MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1

Carl- Johan Mattsson Global Refugee Studies
Student no 20132210 Aalborg University
‘The only place I am in control’
A qualitative case study on young Somali men’s
social navigation in the town of Enköping, Sweden
Master thesis in Global Refugee Studies
10th
semester 2015
Aalborg University
Carl- Johan Mattsson
Supervisor: Danny Raymond

Abstract
The existing research on the Somali community in Sweden is to a large extent limited to a few
areas of interest. The two most predominant areas of academic research are labour market
participation in connection to integration and health status. In regards to studies on labour
market participation the research has a mixed gender focus, whilst the research on health status
has predominantly been focused on Somali women. The few studies focused exclusively on
Somali men has often been in relation to criminal behaviour and drug abuse. As such there is a
research gap on how Somali men’s live their daily life and their social movement in Swedish
society. This thesis aims to contribute to bridging the research gap.
In order to explore and understand how young Somali men in the town of Enköping, Sweden
navigate their social surroundings this thesis draws on qualitative data collected during six
weeks of field work in the town of Enköping.
To gain an understanding for the social environments these young men moved in on a daily
basis the problems and challenges described in the dataset was analysed by applying thematic
analysis on the data. Through the analysis two main fields of concern was identified; economic
insecurity and real or perceived lacking language skills. The problems relating to these two
main fields of concerns was so prominent in the participants life that it affected their life in
negative manner, constructing both their present and future social environment as uncertain and
insecure. In order to understand how the participants moved in this uncertain social environment
to gain a better positon from which they could affect their lives in a positive direction the
thematic analysis was applied on the data set in order to identify common patterns of coping
and place making. Three strategies was identified; participation in ethnic diaspora
organisations, organised religion and football clubs. These three strategies was then analysed
through a theoretical framework consisting of diaspora, identity formation and coping theory.
The results from this analysis indicates that to these young men, social navigation was a matter
of constructing spatial social spaces of stability that enabled them to take control of the social
forces around them, allowing them to reconstruct and reassert themselves in a better position in
order to plan, adjust existing plans and identify alternative routes to pursue their social and
material goals in life.
Key words; Somali diaspora, Sweden, social navigation, place- making

Acknowledgements
I would like to take this opportunity to extend my deepest gratitude to all the people that helped
me make this thesis a reality.
To my supervisor Danny Raymond, I want to thank you for all your help, good advice and
patience’s you have showed during the process of complete this thesis.
I would also like to express my deepest gratitude and thank you to the participants in this thesis,
my key informants and the organisations I have worked with during my field work. You know
who you are, without you this would never have been possible.
Last but surely not least I want to dedicate this thesis to my sister Helena. You have always
been, you are, and you will always be my beloved sister. I love you.

List of Abbreviations
EIS – Enköpings Idrotts Sällskap
ESK – Enköpings Sport Klubb
FGM – Female Genital Mutilation
PUE – Public Unemployment Office
SCB – Statistiska Central Byrån
SD – Sverige Demokraterna
SFI – Swedish for Immigrants

Contents
1.0 Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Previous research.............................................................................................................. 2
1.2 Aim & purpose................................................................................................................. 4
1.3 Research question............................................................................................................. 5
1.3.1 Sub-questions ............................................................................................................ 5
1.4 Delimitations .................................................................................................................... 5
1.5 Thesis outline ................................................................................................................... 5
2.0 Contextual background ........................................................................................................ 6
2.1 The Somali diaspora in Sweden....................................................................................... 6
2.1.2 Points of stability – family and religion in the diaspora ........................................... 8
2.1.3 A real man – masculinity ideals ................................................................................ 9
2.2 The Swedish integration discourse................................................................................. 10
2.2.1 Work and language – integration policy in Sweden ............................................... 10
2.2.2 Swedish public immigrant debate ........................................................................... 11
3.0 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 13
3.1 Social constructivism ..................................................................................................... 13
3.2 Data collection................................................................................................................ 13
3.2.1 Semi- structured interview ...................................................................................... 13
3.2.2 Sampling.................................................................................................................. 14
3.2.3 Ethical considerations ................................................................................................. 14
3.3 Field work ...................................................................................................................... 15
3.4 Case study ...................................................................................................................... 16
3.5 Analytical Method.......................................................................................................... 16
4.0 Theoretical concepts........................................................................................................... 18
4.1 Social navigation............................................................................................................ 18
4.2 Diaspora ......................................................................................................................... 20
4.3 Identity ........................................................................................................................... 21
4.3.1 Identity formation.................................................................................................... 21
4.3.2 Hybridisation........................................................................................................... 23
4.4 Coping strategies and place making............................................................................... 24
4.4.1 The collective as ‘home’ ......................................................................................... 25
4.4.3 Religion as places of familiarity and comfort ......................................................... 26

