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The role of social capital in the
recovery of cultural built heritage
Evidence from three heritage sites in Nepal
April Aryal
Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering,
The University of Auckland – City Campus, Auckland, New Zealand, and
Suzanne Wilkinson
School of Built Environment, Massey University Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
Abstract
Purpose – Social capitals in a community are in the form of bonding, bridging and linking through social
networks. This paper aims to determine the role of social capital in the recovery process of cultural heritage
sites. It identifies the existing social capital and the role of community.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on the existing literature reviews complemented
by the questionnaire survey. Three disaster-affected cultural heritage sites in Kathmandu were selected for
the study. The questionnaire survey and group discussion with 300 disaster survivors were conducted.
Findings – This paper discusses social capital and its limitations for recovery. It proposes a new model of
disaster recovery based on social capital and community.
Research limitations/implications – This research is based on the region with high social capital.
Therefore, researchers are encouraged to test in the low social capital community.
Practical implications – The approach of disaster recovery discussed in this paper can be implemented
in the cultural heritage rebuilding after the disaster.
Social implications – This paper is based on social capital and community involvement. This paper
identifies the importance of community involvement in the recovery.
Originality/value – The paper identified that during the recovery, in addition to social capitals, the role of
community participation is unavoidable. This paper demonstrated how recovery is complicated despite
external resources without community participation.
Keywords Social capital, Cultural heritage, Post-disaster recovery,
Community resilience, Community involvement, Kathmandu
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
Cultural heritage is the reflection of civilization and evidence of cultural continuity of the
society (Graham et al., 2000; Jokilehto, 2007; Bevan, 2016). The expression of cultural
heritage is seen through historic buildings and cultural norms (Gatti, 2018). Nepal is
enriched with a vast collection of significant historical and cultural heritage sites.
Kathmandu Valley itself is home to seven UNESCO World Heritage Sites (Lizundia et al.,
2017a). The UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Kathmandu are well-known around the world.
Regardless of a national boundary, the concerns for the heritage are international (Byrne,
1991). However, in most of the developing countries, restoration of cultural property is not a
major priority (Cleere, 2011). Culture is significant to overcome distress after a disaster,
especially through the rebuilding of heritage sites (Dewi, 2017; Mahdi, 2012; Samuels, 2010).
IJDRBE
11,1
44
Received 15 June 2019
Revised 10 October 2019
21 October 2019
Accepted 25 October 2019
International Journal of Disaster
Resilience in the Built
Environment
Vol. 11 No. 1, 2020
pp. 44-57
© EmeraldPublishingLimited
1759-5908
DOI 10.1108/IJDRBE-06-2019-0033
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at:
https://www.emerald.com/insight/1759-5908.htm
However, recovery of damaged heritage is frequently ignored in post-disaster recovery
plans (MacKee et al., 2014).
Earthquakes on 25th April 2015 (epicentre Gorkha) and on 12th May 2015 (epicentre
Dolakha and Sindhupalchowk) occurred (Lizundia et al., 2017a). Immediately after the disaster,
the Nepal government prepared a Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) report, including
sectoral damage and the amount required to repair the sectors (GoN, 2015). The PDNA report
concluded the social sector with the highest share of damage (58 per cent). This study uses a
social capital perspective to understand the recovery of cultural heritage sites.
Prior to the earthquakes, the construction technology and materials in these cultural
heritage sites required regular maintenance. However, after the earthquake, it was clear that
the lack of maintenance exacerbated damage to these structures (Bhagat et al., 2018). The
lack of resources in the regular maintenance (Chapagain, 2008) caused loss of cultural
heritage and especially in the Kathmandu Valley, which was severely damaged (Bhagat
et al., 2018). Despite the damage to these structures, recovery was essential for the renewal of
the culture. This research is focussed on the study of three cultural heritage sites in
Kathmandu Valley. This comparative study is based on the role of social capital in the
recovery process of cultural heritage sites. This study argues for the importance of
community involvement and community support during recovery. The findings from this
study also suggest that without community participation and support, reconstruction
becomes complicated despite significant external resources becoming available.
Social capital
Putnam (1993) identified that social capital reflects the features of social organization, such
as trust, norms and networks. Networking in the community is also a feature of social
capital (Sander and Lowney, 2006). These features can enhance the efficacy of society
through collective action (Putnam, 1993), including being seen as a resource embedded in the
social structure (Dynes, 2002). Social capital resources are due to formal and informal
networking in the social structure. Networks can motivate mutual benefits for the
community (Sanyal and Routray, 2016; Bourdieu, 1997). Coleman (1988) and Hean et al.
(2003) argued that social capital is a set of resources, which interact through networking.
The interaction through social networks forms bonding, bridging and linking social
capital. Bonding, bridging and linking are the representation of the connectivity with an
individual, group or community (Hawkins and Maurer, 2009). Bonding is because of
networking with strong personal ties (Garrison and Sasser, 2009). The network between
close family ties and immediate friends represent the bonding capital. In a disaster, bonding
has been seen as prominent during the immediate response phase (Mishra et al., 2017).
Bridging is because of interaction among communities and social organizations (Putnam,
2001). Bridging capital is a pathway to external assets with a broader resources
potentialities (Putnam, 2001). Bonding capital is a result of personal trust, and bridging
capital is a result of social trust (Murzyn-Kupisz and Działek, 2013). In a disaster, bridging
plays a crucial role as communities share resources and information. Linking is due to the
relationship to higher authorities (Aldrich, 2010, 2012). In a disaster, linking creates the
opportunity to seek external funding from distant authorities for the recovery (Olshansky
et al., 2012). Access to the linking capital can bring a smoother or faster recovery (Thapa and
Pathranarakul, 2019). Collectively, bonding, bridging and linking can speed up the recovery
process (Nakagawa and Shaw, 2004).
A disaster-resilient community delivers support to individuals and families through
social networking (Fitzpatrick, 2016). Community support in the recovery phase could be
one-on-one support, (bonding and bridging social capital) (Johnson et al., 2006) or through
Recovery of
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45
the establishment of the information centres, (linking social capital) (Bredenoord and van
Lindert, 2010). The engagement of community members is crucial for community support
(CERA, 2012). It provides an opportunity to meet people with similar conditions and
enhances social cohesion. The social capital provides support for the communities for long-
term recovery (Blackman et al., 2017).
Nepal is known for having strong social capital, especially in the form of bonding and
bridging. There is an active social institution in Nepal known as Guthi. Guthi practice in
Nepal was developed as a cooperative system for community welfare (Guthi-Sansthan,
2014). Guthi practice through community organizations ensured the social networks and
communities activities in the community (Weise, 2015). As identified by Bhandari (2014):
Guthi is a social organisation that used to maintain the social order of indigenous communities in
Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. It is also a form of institutional landownership for religious and
charitable aspects in the society.
Guthi also provided community support during emergencies.
Cultural heritages
Cultural heritage buildings are the tangible reflection of the society at that time (Edson, 2004).
