One size doesn’t fit all: The importance of disaggregated data to shape policies and programmes that support adolescents’ education and learning
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A presentation by Nicola Jones at the Global Webinar: Leave No Child Behind – The Way Forward for Education organised by Economic Policy Research Institute
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One size doesn’t fit all: The importance of disaggregated data to shape policies and programmes that support adolescents’ education and learning
- 1. One size doesn’t fit all: Nicola Jones, June 2021 The importance of disaggregated data to shape policies and programmes that support adolescents’ education and learning Adolescent boy, Jordan © Nathalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
- 2. Outline of presentation 1 • Overview of the Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) longitudinal study 2 •Findings on the patterning of adolescent education access and learning, pre- and post-Covid-19 3 • Conclusions and policy and programming implications
- 3. PRESENTATION NAME AND DATE Overview of the Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) longitudinal study Adolescent girls, Ethiopia © Nathalie Bertrams /GAGE 2019
- 4. Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE): A longitudinal research programme (2015-2024) By finding out ‘what works,’ for whom, where and why, we can better support adolescent girls and boys to maximise their capabilities now and in the future. We are following 20,000 adolescent girls and boys - the largest cohort of adolescents in the Global South
- 6. GAGE research during COVID-19 ETHIOPIA • Survey research with 3000 urban and rural adolescents • Virtual IDIs and participatory photography with 120 adolescents from urban, rural + pastoralist areas • Virtual key informant interviews with service providers JORDAN • Survey research with 3500 adolescents in camps/ host communities • Virtual IDIs, FGDs, photography and audiodiaries with 110 adolescents from refugee and host communities BANGLADESH • Survey research with 5000 adolescents • Virtual IDIs with 30 adolescents in 3 low income settlements in Dhaka, with 30 Rohingya adolescent; and 39 school-going adolescents in Chittagong and Sylhet
- 7. Findings on the patterning of adolescent education access and learning, pre- and post-Covid-19 Students at secondary school, Bangladesh © Nathalie Bertrams /GAGE 2019
- 8. How GAGE conceptualizes access to education and learning
- 9. Progress towards SDG 4 In Jordan: • 97% of children complete primary school • 87% complete LSS • 57% complete USS In Bangladesh: • 82% of children complete primary school • 65% complete LSS • 29% complete USS In Ethiopia: • 52% of children complete primary school • 21% complete LSS • 13% complete USS At the end of LSS: • Only 54% are minimally proficient in reading • Only 57% are minimally proficient in math At the end of LSS: • Only 29% are minimally proficient in reading • Only 18% are minimally proficient in math At the end of LSS: • Only 54% are minimally proficient in reading • Only 32% are minimally proficient in math
- 10. Gender patterns are complicated • 89% of girls and only 76% of boys complete primary • 71% of girls and only 59% of boys complete LSS In Bangladesh, girls are advantaged in earlier years: • 32% of boys and only 27% of girls complete USS • Older girls miss nearly twice as many school days as boys: 12% vs 7% (in Dhaka) • 38% of boys and 23% of girls agree that if a family can educate only one child— it should be the boy (in Chittagong and Sylhet) BUT boys take the lead later: • They are more likely to complete primary: 97% vs 96% • They are more likely to complete LSS: 88% vs 86% • They are more likely to complete USS: 65% vs 49% • Their learning outcomes are much higher across all subjects In Jordan, girls are advantaged: In GAGE’s sample—of older girls: • 65% of the unmarried were enrolled • Vs 9% of the ever married BUT married girls are excluded • 95% of younger girls vs 87% of boys are enrolled (in South Gondar) • 65% of younger girls vs 88% of boys are enrolled (in East Hararghe) In Ethiopia, gender patterns vary by region in earlier years: • 58% of older boys vs 51% of girls are enrolled (in South Gondar) • 72% of older boys vs 31% of girls are enrolled (in East Hararghe) BUT later boys hold the lead everywhere:
- 11. Patterns are shaped by gender norms About male providers ‘You have to work to live and afford food… I have young siblings to care for. My father is old now and can’t work… my mother, too. We’re young and have to work.’ (17-year-old Syrian boy, Jordan) About girls’ sexual purity ‘Boys tease girls when they are on their way to school and the girls don’t tell anyone about it. Then the girls don’t attend school for two or three days because they were traumatised.’ (16-year-old boy, Chittagong, Bangladesh) About girls’ marriageability ‘Girls attend school from age 7 to 10. When a girl becomes 11 or 12 years old, community members would say, “she is old enough to marry and education is not important for her after that.’ (teacher, East Hararghe, Ethiopia)
- 12. Belonging to socially and/or geographically marginalized communities also shapes education outcomes In Dhaka, Bangladesh, older adolescents in poorer HHs are less likely to be enrolled than their better off peers: 61% vs 75%. In Jordan, less than 1/3 of Bani Murra and Turkmen adolescents are enrolled vs 75% average ‘We don’t have a house in order to register at school. We keep leaving, we don’t settle down in one place.’ (16-year-old Turkmen girl) In Ethiopia, only 33% of older adolescents in pastoralist Zone 5 are enrolled—vs 54% in South Gondar and 52% in East Hararghe.
