhfad níos mó
ná meán an AE. Mar thoradh ar dhéine sa tuaisceart atá treoraithe ag Westminster, ní shao-
thraíonn 25% d’oibrithe sa tuaisceart íosphá maireachtála.
52

nithe seo a leanas:
• Pá cuibhiúil le haghaidh obair chuibhiúil agus in aghaidh an chultúir ísealphá.
• Deireadh le conarthaí gan uaireanta sa tír seo agus ar fud an AE.
• Reachtaíocht maidir leis an gceart chun cómhargála agus an ceart chun dul ar stailc a chosaint.
• Na cosaintí do na hoibrithe uile a neartú, go háirithe na hoibrithe in earnálacha ar phá íseal nó atá
ag obair uaireanta neamhthipiciúla, ar chonarthaí téarma sheasta nó ag obair go páirtaimseartha.
• Clásal um dhul chun cinn sóisialta a thabhairt isteach i gConarthaí an AE chun a chinntiú go bhfuil
tosaíocht ag cearta sóisialta bunúsacha agus comhaontuithe comhchoiteanna faoi phá agus choin-
níollacha ar shaoirse na margaí.
• Clásail shóisialta i gconarthaí soláthair chun díbhinn phobail a chinntiú, go háirithe i limistéir ina bh-
fuil leibhéil arda dífhostaíochta, ó infheistíocht phoiblí agus ó infheistíocht phríobháideach.
• Ról atá soiléir agus spreagtha ag spriocanna ag gach clár maoinithe an AE maidir le comhionannas
agus cuimsiú sóisialta a chur chun cinn ar fhorais lena n-áirítear inscne, claonadh gnéasach, eitnea-
chas agus aicme shóisialta.
53

5. Tacú le daoine nach
bhfuil ag obair
Níor thimpiste nádúrtha a bhí sa ghéarchéim fostaíochta san AE. Ba iad na beartais
a leanadh sa Bhruiséil agus ar tacaíodh leo ar fud na mBallstát a chruthaigh an ghé-
archéim. Ag teacht sna sála air sin, is bréagach agus pionósach atá na bearta a thug an AE
isteach chun cabhrú leo siúd atá as obair agus cuireadh na bearta sin chun feidhme go dona
i mórán cásanna.
Baineadh an bonn ó na tionscnaimh sin freisin mar gheall ar bheartais déine a bhíonn á sao-
thrú ag an gCoimisiún – go háirithe mar chuid de chláir an Troika sa Ghréig, sa Phortaingéil, sa
Chipir agus in Éirinn.
Dea-shampla de sin is ea an Ciste Eorpach um Choigeartú don Domhandú. Ba é cuspóir an
chiste ná tacaíocht a thabhairt d’oibrithe a fágadh iomarcach mar gheall ar phoist a athlon-
naíodh de bharr domhandaithe. Leathnaíodh an ciste ina dhiaidh sin chun earnálacha oibrithe
a ndearna an ghéarchéim difear díréireach dóibh a chuimsiú. De bharr raon feidhme agus
chur chun feidhme an chiste, áfach, níor baineadh luach amach do na mílte oibrí ar fud an AE.
Ón mbliain 2009 ar aghaidh, rinne rialtas Fhianna Fáil/an Chomhaontais Ghlais agus rialtas
Fhine Gael/Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre cúig iarratas chuig an gciste. Ba é €24.8 milliún an tsuim
iomlán a tugadh don stát, airgead arbh é is aidhm dó cabhrú le hoibrithe ó Dell, ó SR Technics,
ó Chriostal Phort Láirge, ó Talk Talk agus ón earnáil tógála athoiliúint a fháil agus cur lena in-
fhostaithe atá siad. Ní dhearna rialtas na Breataine aon iarratais ar son oibrithe iomarcacha
sa tuaisceart.
Go dtí seo, tugadh 50% den mhaoiniú ar ais don Aontas Eorpach mar gheall gur theip ar rial-
tas Fhianna Fáil/an Chomhaontais Ghlais agus ar rialtas Fhine Gael/Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre a
tháinig ina dhiaidh an t-airgead sin a bhainistiú mar ba cheart.
Ní hé amháin gur tugadh na milliúin euro ar ais don Bhruiséil de bharr mhíriar an chiste ar
thaobh an rialtais, ach caitheadh an t-airgead a úsáideadh chun tacaí a mbeadh fáil ag oi-
brithe iomarcacha orthu ar aon nós a chur ar fáil, in ionad na dtacaí breise oiriúnaithe a bhí
beartaithe faoin gclár.
Cé gur gá an milleán a chur ar an rialtas sa chéad ásc as an bpraiseach sna 26 Chontae, theip
ar an gCoimisiún freisin an clár sin a mhonatóiriú go sásúil.
54