The World Heritage Convention described cultural heritage (IUCN, 2011) as having
“outstanding universal value”. Cultural heritage sites in the Kathmandu Valley have all of the
criteria defining “outstanding universal value”, such as unique tiered temples made from brick
with mud mortar, windows, doorways, and roof struts with extensive decorative carvings,
urban settlements, outstanding craftsmanship in brick, stone, timber and bronze (Stovel, 1994).
Heritage sites in Kathmandu have an exceptional architectural category consisting of the
places, temples and stupas (DOA, 2007). The concentration of these monuments is widely
distributed in the Kathmandu Valley (Slusser, 1982; Bue, 2011; Gray, 2011). The major
construction of the heritage sites in Kathmandu dates back between the sixth and thirteenth
centuries (Pradhan, 1996; Bonapace and Sestini, 2003). These heritage buildings are
predominantly from the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism. The Kathmandu Valley consists
of seven cultural monument zones listed as Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site. After the
earthquakes, the highest number of collapsed and damaged buildings were seen in Kathmandu
(Ahmed, 2017). In Kathmandu, the total surveyed monuments were 444. Among them, 76 were
completely collapsed, 80 were partially damaged and 277 were partly damaged (DOA, 2015).
This research is focussed on the study of the three of these sites. Two of these sites (Boudha
and Swoyambhu) are listed in UNESCO World Heritage Sites, and one (Ranipokhari) is in
central Kathmandu with important religious and cultural values.
Recovery
Post-disaster recovery is a complex phase, which starts immediately after the disaster (Platt,
2017). Recovery includes the reconstruction to the pre-disaster state or to a higher pre-
disaster state. If restoration after the disaster is to the pre-disaster condition, the buildings
are not sufficiently well protected from future hazards, hence the introduction of building
back better or re-building more resilient structures (Lyons, 2009). Community involvement
and community support during the recovery have been seen to enhance rebuilding resilience
as the community are able to be actively involved in the rebuilding process (Mannakkara
and Wilkinson, 2015). Social support and participation are pivotal in the creation of a
disaster-resilient community where participation offers networks of help and support during
the emergency (Norris et al., 2008).
IJDRBE
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Community involvement and community support
The role of community involvement can be significant during recovery. Community
involvement helps to identify the requirements of the community (Murphy, 2007; Batteate,
2006), and is an opportunity for the community to address their actual requirements (Ward
et al., 2008). Community involvement helps to identify the challenges for reconstruction
(Barakat, 2003; Barenstein, 2008; Lawther, 2009; Bhandari, 2014) overcoming the pre-disaster
vulnerabilities. Community involvement is a critical component of public influence for the
resilience-building after a disaster (Gabler et al., 2017). Higher participation of the community
provides transparency in recovery (Baradan, 2006). Conversely, a lower level of community
participation creates difficulty in the recovery plans implementation (Chandrasekhar, 2012).
During recovery, residents can identify the goals, control available resources, and lead the
redevelopment with long term socio-economic benefits (Berke et al., 1993).
The PDNA after the earthquake in Nepal created a post-disaster recovery framework
mostly prepared without community consultation (Aryal et al., 2019). The disaster recovery
practice in Nepal was supply-driven rather than the participatory (Kadel, 2011). The disaster-
affected communities were supplied with enough foods where the transportation access was
easy. However, their priority of rebuilding houses and cultural heritage were overlooked. This
was due to failure to participate community after the needs assessment. Lam and Kuipers
(2019) identified that there was very low community participation in Nepal recovery.
Understanding of local requirements during the reconstruction of cultural heritage sites
is essential (Omidvar et al., 2010). There is a different understanding of the cultural value of
the heritage through local and experts’ view (Kerr, 2000). These different views often caused
conflict in the recovery as priorities are different between agencies and communities.
Community participation during the recovery of cultural heritage sites is pivotal in
resolving these conflicts (Sirisrisak, 2009). However, community participation in the post-
disaster recovery of cultural heritage is little understood.
After the Nepal earthquake, a survey was conducted to identify disaster victim’s needs
(GoN, 2015). The Nepal Government granted funds to support individual disaster-affected
families (Aryal et al., 2019). In Nepal, the community support in the heritage recovery was
through UNESCO and the Department of Archaeology (DoA) (Lekakis et al., 2018). The role
of Guthi was pivotal in community support.
Study areas
The three study areas are in three locations of the Kathmandu Valley, as shown in Figure 1.
Ranipokhari is in the central Kathmandu, whereas the Boudha is in the eastern corner and
Swoyambhu is in the western corner of Kathmandu. Although Boudha and Swoyambhu are
with the architecture style influenced by Buddhism, the recovery pattern of these two heritages
are not identical. However, the Ranipokhari is a pond with a small temple in the middle.
Boudha
Boudha is located at around 5km north-eastern side of central Kathmandu. The Boudha is
regarded as one of the biggest stupas (Nepalnews, 2000; Pradhan, 1996). Although this stupa is
significant from the Buddhist religion, the Hindus also consider it as their holy place (Tiwari,
2016). This cultural heritage site has been listed as World Heritage Sites since 1976. This stupa
was built in the sixth century AD (Pradhan, 1996). After the 2015 earthquake, the damage was
observed in the stupa. Parts above the dome were damaged. However, after a year and a half,
the reconstruction of this structure was completed. In November 2016, a worshipping ceremony
known as purification and consecration ceremony was held. On the same day, the formal
announcement for the general use of this stupa was restarted (SBDAC, 2018).
Recovery of
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47
Swoyambhu
This World Heritage Site is located two km west of central Kathmandu. The
Swoyambhunath (commonly known as Swoyambhu) is famous as a monkey temple,
because of the abundant presence of the monkeys around the temple. The exact construction
date is unclear (Pradhan, 1996). Like other cultural heritages in Kathmandu, this cultural
heritage was listed as a World Heritage Site since 1976 (Pradhan, 1996). There was a total of
22 damaged buildings at this site. By 2019, of these buildings, 16 were reconstructed, and
three are near completion. Two of the buildings are under construction and the budget is
allocated for the remaining building, as of February 2019 (DOA, 2019).
Ranipokhari
This pond is located at the centre of Kathmandu. This pond was constructed in 1727
(TUTA, 2012). Ranipokhari is a rectangular pond with a temple at the centre of it. This
temple is called Dathudega (also known as Balgopaleshwor) with the dedication to Lord
Shiva (a Hindu deity). This sacred pond consists of holy water from fifty-one different rivers
and ponds (Dhaubanjar, 2014). The pond is culturally important as it is where many
different festivals are celebrated. The earthquake damaged the temple, and the water was
drained out. By 2016, reconstruction was unclear as there was a series of disputes with the
stakeholders (Post, 2016). The use of concrete in the reconstruction of this heritage was of
concern. The Kathmandu municipality started reconstruction without consultation with the
stakeholders. However, a huge amount of money is already spent in this heritage
(Onlinekhabar, 2019). The regular protest from historians and stakeholders forced the
authorities to remove the concrete and reconstruct with traditional construction materials. In
2016 UNESCO expressed its concern regarding the rebuilding of this site. UNESCO stressed
the importance of originality and community involvement in the rebuilding (UNESCO,
2016). By 2019 after the concern from UNESCO, the rebuilding process stopped, and the
reconstruction is going to start soon.