- 13. Disability impacts access and learning Disabled adolescent girl, Jordan © Nathalie Bertrams GAGE 2019 In rural Ethiopia: 76% of those without disabilities are enrolled in school—vs 63% of those with disabilities. In Jordan: 48% of adolescents without disabilities can read at the second-grade level—vs 33% of those with disabilities 41% vs 33% can do subtraction In Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Jordan: The risk of peer violence—e.g. en route to and at school-- is higher for adolescents with disabilities - ranging from 9.8 for girls in Ethiopia to 23.9 percentage points for boys in Cox’s Bazar
- 14. Refugees and IDPs are especially vulnerable In Bangladesh, Rohingya adolescents aspire to complete 2 years less education than their Bangladeshi peers. • There are large gender gaps: 28% of older boys and only 2% of girls are enrolled informal education. In Ethiopia, poverty limits IDP’s access to school: ‘The problem is the way we are living. We do not have food and how can we learn?’ (IDP girl, Batu) In Jordan, Palestinian refugee boys lag the most, reflecting the toll of protracted displacement: only 22% can read at the second-grade level--compared to 40% of their Syrian peers and 52% of Palestinian girls ‘There is discrimination between those who hold the national [identification] number and those who don’t.’ (Palestinian boy)
- 15. COVID has exacerbated pre-existing education vulnerabilities during school closures… ‘Classes are held on television now. We don’t have a TV in our home.’ (17-year-old girl, Bangladesh) ‘We ask other students to read to us to study for examinations. Now there are no students to read to us.’ (18-year-old blind girl, Ethiopia) • Nearly all adolescents are still studying (97%) • But most are studying on their own with textbooks • Girls are 11% less likely to get help from family with their schoolwork In Bangladesh • 92% are still studying (vs 81%) • 62% are given space to study (vs 35% girls) • 57% have had chores reduced (vs 22% girls) • Rural adolescents are being left behind – only 3% are accessing MoE radio or TV lessons In Ethiopia, urban boys were advantaged over girls Adolescents with disabilities face compounded barriers • Nearly all adolescents are studying (96%) • Most are using TV/internet Girls are advantaged over boys • 99% are still studying (vs 93%) • 85% get support from school (vs. 56% boys) In Jordan Adolescents in ITS have the least support—they are less connected & their parents are less educated (and able to help) Poorer adolescents have less access to distance education
- 16. These vulnerabilities have also been mirrored once schools have re-opened in Ethiopia •Only 75.9% of adolescents in school prior to pandemic, re- enrolled •Among those who re-enrolled there is a significant gender gap: 82.1% boys vs 70.8% girls (due to child marriage + domestic worker earnings potential) •Urban students had a 9% greater chance of returning than rural peers Return to school •Regional disparities in provision of catch up classes were stark (74% in South Gondar vs 24% in East Hararghe, mirroring lower overall education completion rates) •Students with disabilities reported that not only were no adaptations made, but other students were less accommodating due to concerns about the virus Catch up classes
- 17. Informal education can help, esp. in humanitarian contexts ‘It supports them [children] in strengthening their educational abilities. Instead of staying at home and getting bored, they do something new and different…. The Makani centres sent us assignments for our children.’ (Syrian father) ‘Before joining Makani, I hated maths. Now, I love it…. the teacher asked me to solve a lot of mathematical problems – and, one by one, I felt I could solve the problems. I started to feel motivated to solve more problems.’ (15 year Syrian girl) Makani, an integrated child and adolescent empowerment programme, has supported learning during COVID through WhatsApp, text and video messaging for caregivers and adolescents: 55% of participants have received support during school closures (education materials, mentor support) 50% received support every single day 40% received support several times a week In the absence of personalized teacher support during the pandemic, links to Makani centre mentors were critical in managing remote learning Why do children love Makani? • 58% learning and doing new things • 23% homework help