nithe seo a leanas:
• Tuilleadh tacaí ón AE do dhaoine as obair, lena n-áirítear Ciste Eorpach um Choigeartú don Dom-
handú atá leathnaithe agus athchóirithe.
• Fíorchiste Ráthaíochta Óige is fiú €21bn chun dul i ngleic leis an ngéarchéim dífhostaíochta i measc
na hóige – bunaithe ar an múnla maoinithe atá leagtha amach ag an Eagraíocht Idirnáisiúnta Saothair
agus ag Comhairle Náisiúnta Óige na hÉireann.
• Ceart a bheith ag an Tionól iarratas a dhéanamh chuig an gCiste Eorpach um Choigeartú don Dom-
handú d’oibrithe sa Tuaisceart.
• Tacaíocht ón AE do chlásail shóisialta i gconarthaí poiblí agus príobháideacha lena ndírítear ar dhao-
ine dífhostaithe agus orthu siúd a chuir oideachas nó oiliúint i gcrích le déanaí.
55

6. Déileáil leis an bhfiachas
Chuir cáiníocóirí na hÉireann €65 billiún – rud ar suim uafásach é – sna bainc theipthe
sin a chruthaigh an ghéarchéim airgeadais. Chosain an tarrtháil bainc ba chostasaí riamh
€13,956 ar gach fear, bean agus leanbh sa stát. Níor fhorchuir aon tír eile san AE ná i Limistéar
an Euro costas chomh mór sin ar a saoránaigh.
Bhí an cinneadh chun na bainc a tharrtháil 3 huaire níos daoire orainn ná an tarrtháil san
Íoslainn, bhí sé 4 huaire níos daoire ná an tarrtháil sa Ghréig, bhí sé 10 n-uaire níos daoire ná
an tarrtháil sa Spáinn, bhí sé 23 uair níos daoire ná an tarrtháil sa Phortaingéil agus bhí sé 198
uair níos daoire ná an tarrtháil san Iodáil.
Cibé bealach a fhéachtar air sin, tá muintir na 26 contae tar éis barraíocht ualaigh a iompar.
Bhí an Eoraip chomh freagrach as an ngéarchéim baincéireachta agus a bhí Éire.
I mí Iúil 2012, gheall an Chomhairle Eorpach go mbrisfeadh sí an nasc idir fiachas ceannasach
agus fiachas príobháideach baincéireachta. Leanaimid, áfach, le híoc as costais na géarchéime
baincéireachta sa lá atá inniu ann. Ba é Nóta Gealltanais Fhine Gael/Pháirtí an Lucht Oibre -
rud a poiblíodh go fairsing sa bhliain 2013 - a chuir cion ollmhór den fhiachas sin ar ghlúnta
atá le teacht.
56

nithe seo a leanas:
• Fiachas baincéireachta agus fiachas ceannasach a scaradh ó chéile.
• AIB agus Banc na hÉireann a athchaipitliú go cúlghabhálach.
• Teacht ar bheart nua ar an nóta gealltanais sin, rud a bhainfeadh an fiachas uafásach sin ónár leanaí
agus ónár gclann clainne.
• Córas maoirseachta baincéireachta lena n-éileofar ar bhainc íoc as cion cothrom d’aon ghéarchéim
amach anseo.
57