Figure 1.
Study areas
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Methodology
The aim of this study is to understand the role of social capital in the recovery process of the
three cultural heritage sites. The Boudha and Swoyambhu were from World Heritage Sites,
with an international attraction. However, Ranipokhari is culturally significant for the
residents of the vicinity. The researcher visited these three sites in December 2018 to
conduct the research. The Boudha and Swoyambhu were reconstructed. In Ranipokhari, as
per local news, a substantial amount of funds was already invested. However, the
reconstruction had not started. The three sites had different methods of reconstruction.
The Boudha was reconstructed with public funds without government intervention. The
Swoyambhu was rebuilt by a joint effort from the government and the public. However, the
Ranipokhari reconstruction was being rebuilt by the government with no public
participation. The research examined the three different methods of reconstruction for this
paper, with a particular focus on public involvement and participation in the rebuilding. One
hundred participants from each site were recorded and analysed. All 300 participants were
approached at the heritage sites. The questionnaire survey is carried out after the University
of Auckland, ethics reference number 019444. Data collection was based on snowball
sampling. The identification of each respondent assisted the next respondent. The purpose
of the survey was to conduct a questionnaire with disaster-survivors. Therefore, this study
is based on purposive sampling. All the participants were the disaster survivors. Each
participant was approached in and around the sites. The survey was carried out at various
times of the days for ten days, starting from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., daily. The survey was
carried out in December 2018.
Discussion of the survey
A total of 300 participants across the three sites took the questionnaire survey. Among the
participants, in Boudha (38 per cent) and Swoyambhu (37 per cent) had the highest number of
traders than Ranipokhari (6 per cent). However, many of the residents were from Ranipokhari
(91 per cent), followed by Swoyambhu (42 per cent) and Boudha (28 per cent). The result shows
that in the Ranipokhari it is part of community living, whereas Swoyambhu and Boudha were
where business was conducted. Only one government official participated and provided a
valuable insight into the government’s role working with the public:
I was part of the government team for reconstruction monitoring. We were all given training for
supervision work [. . .] I am satisfied with the reconstruction. The redevelopment was not with a
massive effort from government, rather from the public. There was public participation, too, and
there were no protests during reconstruction.
The rest of the participants were able to provide comment on community support and their
involvement. Figure 2 shows that the highest representation of residents was from
Ranipokhari (91 per cent). This pond is surrounded by residential areas. However, in the
other two sites, the highest respondents were the local traders. The Boudha and
Swoyambhu are tourist places and of economic importance.
A better understanding of the role of social capital is through the study of community
and social capital. Social capital provides a lens under which we can view how the
communities work together to achieve recovery and reconstruction. There were questions
asked of participants to understand the application of social capital is in the form of
bonding, bridging and linking. Bonding and bridging capital were observed from all three
sites. A participant from Ranipokhari said “I regularly visit my parents. After the
earthquake, the visits are more frequent. I am more worried about them than before”.
The result also indicated higher bonding capital with immediate family members. All the
Recovery of
cultural built
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49
participants from all three study areas agreed on the excellent relationship with
neighbouring communities, adequate support from the nearby communities and the active
participation of the Guthi. The participants from Swoyambhu and Ranipokhari indicated the
neighbouring communities were helpful but were no able to bring external resources for the
reconstruction because they did not have sufficient access to external resources themselves.
A participant from Swoyambhu said “Our neighbouring communities [. . .] regularly
advised for better recovery. However, they were not efficient in bringing additional
resources to assist in our recovery”. However, in Boudha the situation was different, one
participant said “Our neighbouring communities helped us in securing additional funding
required during reconstruction. We did not receive government funding”. The results from
Boudha showed higher bridging capital. In the Swoyambhu reconstruction, the government
fund was a significant source of the restoration. A participant from Ranipokhari said:
The government has already spent a significant amount in the reconstruction of Ranipokhari.
However, they do not consider the locals. How can you reconstruct without consensus from the
future users of this heritage?
In the Ranipokhari, the reconstruction has recently begun. The government already spent
money to assist with the recovery but they lacked a way of incorporating public
involvement.
What did the participants think about the reconstruction? The responses showed that 86
per cent from Boudha and 71 per cent from Swoyambhu were satisfied with the restoration.
However, only 2 per cent of the Ranipokhari indicated they were satisfied, but 97 per cent
said they are not satisfied with the reconstruction process. A participant from Ranipokhari
said: “No one is interested in reconstruction, and people have different views. It is still in the
same condition as it was after the disasters”. The results show that there are differences in
recovery, and in Ranipokhari, in particular, recovery is not going very well.
The further understanding of community involvement was a prominent aspect of this
study. The participants were asked a series of questions to test the level of community
participation in the reconstruction. The participants were asked if they were directly
involved in the reconstruction. The result showed that 21 per cent from Boudha and 6 per
cent from Swoyambhu were directly involved in the reconstruction. However, all of the
participants from Ranipokhari said they were not involved in the reconstruction. They were
further asked how they were involved in the recovery. A participant from Boudha said: “Yes
I was involved during reconstruction. I am a long-serving member of the committee. I was
Figure 2.
Participants’ category
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Trader Local resident Reconstrucon
team mamber
inspecon
team member
Development
commiee
Visitor government
official
Boudha Swoyambhu Ranipokhari
IJDRBE
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one of the members who took care of public fund collection”. Also, a participant from
Swoyambhu said: “I provided suggestions during the reconstruction”. However, a
participant from Ranipokhari noted that:
I was born here. I am living here for the last 35 years. However, since the last four years, we are not
able to worship inside Ranipokhari’s temple. I don’t know why we were not included during recovery.
Community understanding of the recovery plans is vital for community participation. The
results show that there was much misunderstanding of recovery plans. For instance, more
than half (58 per cent) of the participants from the Ranipokhari did not understand the
recovery plans. Only 28 per cent from Boudha admitted they understood the recovery plans.
In the Swoyambhu area, 14 per cent of the participants understood the recovery plans. A
participant from Ranipokhari said that “I do not think there were proper recovery plans for
Ranipokhari. Immediate reconstruction using concrete was started and later stopped [. . .]
We are unaware of any recovery plans”.
Another significant role of community involvement is public participatory programmes.
A question was asked to understand public participation. Only one participant from
Ranipokhari agreed there was public participation. While, 34 per cent from Boudha and 79
per cent from Swoyambhu agreed that there was public participation during the
reconstruction. A participant from Boudha said:
Our community was very active in reconstruction. We tried to participate in any way we can.
Some of us served in the development committee, some of us in reconstruction works as a worker,
and some of us as the fund collection team. However, we did not wait for government assistance.
We are proud to reconstruct with our initiative from the community.