- 18. Conclusions and policy and programming implications Adolescent girls in East Hararghe, Ethiopia © Nathalie Bertrams / GAGE 2019
- 19. Policy and programming implications 1 To tackle poverty as a barrier to education, provide financial or in-kind support—taking care to level for both real and opportunity costs of schooling (which vary by gender, age, location, disability status, etc.). 2 To directly incentivise education uptake for marginalised populations (girls, minorities, refugees, those with disabilities, etc.) use stepped up cash or assets, and school feeding to encourage attendance. 3 To promote grade completion and progression, education scholarships can support learning and accomplishment by rewarding students (or households). 4 To address poverty-related barriers in emergency contexts, Covid-19 has highlighted that emergency-responsive social protection needs to factor in new vulnerabilities e.g. costs of devices and connectivity to access remote learning, and to plug gaps left by school-feeding. When schools re-open, use cash, levelled for higher real & opportunity costs brought on by the pandemic (child labour, child marriage)-- to attract students back. 5 To build support for education, use school- and community-based ‘plus’ programming —working with communities, parents and young people to address the gender norms, disability-related stigma, and discriminatory beliefs and behaviours that keep some groups of children and adolescents from accessing quality education. 6 To support high aspirations and life skills scale up child and adolescent centred programming —offering informal education to help children recover from COVID-related psychosocial and educational losses.
- 20. Publications – reports and policy briefs Adolescent-education- and-learning-in-Ethiopia- 1.pdf ‘My husband can go to work and I will go to my school’: exploring changing patterns in adolescents’ access to education and learning in Ethiopia | GAGE (odi.org) ‘Some got married, others don’t want to attend school as they are involved in income-generation’: adolescent experiences following covid-19 lockdowns in low- and middle-income countries | GAGE ‘I have nothing to feed my family…’: covid-19 risk pathways for adolescent girls in low- and middle- income countries | GAGE (odi.org)
- 21. Publications – recent journal articles Does non-formal education have lasting effects? | GAGE (odi.org) Addressing education attainment inequities in rural Ethiopia
- 22. Contact Us WEBSITE www.gage.odi.org TWITTER @GAGE_programme FACEBOOK GenderandAdolescence About GAGE: Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed- methods longitudinal research programme focused on what works to support adolescent girls’ and boys’ capabilities in the second decade of life and beyond. We are following the lives of 20,000 adolescents in six focal countries in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
Notas do Editor
- Gender and Adolescence: Global Evidence (GAGE) is a nine-year (2015-2024) mixed-methods longitudinal research programme exploring the gendered experiences of young people aged 10-19 years. GAGE aims to generate new evidence on ‘what works’ to transform the lives of adolescent girls and boys to enable them to move out of poverty and exclusion, and fast-track social change.
- We are following two cohorts—a younger and an older—comprising 20,000 young people. At the time of baseline data collection, the younger cohort was between the ages of 10 and 12. The older cohort was between the ages of 15 and 17. We are using mixed methods and in addition to our surveys with adolescents and their caregivers, have completed individual and group interviews with hundreds of adolescents, caregivers, community members, and service providers.
- In response to the covid-19 crisis and building on our longitudinal research, GAGE launched virtual data collection with adolescent boys and girls to explore how adolescents are affected by the restrictions and what their perceptions are of the response to the pandemic. We employed both survey tools as well as more in-depth semi-structured interviews and audio and written diary techniques.