7. Institiúidí an AE a
athchóiriú
Is níos ísle ná riamh atá muinín an phobail as institiúidí an AE. De réir Euroba-
rometer – comhlacht oifigiúil vótála an AE – tá muinín an phobail as institiúidí an AE
leath chomh hard agus a bhí sí roimh an ngéarchéim.
Is ar bhallstáit fhorimeallacha go príomha a bhíonn an chuid is troime den dífhos-
taíocht, den eisimirce agus den bhochtaineacht ag titim. Bíonn teaghlaigh ar íseal-
ioncam agus ar meánioncam, fiontair bheaga agus mheánmhéide agus feirmeoirí
teaghlaigh ag streachailt le maireachtáil. Ag an am céanna, bíonn ag éirí go geal le
corparáidí an-saibhir agus an-mhór.
Thaispeáin ceannairí agus institiúidí an AE go soiléir nach bhfuil siad in ann an ghéar-
chéim gheilleagrach agus shóisialta a réiteach – géarchéim a tháinig as a gcuid beartas
féin.
Ní rudaí nua iad easnamh daonlathach an AE agus éilimh go ndéanfar athchóiriú in-
stitiúideach air. Mar sin féin, tháinig géarchéim pholaitiúil níos bunúsaí as an ngéar-
chéim baincéireachta, rud ar gá dul i ngleic leis mar ábhar práinne.
Cuireadh an cás chun donais orainn go léir mar gheall ar athruithe conartha i ndiaidh
a chéile, idir Chonradh Maastricht agus Chonradh Liospóin.
Tá barraíocht cumhachta ag an gCoimisiún. Tá cultúr rúndachta i réim sa Chomhairle.
Imríonn na ballstáit mhóra tionchar díréireach ar an gComhairle.
Ní mór é sin a athrú. Is gá an AE a chuíchóiriú; is gá dó díriú ar a chroífheidhmeanna;
is gá an chumhacht atá aige a laghdú – níor cheart an chumhacht atá aige a mhéadú.
58

nithe seo a leanas:
• Coinbhinsiún AE chun dul i mbun díospóireacht phoiblí agus díospóireacht phoiblí a oscailt, rud a
mbeadh sainchúram follasach aige sainaithint a dhéanamh ar inniúlachtaí ba cheart a thabhairt ar
ais do na ballstáit, faoi mar a shonraítear i nDearbhú Laeken.
• Laghdú a dhéanamh ar chumhacht an Choimisiúin trí dheireadh a chur leis an gceart atá aige
reachtaíocht a bheartú gan iarratas ón gComhairle ná ón bParlaimint.
• An rúndacht a bhaineann leis an gComhairle Eorpach a bhaint trí chruinnithe poiblí a thionól agus
trí lántuairiscí a sholáthar.
• Méadú a dhéanamh ar an gcumhacht atá ag ballstáit bheaga trí oibriú na Vótála Tromlaigh Cháilithe
a athchóiriú.
• Méadú a dhéanamh ar líon na MEPanna a thoghtar ó bhallstáit bheaga.
• Neartú a dhéanamh ar an gcumas atá ag parlaimintí na mballstát aonair tionchar a imirt ar thograí
reachtaíochta.
• Laghdú a dhéanamh ar an tionchar a imríonn brústocairí corparáideacha sa Bhruiséil.
• Coimisinéir amháin in aghaidh an bhallstáit a choinneáil ar bun agus an Coimisinéir sin a fhágáil
cuntasach do pharlaimint an bhallstáit sin trí phróiseas ceada ag parlaimintí na mballstát agus trí
thuairisc rialta a thabhairt do na parlaimintí sin.
59