There was a very different situation in Ranipokhari, where one of the participants from
Ranipokhari said:
Sometimes they call for the meeting to discuss the reconstruction, but later they said the
reconstruction is stopped due to archaeologists. However, reconstruction work has started several
times. The concrete walls were already constructed, and now they are going to demolish them.
The result demonstrated that community involvement was higher in Boudha and
Swoyambhu but not very effective in Ranipokhari.
The influence of the public is also another important part of community participation.
Participants were asked to what extent they felt they had any influence in the reconstruction
of heritage buildings. Among the participants, 9 per cent from Ranipokhari, 25 per cent from
Boudha, and 32 per cent from Swoyambhu believed they had some form of influence in the
reconstruction. A participant from Boudha believed that:
We have a considerable interest to reconstruct this heritage site. It would have damaged the look
of our community and country if it had not been reconstructed. We intervened to reconstruct our
identity. We protested, and the government started the reconstruction work. Boudha is one of the
heritage sites. Boudha acts as a source of income for many locals.
A participant from Ranipokhari said:
I used to worship at the temple. I have a business near this pond. The traditional look of the
temple was about to change. We collectively protested, and the reconstruction is going to start as
a traditional method. However, we do not know when.
Also, a participant from Swoyambhu said:
We were involved in the cleanliness and construction of the road and temple. Also, we were here
during the reconstruction to make sure the reconstruction is done as it was in the past.
Recovery of
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51
Collective action to ensure that heritage buildings were built to traditional standards was
evident in the study.
Community support during the reconstruction programme is understood through several
questions to the participants. The participants were asked if there were workshops for the
public regarding the reconstruction programmes. The results show that 69 per cent of the
participants from Boudha attended public workshops; however, in Ranipokhari and
Swoyambhu, 97 per cent of the participants said there were no workshops available. Many
participants from all three areas (94 per cent from Boudha, 98 per cent from Ranipokhari and
97 per cent from Swoyambhu) indicated there was no training regarding the reconstruction.
The use of local material in the reconstruction is also an important aspect of community
reconstruction. The use of local material enhances the local economy. In Boudha 65 per cent,
Ranipokhari 79 per cent, and in Swoyambhu 26 per cent, agreed the reconstruction was with
locally available materials. A participant from Ranipokhari said:
The Kathmandu Municipality wanted to construct this pond and the temple with a concrete
structure. We protested along with some archaeologists and social activists. Finally, the
reconstruction will now begin with the local materials.
A participant from Boudha said: “The use of concrete in the reconstruction was unpleasant [...]
to complete the reconstruction fast, there were also some foreign materials used. However, the
majority of the materials were locally available”. The result also suggested that with public
consensus, foreign materials were accepted in Boudha. However, the locally available materials
were of priority. In Ranipokhari, the reconstruction was started with concrete construction but
after public movement, the local materials were deployed.
Discussion
The importance of community involvement (Bhandari, 2014) in the recovery is
advantageous (Barakat, 2003; Barenstein, 2008; Lawther, 2009). In Kathmandu, community
involvement in the recovery is evident, as shown from the three case studies. The results
indicate that community involvement in the early phase of recovery plan formulation could
enhance recovery. Despite the substantial amount of resources spent in the reconstruction of
Ranipokhari (Onlinekhabar, 2019), reconstruction is slow primarily due to the lack of
community involvement or invited community participation. Mannakkara and Wilkinson
(2015) identified the importance of community involvement and support during recovery.
This research also suggests that there is a need for better community involvement. Social
support and participation are pivotal in the creation of disaster-resilient communities (Norris
et al., 2008). The results from Ranipokhari showed little community involved in the
reconstruction. However, for the rebuilding of Swoyambhu, the government-funded the
project and worked more closely with the community and had a better outcome. In Boudha,
community involvement without government funding completed the reconstruction with
the results showing that even without external resources, a community could successfully
rebuild. The results from these three studies suggested that the central part of rebuilding is
community. Resourcing during reconstruction is indispensable. However, without
community involvement even substantial resource could not deliver successful recovery.
Chandrasekhar (2012) argued that lower community participation creates difficulty in
recovery plan implementation. The failure of community inclusion is believed to impede the
recovery. Without active involvement, the community is disconnected from the recovery
process. The lowest involvement in the study, in Ranipokhari, correlates with disconnection
from the recovery. Gabler et al. (2017) identified that public influence after a disaster could
be beneficial in creating resilience. The case from Boudha showed strong public influence
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and a quicker recovery. However, even though there was a significant public influence in
Ranipokhari, there was also a failure to drive recovery. In Boudha, the public influence was
enhanced by involvement in recovery. However, in Ranipokhari, the public influence was
without involvement in recovery. The result suggested that the communities needed to
involve in the recovery. Retaining traditional cultural heritage was important for the people
in Kathmandu. Ranipokhari showed that community members strongly opposed
reconstruction because reconstruction started without the consideration of traditional style.
This research demonstrates that if the public are involved and supported, recovery is
better. The recovery of Boudha reflected the importance of the community supports each
other in the recovery. The restoration of Boudha was important for the livelihood of the
community. The business activities around the Boudha were interrupted due to the disaster
impact. However, the community-supported each-other and reconstructed the Boudha.
Subsequently, business activities re-started.
Social capital provides support for communities during long-term recovery (Blackman
et al., 2017). During the reconstruction, assistance from social networks, which deliver
support to recovery is required (Fitzpatrick, 2016).
Aldrich (2012) suggested that good bonding, bridging, and linking capitals can bring a
better recovery. However, this research shows that the restoration of cultural heritage requires
more than existing social capital. Mishra et al. (2017) identified bonding capital as prominent
during the immediate response phase. The study areas showed strong ties, which served the
communities well during the response phase. Bonding capital was useful in collecting the fund
for the reconstruction of Boudha. Putnam (2001) indicated the bridging capital as a pathway to
external assets. The three study areas provided similar levels of bridging capital.
In Kathmandu, bridging capital with community participation is found in the form of
Guthi. The Guthi ensured the social networks and communities’ activities in the community.
Active participation and support from Guthi were evident. During recovery, additional
resources are required (Olshansky et al., 2012), and the linking capital can bring these
resources (Thapa and Pathranarakul, 2019; Aldrich, 2010). However, in Ranipokhari
substantial amount of external resources were evident (Onlinekhabar, 2019) but the recovery
is still delayed. It is evident from the case study of these three heritage sites that there is a
crucial role of social capital in the recovery. Social capital has been shown to be reinforced
through community participation and community support.
Conclusion
Despite similar bridging, bonding and linking social capital, the recovery patterns across the
three study areas were not the same. The study suggested that despite similar social capitals,
variation in community involvement and community support can alter recovery outcomes. The
recreation of social networks in the post-disaster era enhances the recovery process. However,
community involvement is critical. Cultural heritage is part of daily activities for the
community members and the restoration of heritage sites without the active community
involvement can produce lost historical value. This research demonstrated that the community
involvement is critical to the reconstruction and maintenance of cultural heritage.