- GAGE findings in regard to education are inline with other recent work and highlight the importance of detail and diversity to shaping policies and programmes. We are findings that gender matters—but in different ways in different countries and at different stages of adolescence. We are findings that location matters—with differences not only between rural and urban areas, but between individual cities. We are finding large gaps between advantaged and disadvantaged populations within the same country, with—for example--those from ethnic minorities such as the Dom in Jordan or adolescents with disabilities lagging behind their peers We are finding not only that refugees and IDPs have more limited access to education and learning—but that different groups of refugees in the same country can have markedly different access to education and learning. We are also finding that COVID has amplified these differences and that informal programming can help close gaps.
- While GAGE’s conceptual framework examines adolescents’ experiences and needs across 6 domains—including not only education and learning, but also bodily integrity and freedom from violence, health and nutrition, psychosocial wellbeing, voice and agency, and economic empowerment-- In this presentation we focus on education and access to learning.
- On a global basis, there are two headline stories about the uptake of education: On a global basis, girls are less likely than boys to attend primary school. Of the children who will never attend school, UNESCO estimates that ¾ are girls. On a global basis, boys are less likely than girls to attend secondary school. However, as noted by Psaki et al. (2021), in their Girls’ Education Roadmap, it is important to look not only at headlines, but at details in how gender patterning changes as children grow up and progress through school. In some countries, including Ethiopia, girls are less likely to complete primary school than boys bc they are less likely to ever enroll. In other countries, including Bangladesh, girls are more likely than boys to complete primary school (89% vs 76%), and lower secondary school (71% vs 59%)—but then historic gender patterns catch up with them in upper secondary school (32% of boys and only 27% of girls). Girls’ progress in Bangladesh is largely related to the FSS, which the government launched in the 1990’s. (It’s now not the FSS—it’s for girls and boys from poor HHs.)
- Access to education has been severely limited by COVID in all GAGE countries. In Bangladesh, schools have been closed since spring of 2020. In Jordan, schools tried to open in the spring of 2021 and then closed again after just a few weeks. In Ethiopia, schools opened in the fall of 2020. How limits have played out varies across and within countries. In Jordan, education is delivered on TV and online. In Bangladesh and Ethiopia, students were mostly left to study on their own with just textbooks. Across countries, those in rural areas and with the fewest HH resources have struggled the most. They not only lack access to TV and the internet, but also are the most likely to lack space and time to study and parents who can support their schooling. Adolescents with disabilities have been esp disadvantaged—as many require supports that have been completely unavailable.
- As an 18-year-old boy with a visual disability from South Gondar explained, “The teachers are teaching really fast to cover grade 7 topics. They don’t have the time to give a tutor for grade 6 topics. But when they teach us quickly, it is difficult to understand, especially for me because I am blind. The students were ignoring me a lot. They just say hi but they completely stopped showing me the classrooms, bringing the chairs, and also they don’t even ask me how I was doing… which was a different thing from the previous years, and that was making me feel sad. They were trying to prevent themselves from getting corona[virus].”
- To tackle poverty as a barrier to education, provide financial or in-kind support—taking care to level for both real and opportunity costs of schooling (which vary by gender, age, location, disability status, etc.). To directly incentivise education uptake for marginalised populations (girls, minorities, refugees, those with disabilities, etc.) use stepped up cash or assets, and school feeding to encourage attendance. To promote grade completion and progression, education scholarships can support learning and accomplishment by rewarding students (or households). To address poverty-related barriers in emergency contexts, Covid-19 has highlighted that emergency-responsive social protection needs to factor in costs of devices and connectivity to access remote learning, and to plug gaps left by school-feeding. When schools re-open, use cash, levelled for the higher real and opportunity costs brought on by the pandemic-- to attract students back. To build support for education, use school- and community-based ‘plus’ programming —working with communities, parents and young people to address the gender norms, disability-related stigma, and discriminatory beliefs and behaviours that keep some groups of children and adolescents from accessing quality education. To support high aspirations and life skills scale up child and adolescent centred programming —offering informal education to help children recover from COVID-related psychosocial and educational losses.