8. Caitheamh níos fearr
le tuath agus cósta na
hÉireann
TugannanComhbheartasTalmhaíochtacosaintthábhachtachd’fheirmeoirí. Cabhraíonn
sé le pobail tuaithe a chothabháil agus cothaíonn sé poist agus teaghlaigh.
Is comhréiteach idir 28 ballstát é an Comhbheartas Talmhaíochta athchóirithe; níor ghnóthaigh
aon bhallstát gach ar mhian leo a ghnóthú dá n-earnáil talmhaíochta.
D’argóin Sinn Féin ar son Comhbheartas Talmhaíochta dea-mhaoinithe agus chuir sí in aghaidh
ciorruithe a bheartaigh an Bhreatain agus ballstáit eile san AE, ciorruithe a raibh aontachtaithe
an tuaiscirt i bhfách leo.
Thacaigh Sinn Féin leis an gcomhréiteach. Ach leanamar le hargóint ar son tuilleadh
solúbthachta maidir le cur chun feidhme an Chomhbheartais i ngach ballstát.
Táthar tar éis an bhéim a chur ar na ballstáit agus tá ról ag MEPanna maidir lena chinntiú go
gcuirfear córas nua an Chomhbheartais Talmhaíochta chun feidhme go cóir agus go dtabhar-
faidh sé slándáil dár bpobail feirmeoireachta go léir.
San am atá thart, thug an Comhbheartas Talmhaíochta tosaíocht do mhionlach beag faight-
eoirí a fuair an chuid is mó den Aoníocaíocht Feirme gan a dtáirgiúlacht a bheith an oiread sin
níos airde ná táirgiúlacht daoine a fuair íocaíochtaí níos ísle.
Éilímid freisin go ndéanfar athchóiriú ar an gcóras cigireachta chun a chinntiú go mbainfear
an chothromaíocht cheart amach idir comhlíonadh a áirithiú agus an leibhéal riaracháin a
cheanglaítear ar fheirmeoirí a fháil.
Is gá caitheamh níos fearr le tuath na hÉireann. Agus córas nua Comhbheartais Talmhaíochta
á chur chun feidhme, tá sé ríthábhachtach, mar sin, go n-athdháilfear méid suntasach airgid ar
fhormhór na bhfeirmeoirí, a mbíonn cuid mhór díobh ag streachailt le hioncam inmharthana
a choinneáil.
Tacaíonn Sinn Féin leis an mbogadh i dtreo ráta comhréidh íocaíochtaí do theaghlaigh bheaga
feirmeoireachta agus b’fhearr leis é a bheith i bhfeidhm faoin mbliain 2015.
Ó thaobh an Chomhbheartais Iascaigh de, thacaigh Sinn Féin le tuilleadh réigiúnaithe agus le
tuilleadh cinnteoireacht áitiúil maidir le cúrsaí iascaireachta. Ba mhaith le Sinn Féin tionscal
inbhuanaithe rathúil iascaireachta a fheiceáil, tionscal ina dtugtar tuilleadh deiseanna dár n-
iascairí in uiscí na hÉireann.
60

nithe seo a leanas:
• Dáileadh níos fearr tacaí talmhaíochta d’fheirmeacha beaga teaghlaigh a bhíonn ag streachailt.
• Bogadh i dtreo ráta comhréidh Aoníocaíochta Feirme, rud a thugann tuilleadh tacaíochta do cheantair
faoi mhíbhuntáiste.
• Scéim agra-chomhshaoil atá maoinithe i gceart chun feirmeoirí i gceantair shainithe faoi bhuntáiste
a chúiteamh.
• Déileáil leis na Sé Chontae mar réigiún amháin de réir Aoníocaíochtaí Feirme.
• An Straitéis ‘Fás le haghaidh Fáis’ a chur chun feidhme, rud a chruthódh 15,000 post nua agus a
ghiarálfadh infheistíocht 1.4 millún ón earnáil phríobháideach.
• Réigiúnú uasta faoin gComhbheartas Talmhaíochta chun tuilleadh rialú áitiúil ar chinnteoireacht a
chur ar fáil maidir le cúrsaí iascaireachta na hÉireann.
• Tuilleadh tacaíochta dár n-iascairí chun cabhrú leo freastal ar na costais mhéadaitheacha a
bhaineann le hiascaireacht, lena n-áirítear aoníocaíocht báid mar aitheantas d’iascaireacht mar
phríomhtháirgeoir.
61