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Corresponding author
April Aryal can be contacted at: aary953@aucklanduni.ac.nz
For instructions on how to order reprints of this article, please visit our website:
www.emeraldgrouppublishing.com/licensing/reprints.htm
Or contact us for further details: permissions@emeraldinsight.com
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The role of social capital_AA.pdf

  • 1. The role of social capital in the recovery of cultural built heritage Evidence from three heritage sites in Nepal April Aryal Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, The University of Auckland – City Campus, Auckland, New Zealand, and Suzanne Wilkinson School of Built Environment, Massey University Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Abstract Purpose – Social capitals in a community are in the form of bonding, bridging and linking through social networks. This paper aims to determine the role of social capital in the recovery process of cultural heritage sites. It identifies the existing social capital and the role of community. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on the existing literature reviews complemented by the questionnaire survey. Three disaster-affected cultural heritage sites in Kathmandu were selected for the study. The questionnaire survey and group discussion with 300 disaster survivors were conducted. Findings – This paper discusses social capital and its limitations for recovery. It proposes a new model of disaster recovery based on social capital and community. Research limitations/implications – This research is based on the region with high social capital. Therefore, researchers are encouraged to test in the low social capital community. Practical implications – The approach of disaster recovery discussed in this paper can be implemented in the cultural heritage rebuilding after the disaster. Social implications – This paper is based on social capital and community involvement. This paper identifies the importance of community involvement in the recovery. Originality/value – The paper identified that during the recovery, in addition to social capitals, the role of community participation is unavoidable. This paper demonstrated how recovery is complicated despite external resources without community participation. Keywords Social capital, Cultural heritage, Post-disaster recovery, Community resilience, Community involvement, Kathmandu Paper type Research paper Introduction Cultural heritage is the reflection of civilization and evidence of cultural continuity of the society (Graham et al., 2000; Jokilehto, 2007; Bevan, 2016). The expression of cultural heritage is seen through historic buildings and cultural norms (Gatti, 2018). Nepal is enriched with a vast collection of significant historical and cultural heritage sites. Kathmandu Valley itself is home to seven UNESCO World Heritage Sites (Lizundia et al., 2017a). The UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Kathmandu are well-known around the world. Regardless of a national boundary, the concerns for the heritage are international (Byrne, 1991). However, in most of the developing countries, restoration of cultural property is not a major priority (Cleere, 2011). Culture is significant to overcome distress after a disaster, especially through the rebuilding of heritage sites (Dewi, 2017; Mahdi, 2012; Samuels, 2010). IJDRBE 11,1 44 Received 15 June 2019 Revised 10 October 2019 21 October 2019 Accepted 25 October 2019 International Journal of Disaster Resilience in the Built Environment Vol. 11 No. 1, 2020 pp. 44-57 © EmeraldPublishingLimited 1759-5908 DOI 10.1108/IJDRBE-06-2019-0033 The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available on Emerald Insight at: https://www.emerald.com/insight/1759-5908.htm
  • 2. However, recovery of damaged heritage is frequently ignored in post-disaster recovery plans (MacKee et al., 2014). Earthquakes on 25th April 2015 (epicentre Gorkha) and on 12th May 2015 (epicentre Dolakha and Sindhupalchowk) occurred (Lizundia et al., 2017a). Immediately after the disaster, the Nepal government prepared a Post-Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) report, including sectoral damage and the amount required to repair the sectors (GoN, 2015). The PDNA report concluded the social sector with the highest share of damage (58 per cent). This study uses a social capital perspective to understand the recovery of cultural heritage sites. Prior to the earthquakes, the construction technology and materials in these cultural heritage sites required regular maintenance. However, after the earthquake, it was clear that the lack of maintenance exacerbated damage to these structures (Bhagat et al., 2018). The lack of resources in the regular maintenance (Chapagain, 2008) caused loss of cultural heritage and especially in the Kathmandu Valley, which was severely damaged (Bhagat et al., 2018). Despite the damage to these structures, recovery was essential for the renewal of the culture. This research is focussed on the study of three cultural heritage sites in Kathmandu Valley. This comparative study is based on the role of social capital in the recovery process of cultural heritage sites. This study argues for the importance of community involvement and community support during recovery. The findings from this study also suggest that without community participation and support, reconstruction becomes complicated despite significant external resources becoming available. Social capital Putnam (1993) identified that social capital reflects the features of social organization, such as trust, norms and networks. Networking in the community is also a feature of social capital (Sander and Lowney, 2006). These features can enhance the efficacy of society through collective action (Putnam, 1993), including being seen as a resource embedded in the social structure (Dynes, 2002). Social capital resources are due to formal and informal networking in the social structure. Networks can motivate mutual benefits for the community (Sanyal and Routray, 2016; Bourdieu, 1997). Coleman (1988) and Hean et al. (2003) argued that social capital is a set of resources, which interact through networking. The interaction through social networks forms bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Bonding, bridging and linking are the representation of the connectivity with an individual, group or community (Hawkins and Maurer, 2009). Bonding is because of networking with strong personal ties (Garrison and Sasser, 2009). The network between close family ties and immediate friends represent the bonding capital. In a disaster, bonding has been seen as prominent during the immediate response phase (Mishra et al., 2017). Bridging is because of interaction among communities and social organizations (Putnam, 2001). Bridging capital is a pathway to external assets with a broader resources potentialities (Putnam, 2001). Bonding capital is a result of personal trust, and bridging capital is a result of social trust (Murzyn-Kupisz and Działek, 2013). In a disaster, bridging plays a crucial role as communities share resources and information. Linking is due to the relationship to higher authorities (Aldrich, 2010, 2012). In a disaster, linking creates the opportunity to seek external funding from distant authorities for the recovery (Olshansky et al., 2012). Access to the linking capital can bring a smoother or faster recovery (Thapa and Pathranarakul, 2019). Collectively, bonding, bridging and linking can speed up the recovery process (Nakagawa and Shaw, 2004). A disaster-resilient community delivers support to individuals and families through social networking (Fitzpatrick, 2016). Community support in the recovery phase could be one-on-one support, (bonding and bridging social capital) (Johnson et al., 2006) or through Recovery of cultural built heritage 45