9. An comhshaol a chosaint
agus sláinte phoiblí a chur
chun cinn
Ní raibh an argóint i bhfách le forbairt gheilleagrach agus éiceolaíoch chomh soiléir ri-
amh. Is fíric sheanbhunaithe é athrú aeráide. Leanann ár róspleáchas ar bhreoslaí iontaise,
truailliú corparáideach agus beartais lochtacha dramhaíola le dochar a dhéanamh dár gcomh-
shaol agus dár mbithéagsúlacht.
Beag beann air sin, tá laghdú tagtha le deich mbliana anuas i líon na dtionscnamh comhshaol
a shaothraíonn an AE. Aistríodh béim an bheartais freisin ó spriocanna agus ó theorainnea-
cha diana i dtreoracha an AE chuig tuilleadh béime a chur ar dhea-iompar corparáideach a
‘dhreasú’.
I gcás treoracha comhshaoil an AE a chur chun feidhme, tá rialtais i ndiaidh a chéile i ndeis-
ceart na hÉireann i measc na rialtas is measa san Eoraip. Is é an toradh atá air sin ná go bhfuil
líon ró-ard gníomhartha forfheidhmithe glactha ag an gCoimisiún Eorpach ina leith. Bhain sé
an bonn freisin ón bpróiseas cur chun feidhme ar bhealach a thabharfaidh aghaidh ar na háb-
hair imní atá ar ghrúpaí sainleasa eile.
Ba é an sampla ba dhéanaí de sin ná an tsaincheist a bhaineann le baint mhóna. Tacaíonn
Sinn Féin leis an Treoir maidir le Gnáthóga agus ba mhaith leis í a bheith trasuite ina hiom-
láine. Creidimid freisin, áfach, gur féidir leis an treoir freastal ar thraidisiún na bainte móna a
mhaireann i measc cónaitheoirí tuaithe. Is é an toradh atá ar dhroch-chur chun feidhme ar
thaobh an rialtais ná leamhsháinn gan ghá.
Réimse eile inar theip ar an rialtas gníomhú mar ba cheart is ea Athrú Aeráide. Tá an tAontas
Eorpach i mbun spriocanna aeráide a leagan síos don fhiche bliain atá le teacht. Imreoidh
na spriocanna sin tionchar ar astaíochtaí carbóin agus ar fhorbairt fuinnimh in-athnuaite na
hEorpa go dtí an bhliain 2030.
Creideann Sinn Féin go láidir nach mór don AE glacadh le sciar cothrom den iarracht dhom-
handa chun ardú teochta a choinneáil go maith faoi bhun 2°C.
Má tá an AE chun ról a imirt maidir le hathrú aeráide a chomhrac, beidh air spriocanna atá
uaillmhianach agus ceangailteach le dlí a leagan síos chun srian a chur le gáis cheaptha teasa
agus is gá dó éifeachtúlacht fuinnimh agus fuinneamh in-athnuaite a chur chun cinn.
Cinnteoidh pacáiste láidir AE 2030 go mbeidh seasamh láidir aontaithe againn ag an gcruinniú
mullaigh i mí Mheán Fómhair 2014.
D’áitigh Sinn Féin gur cheart an méid seo a leanas a bheith i reachtaíocht Náisiúnta um Athrú
Aeráide: buiséid charbóin 5 bliana atá ceangailteach le dlí a leagan síos, sainúdarás neamh-
spleách a bhunú chun comhairle a chur ar rialtais agus chun moltaí a chur in iúl dóibh, agus
sprioc eolaíochtbhunaithe a shocrú do 2050.
Ní aithníonn athrú domhanda comhshaoil teorainn ar bith. Tá margadh aonair idirnasctha
fuinnimh againn. Mar oileán, tá ciall le cosaint chomhshaoil agus le beartas fuinnimh uile-
Éireann a chur chun cinn. Agus é faoi lé fuinneamh gaoithe agus fuinneamh taoide, tá oileán
na hÉireann in ann leas a bhaint as acmhainní nádúrtha chun tairbhe an phobail ar fad
Is gá don AE é féin a athbhunú mar cheannaire domhanda ó thaobh cúrsaí comhshaoil de
agus ní mór do rialtas na hÉireann agus don Tionól bheith níos réamhghníomhaí maidir leis
an gclár beartais a leagan síos.
Baineann an-tábhacht don iarracht sin le straitéisí infheistíochta a aistriú chun tacú le teicneo-
laíochtaí a chuireann forbairt inbhuanaithe chomhshaoil chun cinn. Beag beann ar an gcaint
faoi Bheart Glas Nua, is beag a baineadh amach ina leith sin.
62