  • 3. the establishment of the information centres, (linking social capital) (Bredenoord and van Lindert, 2010). The engagement of community members is crucial for community support (CERA, 2012). It provides an opportunity to meet people with similar conditions and enhances social cohesion. The social capital provides support for the communities for long- term recovery (Blackman et al., 2017). Nepal is known for having strong social capital, especially in the form of bonding and bridging. There is an active social institution in Nepal known as Guthi. Guthi practice in Nepal was developed as a cooperative system for community welfare (Guthi-Sansthan, 2014). Guthi practice through community organizations ensured the social networks and communities activities in the community (Weise, 2015). As identified by Bhandari (2014): Guthi is a social organisation that used to maintain the social order of indigenous communities in Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. It is also a form of institutional landownership for religious and charitable aspects in the society. Guthi also provided community support during emergencies. Cultural heritages Cultural heritage buildings are the tangible reflection of the society at that time (Edson, 2004). The World Heritage Convention described cultural heritage (IUCN, 2011) as having “outstanding universal value”. Cultural heritage sites in the Kathmandu Valley have all of the criteria defining “outstanding universal value”, such as unique tiered temples made from brick with mud mortar, windows, doorways, and roof struts with extensive decorative carvings, urban settlements, outstanding craftsmanship in brick, stone, timber and bronze (Stovel, 1994). Heritage sites in Kathmandu have an exceptional architectural category consisting of the places, temples and stupas (DOA, 2007). The concentration of these monuments is widely distributed in the Kathmandu Valley (Slusser, 1982; Bue, 2011; Gray, 2011). The major construction of the heritage sites in Kathmandu dates back between the sixth and thirteenth centuries (Pradhan, 1996; Bonapace and Sestini, 2003). These heritage buildings are predominantly from the influence of Hinduism and Buddhism. The Kathmandu Valley consists of seven cultural monument zones listed as Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site. After the earthquakes, the highest number of collapsed and damaged buildings were seen in Kathmandu (Ahmed, 2017). In Kathmandu, the total surveyed monuments were 444. Among them, 76 were completely collapsed, 80 were partially damaged and 277 were partly damaged (DOA, 2015). This research is focussed on the study of the three of these sites. Two of these sites (Boudha and Swoyambhu) are listed in UNESCO World Heritage Sites, and one (Ranipokhari) is in central Kathmandu with important religious and cultural values. Recovery Post-disaster recovery is a complex phase, which starts immediately after the disaster (Platt, 2017). Recovery includes the reconstruction to the pre-disaster state or to a higher pre- disaster state. If restoration after the disaster is to the pre-disaster condition, the buildings are not sufficiently well protected from future hazards, hence the introduction of building back better or re-building more resilient structures (Lyons, 2009). Community involvement and community support during the recovery have been seen to enhance rebuilding resilience as the community are able to be actively involved in the rebuilding process (Mannakkara and Wilkinson, 2015). Social support and participation are pivotal in the creation of a disaster-resilient community where participation offers networks of help and support during the emergency (Norris et al., 2008). IJDRBE 11,1 46
  • 4. Community involvement and community support The role of community involvement can be significant during recovery. Community involvement helps to identify the requirements of the community (Murphy, 2007; Batteate, 2006), and is an opportunity for the community to address their actual requirements (Ward et al., 2008). Community involvement helps to identify the challenges for reconstruction (Barakat, 2003; Barenstein, 2008; Lawther, 2009; Bhandari, 2014) overcoming the pre-disaster vulnerabilities. Community involvement is a critical component of public influence for the resilience-building after a disaster (Gabler et al., 2017). Higher participation of the community provides transparency in recovery (Baradan, 2006). Conversely, a lower level of community participation creates difficulty in the recovery plans implementation (Chandrasekhar, 2012). During recovery, residents can identify the goals, control available resources, and lead the redevelopment with long term socio-economic benefits (Berke et al., 1993). The PDNA after the earthquake in Nepal created a post-disaster recovery framework mostly prepared without community consultation (Aryal et al., 2019). The disaster recovery practice in Nepal was supply-driven rather than the participatory (Kadel, 2011). The disaster- affected communities were supplied with enough foods where the transportation access was easy. However, their priority of rebuilding houses and cultural heritage were overlooked. This was due to failure to participate community after the needs assessment. Lam and Kuipers (2019) identified that there was very low community participation in Nepal recovery. Understanding of local requirements during the reconstruction of cultural heritage sites is essential (Omidvar et al., 2010). There is a different understanding of the cultural value of the heritage through local and experts’ view (Kerr, 2000). These different views often caused conflict in the recovery as priorities are different between agencies and communities. Community participation during the recovery of cultural heritage sites is pivotal in resolving these conflicts (Sirisrisak, 2009). However, community participation in the post- disaster recovery of cultural heritage is little understood. After the Nepal earthquake, a survey was conducted to identify disaster victim’s needs (GoN, 2015). The Nepal Government granted funds to support individual disaster-affected families (Aryal et al., 2019). In Nepal, the community support in the heritage recovery was through UNESCO and the Department of Archaeology (DoA) (Lekakis et al., 2018). The role of Guthi was pivotal in community support. Study areas The three study areas are in three locations of the Kathmandu Valley, as shown in Figure 1. Ranipokhari is in the central Kathmandu, whereas the Boudha is in the eastern corner and Swoyambhu is in the western corner of Kathmandu. Although Boudha and Swoyambhu are with the architecture style influenced by Buddhism, the recovery pattern of these two heritages are not identical. However, the Ranipokhari is a pond with a small temple in the middle. Boudha Boudha is located at around 5km north-eastern side of central Kathmandu. The Boudha is regarded as one of the biggest stupas (Nepalnews, 2000; Pradhan, 1996). Although this stupa is significant from the Buddhist religion, the Hindus also consider it as their holy place (Tiwari, 2016). This cultural heritage site has been listed as World Heritage Sites since 1976. This stupa was built in the sixth century AD (Pradhan, 1996). After the 2015 earthquake, the damage was observed in the stupa. Parts above the dome were damaged. However, after a year and a half, the reconstruction of this structure was completed. In November 2016, a worshipping ceremony known as purification and consecration ceremony was held. On the same day, the formal announcement for the general use of this stupa was restarted (SBDAC, 2018). Recovery of cultural built heritage 47
  • 5. Swoyambhu This World Heritage Site is located two km west of central Kathmandu. The Swoyambhunath (commonly known as Swoyambhu) is famous as a monkey temple, because of the abundant presence of the monkeys around the temple. The exact construction date is unclear (Pradhan, 1996). Like other cultural heritages in Kathmandu, this cultural heritage was listed as a World Heritage Site since 1976 (Pradhan, 1996). There was a total of 22 damaged buildings at this site. By 2019, of these buildings, 16 were reconstructed, and three are near completion. Two of the buildings are under construction and the budget is allocated for the remaining building, as of February 2019 (DOA, 2019). Ranipokhari This pond is located at the centre of Kathmandu. This pond was constructed in 1727 (TUTA, 2012). Ranipokhari is a rectangular pond with a temple at the centre of it. This temple is called Dathudega (also known as Balgopaleshwor) with the dedication to Lord Shiva (a Hindu deity). This sacred pond consists of holy water from fifty-one different rivers and ponds (Dhaubanjar, 2014). The pond is culturally important as it is where many different festivals are celebrated. The earthquake damaged the temple, and the water was drained out. By 2016, reconstruction was unclear as there was a series of disputes with the stakeholders (Post, 2016). The use of concrete in the reconstruction of this heritage was of concern. The Kathmandu municipality started reconstruction without consultation with the stakeholders. However, a huge amount of money is already spent in this heritage (Onlinekhabar, 2019). The regular protest from historians and stakeholders forced the authorities to remove the concrete and reconstruct with traditional construction materials. In 2016 UNESCO expressed its concern regarding the rebuilding of this site. UNESCO stressed the importance of originality and community involvement in the rebuilding (UNESCO, 2016). By 2019 after the concern from UNESCO, the rebuilding process stopped, and the reconstruction is going to start soon. Figure 1. Study areas IJDRBE 11,1 48