nithe seo a leanas:
• Go ndéanfar beart práinneach i leith athrú aeráide agus go mbeadh spriocanna ceangailteacha AE
ag gabháil leis, lena n-áirítear glanchuntas carbóin AE don bhliain 2050, a bheidh 80 faoin gcéad
ar a laghad níos ísle ná bonnlíne na bliana 1990 agus sprioclaghdú foriomlán idir 20% agus 30% in
astaíochtaí gáis cheaptha teasa faoin mbliain 2020.
• Tuilleadh infheistíochta i bhfuinneamh in-athnuaite, rialáil níos fearr ar fheirmeacha gaoithe agus
infheistíocht mhéadaithe i bhfuinneamh taoide agus i bhfoinsí eile fuinnimh.
• Toirmeasc ar fud an AE ar Scoilteadh Hiodrálach.
• Athbhreithniú a dhéanamh ar limistéir speisialta chaomhantais chun lán-trasuíomh na Treorach
maidir le Gnáthóga a áirithiú agus chun cead a thabhairt do chónaitheoirí tuaithe ag an am céanna
leanúint le traidisiún na bainte móna inbhuanaithe.
• Tacaíocht ón AE do thimpeallacht nádúrtha na hÉireann a leathnú, Páirc Ghleann na Life ina measc.
• Tacaíocht an rialtais áitiúil agus an rialtais láir don loisceoir a bheartaítear a bhunú ar an bPoll Beag
a tharraingt siar.
63

10. Sláinte Phoiblí a Chur
Chun Cinn
Cé go bhfuil na Ballstáit freagrach as sláinte ina gcríocha féin, is ann do thion-
scnaimh éagsúla ar leibhéal na hEorpa inar féidir le MEPanna Shinn Féin obair
a dhéanamhchun sláinte phoiblí agus folláine ár saoránach a fheabhsú agus a
chur chun cinn.
Faigheann 7000 duine bás in Éirinn gach bliain ó ghalair a bhaineann le tobac. Is ar an
4ú líon is airde san AE atá líon na mbásanna ó ailse scamhóg i measc mhná na hÉire-
ann agus is í ailse scamhóg an cineál ailse is coitianta i measc an dá inscne sa tír seo.
Dá bhrí sin, ar mhaithe le daoine óga agus leanaí sa todhchaí a chur ó thobac a
chaitheamh, ní mór tosaíocht a thabhairt do bhearta arb é is aidhm dóibh laghdú a
dhéanamh ar a tharraingtí atá toitíní agus táirgí eile tobac. Cuirfidh Sinn Féin leis an
obair a rinneadh ina leith sin i reachtaíocht na hEorpa, cosúil leis an Treoir maidir le
Táirgí Tobac, chun a chinntiú go leanfar le haird a tharraingt ar an tsaincheist sin ar
leibhéal na hEorpa.
64

nithe seo a leanas:
• Bearta níos láidre rialú tobac chun laghdú a dhéanamh ar a tharraingtí atá táirgí tobac, do dhaoine
óga go háirithe.
65

11. Forbairt tuaithe
chothrom
Aithníonn Sinn Féin an breisluach a bhaineann le clár cistí struchtúrtha atá spriocd-
hírithe mar is ceart agus a bhfuil dóthain acmhainní aige maidir le cabhair a thabhairt
d’Éirinn, ó Thuaidh agus ó Dheas, fíorthéarnamh inbhuanaithe a bhaint amach. Bíonn
Sinn Féin i gcónaí ag tabhairt tús áite d’Fhorbairt Réigiúnach trína bhallraíocht de Choiste For-
bartha Réigiúnaí Pharlaimint an AE.
Bhain Éire tairbhe as cistí struchtúrtha san am atá thart. Ba cheart leas iomlán a bhaint as an
saineolas agus as an eolas sin chun a chinntiú go mbainfear an tairbhe chéanna as an gcéad
bhabhta maoinithe eile.
Ba cheart do na cistí struchtúrtha fíorluach breise a bhaint amach agus níor cheart iad a úsáid
chun seirbhísí agus bonneagar ba cheart don rialtas a chur ar fáil a sholáthar. Éileoimid go
ndíreofar cistí struchtúrtha ar bhochtaineacht agus ar éagothroime réigiúnach a laghdú, ar
naisc thrasteorann a thógáil chun tionchar na críochdheighilte a laghdú agus ar ár mbonnea-
gar sóisialta agus fisiciúil a fheabhsú.
Táthar ag lagú na ngnéithe sóisialta de Bheartas Réigiúnach an AE le níos mó ná deich mbliana
anuas. Chuir Sinn Féin i gcoinne an lagaithe sin sa Bhruiséil, in Strasbourg agus sa tír seo.
Bhíomar an-ghníomhach maidir le cur in aghaidh an lagaithe is déanaí tríd an gclásal “coin-
níollacht mhaicreacnamaíoch”. Mar gheall ar na rialacha nua déine a bheadh i bhfeidhm dá
barr, chuirfeadh an clásal sin ar chumas an AE deireadh a chur le cistí ar nós PEACE agus na
Ráthaíochta Óige a bheartaítear in Éirinn. Is ionann é sin agus cic a bhualadh d’Éirinn nó d’aon
tír eile agus iad thíos. Deir an rialtas go bhfuil sé in aghaidh coinníollacht mhaicreacnamaíoch,
ach níor chuir sé ina coinne nuair a bhí an crú ar an tairne.
Chuireamar i gcoinne laghduithe ar Chistí Struchtúrtha agus ar chistí PEACE freisin.
66