  • 6. Methodology The aim of this study is to understand the role of social capital in the recovery process of the three cultural heritage sites. The Boudha and Swoyambhu were from World Heritage Sites, with an international attraction. However, Ranipokhari is culturally significant for the residents of the vicinity. The researcher visited these three sites in December 2018 to conduct the research. The Boudha and Swoyambhu were reconstructed. In Ranipokhari, as per local news, a substantial amount of funds was already invested. However, the reconstruction had not started. The three sites had different methods of reconstruction. The Boudha was reconstructed with public funds without government intervention. The Swoyambhu was rebuilt by a joint effort from the government and the public. However, the Ranipokhari reconstruction was being rebuilt by the government with no public participation. The research examined the three different methods of reconstruction for this paper, with a particular focus on public involvement and participation in the rebuilding. One hundred participants from each site were recorded and analysed. All 300 participants were approached at the heritage sites. The questionnaire survey is carried out after the University of Auckland, ethics reference number 019444. Data collection was based on snowball sampling. The identification of each respondent assisted the next respondent. The purpose of the survey was to conduct a questionnaire with disaster-survivors. Therefore, this study is based on purposive sampling. All the participants were the disaster survivors. Each participant was approached in and around the sites. The survey was carried out at various times of the days for ten days, starting from 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m., daily. The survey was carried out in December 2018. Discussion of the survey A total of 300 participants across the three sites took the questionnaire survey. Among the participants, in Boudha (38 per cent) and Swoyambhu (37 per cent) had the highest number of traders than Ranipokhari (6 per cent). However, many of the residents were from Ranipokhari (91 per cent), followed by Swoyambhu (42 per cent) and Boudha (28 per cent). The result shows that in the Ranipokhari it is part of community living, whereas Swoyambhu and Boudha were where business was conducted. Only one government official participated and provided a valuable insight into the government’s role working with the public: I was part of the government team for reconstruction monitoring. We were all given training for supervision work [. . .] I am satisfied with the reconstruction. The redevelopment was not with a massive effort from government, rather from the public. There was public participation, too, and there were no protests during reconstruction. The rest of the participants were able to provide comment on community support and their involvement. Figure 2 shows that the highest representation of residents was from Ranipokhari (91 per cent). This pond is surrounded by residential areas. However, in the other two sites, the highest respondents were the local traders. The Boudha and Swoyambhu are tourist places and of economic importance. A better understanding of the role of social capital is through the study of community and social capital. Social capital provides a lens under which we can view how the communities work together to achieve recovery and reconstruction. There were questions asked of participants to understand the application of social capital is in the form of bonding, bridging and linking. Bonding and bridging capital were observed from all three sites. A participant from Ranipokhari said “I regularly visit my parents. After the earthquake, the visits are more frequent. I am more worried about them than before”. The result also indicated higher bonding capital with immediate family members. All the Recovery of cultural built heritage 49
  • 7. participants from all three study areas agreed on the excellent relationship with neighbouring communities, adequate support from the nearby communities and the active participation of the Guthi. The participants from Swoyambhu and Ranipokhari indicated the neighbouring communities were helpful but were no able to bring external resources for the reconstruction because they did not have sufficient access to external resources themselves. A participant from Swoyambhu said “Our neighbouring communities [. . .] regularly advised for better recovery. However, they were not efficient in bringing additional resources to assist in our recovery”. However, in Boudha the situation was different, one participant said “Our neighbouring communities helped us in securing additional funding required during reconstruction. We did not receive government funding”. The results from Boudha showed higher bridging capital. In the Swoyambhu reconstruction, the government fund was a significant source of the restoration. A participant from Ranipokhari said: The government has already spent a significant amount in the reconstruction of Ranipokhari. However, they do not consider the locals. How can you reconstruct without consensus from the future users of this heritage? In the Ranipokhari, the reconstruction has recently begun. The government already spent money to assist with the recovery but they lacked a way of incorporating public involvement. What did the participants think about the reconstruction? The responses showed that 86 per cent from Boudha and 71 per cent from Swoyambhu were satisfied with the restoration. However, only 2 per cent of the Ranipokhari indicated they were satisfied, but 97 per cent said they are not satisfied with the reconstruction process. A participant from Ranipokhari said: “No one is interested in reconstruction, and people have different views. It is still in the same condition as it was after the disasters”. The results show that there are differences in recovery, and in Ranipokhari, in particular, recovery is not going very well. The further understanding of community involvement was a prominent aspect of this study. The participants were asked a series of questions to test the level of community participation in the reconstruction. The participants were asked if they were directly involved in the reconstruction. The result showed that 21 per cent from Boudha and 6 per cent from Swoyambhu were directly involved in the reconstruction. However, all of the participants from Ranipokhari said they were not involved in the reconstruction. They were further asked how they were involved in the recovery. A participant from Boudha said: “Yes I was involved during reconstruction. I am a long-serving member of the committee. I was Figure 2. Participants’ category 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% Trader Local resident Reconstrucon team mamber inspecon team member Development commiee Visitor government official Boudha Swoyambhu Ranipokhari IJDRBE 11,1 50
  • 8. one of the members who took care of public fund collection”. Also, a participant from Swoyambhu said: “I provided suggestions during the reconstruction”. However, a participant from Ranipokhari noted that: I was born here. I am living here for the last 35 years. However, since the last four years, we are not able to worship inside Ranipokhari’s temple. I don’t know why we were not included during recovery. Community understanding of the recovery plans is vital for community participation. The results show that there was much misunderstanding of recovery plans. For instance, more than half (58 per cent) of the participants from the Ranipokhari did not understand the recovery plans. Only 28 per cent from Boudha admitted they understood the recovery plans. In the Swoyambhu area, 14 per cent of the participants understood the recovery plans. A participant from Ranipokhari said that “I do not think there were proper recovery plans for Ranipokhari. Immediate reconstruction using concrete was started and later stopped [. . .] We are unaware of any recovery plans”. Another significant role of community involvement is public participatory programmes. A question was asked to understand public participation. Only one participant from Ranipokhari agreed there was public participation. While, 34 per cent from Boudha and 79 per cent from Swoyambhu agreed that there was public participation during the reconstruction. A participant from Boudha said: Our community was very active in reconstruction. We tried to participate in any way we can. Some of us served in the development committee, some of us in reconstruction works as a worker, and some of us as the fund collection team. However, we did not wait for government assistance. We are proud to reconstruct with our initiative from the community. There was a very different situation in Ranipokhari, where one of the participants from Ranipokhari said: Sometimes they call for the meeting to discuss the reconstruction, but later they said the reconstruction is stopped due to archaeologists. However, reconstruction work has started several times. The concrete walls were already constructed, and now they are going to demolish them. The result demonstrated that community involvement was higher in Boudha and Swoyambhu but not very effective in Ranipokhari. The influence of the public is also another important part of community participation. Participants were asked to what extent they felt they had any influence in the reconstruction of heritage buildings. Among the participants, 9 per cent from Ranipokhari, 25 per cent from Boudha, and 32 per cent from Swoyambhu believed they had some form of influence in the reconstruction. A participant from Boudha believed that: We have a considerable interest to reconstruct this heritage site. It would have damaged the look of our community and country if it had not been reconstructed. We intervened to reconstruct our identity. We protested, and the government started the reconstruction work. Boudha is one of the heritage sites. Boudha acts as a source of income for many locals. A participant from Ranipokhari said: I used to worship at the temple. I have a business near this pond. The traditional look of the temple was about to change. We collectively protested, and the reconstruction is going to start as a traditional method. However, we do not know when. Also, a participant from Swoyambhu said: We were involved in the cleanliness and construction of the road and temple. Also, we were here during the reconstruction to make sure the reconstruction is done as it was in the past. Recovery of cultural built heritage 51