nithe seo a leanas:
• Beartas Forbartha Réigiúnaí atá cóir, a bhfuil dóthain acmhainní aige agus atá bunaithe ar
dhlúthpháirtíocht idir réigiúin.
• Clár PEACE IV a dhéanfaidh fíordhifear do chothú na síochána agus a bheidh bunaithe ar riachtanas
oibiachtúil.
• Uaschomhoibriú uile-Éireann maidir le caitheamh na gcistí a phleanáil.
• Tosaíocht a thabhairt do chúrsaí sóisialta agus comhshaoil seachas iomaíochas agus cúinsí eile nuair
a bhíonn Cláir Oibriúcháin agus Pleananna Réigiúnacha na hÉireann á ndearadh agus á gcur chun
feidhme.
• Ceart a bheith ag an Tionól cistí struchtúrtha a tharraingt anuas go díreach ón AE.
• An deis a thapú chun Cistí eile iomaíocha AE a tharraingt anuas.
67

12. Aontú na hÉireann a
chur chun cinn
Tá ról le himirt ag an AE maidir le cothú na síochána agus maidir le tacaíocht a thabhairt
do chur chun feidhme Chomhaontú Aoine an Chéasta. Déantar foráil sa Chomhaontú sin
do phobalbhreith ar cheist na teorann chun a fháil amach an bhfuiltear i bhfách le críoch-
dheighilt leanúnach nó le hathaontú na hÉireann. Ba cheart don AE leanúint le ról a imirt
maidir le tacaíocht a thabhairt don phróiseas síochána, maidir le comhoibriú trasteorann a
chur chun cinn agus, ar deireadh, maidir le meas agus tacaíocht a thabhairt d’aon vóta ar
athaontú.
Rinne críochdheighilt an-dochar do gheilleagar na hÉireann. Ní bhainfeadh náisiún oileánda
ar imeall na hEorpa ina bhfuil 6.4 milliún duine aon leas as dhá chóras cánach, dhá airgeadra
agus dhá chóras dlí, dhá chóras seirbhíse poiblí agus dhá gheilleagar ar leith a bhíonn in io-
maíocht le chéile a bheith aige.
Is í dibhéirseacht a cruthaíodh de bharr an easaontais shóisialta, gheilleagraigh, pholaitiúil
agus chultúrtha a tháinig as críochdheighilt - críochdheighilt atá ina cúis le héagobhsaíocht
agus le coinbhleacht ar fud an oileáin le beagnach céad bliain anuas. Bhain críochdheighilt an
bonn ó fhorbairt gheilleagrach, go háirithe i gceantair theorann.
Baineann an-tábhacht le struchtúir ar fud an oileáin a chomhchuibhiú má táthar chun geillea-
gar agus seirbhísí poiblí atá lán-chomhtháite agus rathúil a chruthú.
Cuireann an teorainn isteach ar thrádáil, baineann sí an bonn ó chearta oibrithe agus cuire-
ann sí srian le fás geilleagrach. Bíonn ar a lán gnólachtaí rathúla íoc as an gcostas breise a
bhaineann le trádáil trasteorann. Bíonn bacainní ar leathnú na ngnólachtaí sin freisin.
Is iad seirbhísí comhuaineacha a sholáthraíonn comhairlí atá suite feadh na teorann – seirb-
hísí a d’fhéadfaí a sholáthar ar bhealach ní ba éifeachtúla agus ní ba éifeachtaí trí chomhoibriú
trasteorann idir comhairlí.
D’fhéadfadh comhoibriú geilleagrach agus comhordú trádála, infheistíochta agus cánachais
fhorchéimnithigh ról lárnach a imirt i ngeilleagar cóir, cothrom agus rathúil a bhaint amach
don oileán ina iomláine. Is é an pointe tosaigh ina leith sin ná an oiread cumhachtaí fioscacha
agus is féidir a thabhairt don Tionól sa tuaisceart.
Is dínasctha atá ár seirbhísí poiblí, ár gcláir agus ár n-ionaid sármhaitheasa. Léiríodh go bhfuil
ciall gheilleagrach leis i gcásanna ina bhfuil comhfhiontar i bhfeidhm, mar is amhlaidh i gcás
na sláinte.
Cuirtear dualgas ar an Aontas Eorpach ina chuid conarthaí comhtháthú trasteorann a chur
chun cinn agus cabhrú le tionchar diúltach na críochdheighilte in Éirinn a shárú.
68

Is ann do roinnt gníomhartha a d’fhéadfadh an AE a ghlacadh, lena n-áirítear:
• Forbairt ionadaíochta comhtháite Éireannaí a spreagadh i gcás shaincheisteanna an AE.
• Foráil a dhéanamh gur féidir le hairí ó Choiste Feidhmiúcháin an tuaiscirt páirt a ghlacadh i gComhairle
na nAirí.
• Foráil a dhéanamh gur féidir leis na Sé Chontae ‘glacadh le’ reachtaíocht an AE i gcásanna inar
dhiúltaigh rialtas na Breataine don reachtaíocht sin, ar mhaithe lena chinntiú go mbíonn an t-oileán
ar fad ag obair faoin aon chreat sóisialta agus eacnamaíoch.
• Creat Tacaíochta aonair AE a fhorbairt chun a chinntiú gur féidir pleanáil straitéiseach a dhéanamh
ar bhonn uile-Éireann agus gur féidir leis an AE caitheamh le hÉirinn mar aonán amháin chun críocha
maoinithe.
• Tarraingt anuas bhreise mhaoiniú INTERREG a chur chun cinn.
• Ról níos straitéisí a thabhairt do Ghrúpaí Trasteorann maidir le cistí a dháileadh agus a leithdháileadh.
• Tacú le hearnáil phoiblí uile-Éireann agus le hinstitiúidí sochaí sibhialta uile-Éireann a fhorbairt agus
rannchuidiú a dhéanamh maidir le criosanna forbartha eacnamaíche trasteorann a bhunú.
• Cúnamh stáit a úsáidtear chun tacú le comhtháthú agus le hathaontú na hÉireann a dhíolmhú ó
rialacháin iomaíochta
• Anailís chórasach a dhéanamh ar na costais a bhaineann le críochdheighilt leanúnach mar chuid den
rannchuidiú a dhéanann sí maidir le díospóireacht oscailt, chuimsitheach, eolach agus mheasúil ar
na tairbhí a ghabhann le hAontú na hÉireann.
• A éileamh go ndéanfaidh rialtas na Breataine agus rialtas na hÉireann Comhaontú Aoine an Chéasta
a chur chun feidhme ina iomláine.
nithe seo a leanas:
• Maoiniú leordhóthanach agus tacaíocht pholaitiúil do Chlár PEACE.
• Glacadh le cur chuige níos láidre uile-Éireann i leith maoiniú ón AE.
• Comhionannas, cuimsiú sóisialta agus forbairt inbhuanaithe a chur ag croílár rialacháin
mhaoinithe an AE.
• Maoiniú breise ón AE d’Éirinn ar mhaithe le comhtháthú trasteorann a chur chun cinn.
69

Sinn Fein's EP Manifesto 2014

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Sinn Fein's EP Manifesto 2014