  • 9. Collective action to ensure that heritage buildings were built to traditional standards was evident in the study. Community support during the reconstruction programme is understood through several questions to the participants. The participants were asked if there were workshops for the public regarding the reconstruction programmes. The results show that 69 per cent of the participants from Boudha attended public workshops; however, in Ranipokhari and Swoyambhu, 97 per cent of the participants said there were no workshops available. Many participants from all three areas (94 per cent from Boudha, 98 per cent from Ranipokhari and 97 per cent from Swoyambhu) indicated there was no training regarding the reconstruction. The use of local material in the reconstruction is also an important aspect of community reconstruction. The use of local material enhances the local economy. In Boudha 65 per cent, Ranipokhari 79 per cent, and in Swoyambhu 26 per cent, agreed the reconstruction was with locally available materials. A participant from Ranipokhari said: The Kathmandu Municipality wanted to construct this pond and the temple with a concrete structure. We protested along with some archaeologists and social activists. Finally, the reconstruction will now begin with the local materials. A participant from Boudha said: “The use of concrete in the reconstruction was unpleasant [...] to complete the reconstruction fast, there were also some foreign materials used. However, the majority of the materials were locally available”. The result also suggested that with public consensus, foreign materials were accepted in Boudha. However, the locally available materials were of priority. In Ranipokhari, the reconstruction was started with concrete construction but after public movement, the local materials were deployed. Discussion The importance of community involvement (Bhandari, 2014) in the recovery is advantageous (Barakat, 2003; Barenstein, 2008; Lawther, 2009). In Kathmandu, community involvement in the recovery is evident, as shown from the three case studies. The results indicate that community involvement in the early phase of recovery plan formulation could enhance recovery. Despite the substantial amount of resources spent in the reconstruction of Ranipokhari (Onlinekhabar, 2019), reconstruction is slow primarily due to the lack of community involvement or invited community participation. Mannakkara and Wilkinson (2015) identified the importance of community involvement and support during recovery. This research also suggests that there is a need for better community involvement. Social support and participation are pivotal in the creation of disaster-resilient communities (Norris et al., 2008). The results from Ranipokhari showed little community involved in the reconstruction. However, for the rebuilding of Swoyambhu, the government-funded the project and worked more closely with the community and had a better outcome. In Boudha, community involvement without government funding completed the reconstruction with the results showing that even without external resources, a community could successfully rebuild. The results from these three studies suggested that the central part of rebuilding is community. Resourcing during reconstruction is indispensable. However, without community involvement even substantial resource could not deliver successful recovery. Chandrasekhar (2012) argued that lower community participation creates difficulty in recovery plan implementation. The failure of community inclusion is believed to impede the recovery. Without active involvement, the community is disconnected from the recovery process. The lowest involvement in the study, in Ranipokhari, correlates with disconnection from the recovery. Gabler et al. (2017) identified that public influence after a disaster could be beneficial in creating resilience. The case from Boudha showed strong public influence IJDRBE 11,1 52
  • 10. and a quicker recovery. However, even though there was a significant public influence in Ranipokhari, there was also a failure to drive recovery. In Boudha, the public influence was enhanced by involvement in recovery. However, in Ranipokhari, the public influence was without involvement in recovery. The result suggested that the communities needed to involve in the recovery. Retaining traditional cultural heritage was important for the people in Kathmandu. Ranipokhari showed that community members strongly opposed reconstruction because reconstruction started without the consideration of traditional style. This research demonstrates that if the public are involved and supported, recovery is better. The recovery of Boudha reflected the importance of the community supports each other in the recovery. The restoration of Boudha was important for the livelihood of the community. The business activities around the Boudha were interrupted due to the disaster impact. However, the community-supported each-other and reconstructed the Boudha. Subsequently, business activities re-started. Social capital provides support for communities during long-term recovery (Blackman et al., 2017). During the reconstruction, assistance from social networks, which deliver support to recovery is required (Fitzpatrick, 2016). Aldrich (2012) suggested that good bonding, bridging, and linking capitals can bring a better recovery. However, this research shows that the restoration of cultural heritage requires more than existing social capital. Mishra et al. (2017) identified bonding capital as prominent during the immediate response phase. The study areas showed strong ties, which served the communities well during the response phase. Bonding capital was useful in collecting the fund for the reconstruction of Boudha. Putnam (2001) indicated the bridging capital as a pathway to external assets. The three study areas provided similar levels of bridging capital. In Kathmandu, bridging capital with community participation is found in the form of Guthi. The Guthi ensured the social networks and communities’ activities in the community. Active participation and support from Guthi were evident. During recovery, additional resources are required (Olshansky et al., 2012), and the linking capital can bring these resources (Thapa and Pathranarakul, 2019; Aldrich, 2010). However, in Ranipokhari substantial amount of external resources were evident (Onlinekhabar, 2019) but the recovery is still delayed. It is evident from the case study of these three heritage sites that there is a crucial role of social capital in the recovery. Social capital has been shown to be reinforced through community participation and community support. Conclusion Despite similar bridging, bonding and linking social capital, the recovery patterns across the three study areas were not the same. The study suggested that despite similar social capitals, variation in community involvement and community support can alter recovery outcomes. The recreation of social networks in the post-disaster era enhances the recovery process. However, community involvement is critical. Cultural heritage is part of daily activities for the community members and the restoration of heritage sites without the active community involvement can produce lost historical value. This research demonstrated that the community involvement is critical to the reconstruction and maintenance of cultural heritage. References Ahmed, I. (2017), “Community, heritage and social capital: informal heritage management in old Dhaka”, Open House International, Vol. 42, pp. 65-72. Aldrich, D.P. (2010), “Fixing recovery: social capital in post-crisis resilience”, Journal of Homeland Security, Forthcoming. Recovery of cultural built heritage 53
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