4.4.2 Sports as space of control........................................................................................ 27
5.0 Analysis.............................................................................................................................. 28
5.1 Problems and challenges ................................................................................................ 28
5.1.1 Living with limited economic resources ................................................................. 29
5.1.2 Language – ideals and challenges ........................................................................... 33
5.2 Coping with everyday life.............................................................................................. 37
5.2.1 The Social club – being amongst friends ................................................................ 37
5.2.2 Religion – comfort and safety ................................................................................. 41
5.2.3 Football – in control on the pitch ............................................................................ 47
6.0 Conclusion.......................................................................................................................... 54
List of reference ....................................................................................................................... 58

1
1.0 Introduction
According to the Swedish national statistical bureau Statistiska Central Byrån (SCB) there were
57 906 Somali born people residing in Sweden in December 2014 (SCB 2015), making up 0,
6% of the total population and the fourth biggest group of Muslims in Sweden. The group is
not only interesting because it makes up a major diaspora in Swedish society but also because
Somalis as a collective is frequently described and depicted in negative terms in the public
space. Public figures, such as politicians and journalists, as well as authority personal, such as
social workers, has painted a picture of the Somali community as a problematic group of people
that is particularly hard to integrate in Swedish society. The negative public image, which in
later years has been fuelled by the islamophobic and xenophobic political party the Swedish
Democrats rhetoric’s about ‘waves of illiterate Somalis’ and the creation of ‘ethnic enclaves’,
has created a situation were negative stereotypes about Somali- Swedes is widespread and to a
large degree accepted in the wider community (Carlsson, 2014:15-17).
The group has indeed a hard time settling in Sweden. According to the report Somalis on the
labour market- does Sweden has anything to learn?1
only 23, 1% of all Somali born individuals
in Sweden held some form of wage employment in 2010 in contrast to the general population
of working age of which 75,9% held some kind of wage employment (Carlsson et alt, 2012:26).
The low rates of wage employment in 2010 is a rule rather than an exception as unemployment
figures in the Somali- Swedish community has hovered around 70% for the last decade
(Carlsson 2014:16). Moreover, Somalis in Sweden are also lagging behind the general
population in terms of education, around 60- 70% of Somali born persons in Sweden only have
primary or an unknown status of education to lean back on. The general low educational status
does not only make it difficult for a majority of Somalis in Sweden to assert themselves on the
labour market and learn the language, it also makes it difficult to fully understand how Swedish
society, such as the welfare system, works and how to use the services provided by the state to
its citizens (Carlsson, 2014:16, 17). The high unemployment in the community, the low
educational levels and the negative discourse surrounding Somalis all affect Somali- Swedes
everyday life, how they negotiate their surroundings and the choices that are made to get ahead
or to cope with life in Sweden.
1
Original title Somalier på arbetsmarknaden- har Sverige något att lära?

2
1.1 Previous research
A literature review of the research conducted with and on the Somali- Swedish community
shows that the scope of enquires is quiet limited with focus on a few predominant areas. The
two biggest areas of research focus is Somalis health status in Sweden and the Somali
communities labour market participation and unemployment.
In relation to healthcare, young women’s sexual health, especially attitudes and practises of
female genital mutilation (FGM), is frequently discussed as well as Somali women’s
relationship with the public healthcare system. In the area of sexual health and FGM Sara
Johnsdotter at Mamö University is the most prominent scholar and has produced several articles
and books on the issue. Through a series of qualitative studies on attitudes towards FGM in the
Somali- Swedish community and the Swedish legislation banning FGM, Johnsdotter argues
that the practise of FGM in the Somali- Swedish community is virtually non-existing contrary
to the popular belief that FGM is a widespread practise (Johnsdotter & Essén 2005, Johnsdotter
2003a, 2002, 2008). Furthermore, Johnsdotter, argues that the separate Swedish legislation
banning FGM contributes to stigmatisation and undermining of the Swedish- African
community, by contributing to stereotypes of Africans as a collective being stuck in a static,
unchangeable primitive culture and being portrayed as potential ‘mutilators’ in the public
debate (Johnsdotter & Essén 2004, Johnsdotter 2003b). On the subject of the Somali
community’s relationship with the Swedish public healthcare system there are several studies
addressing different areas of the issue. In the qualitative study Ambiguous Expectations and
Reduced Confidence: Experience of Somali refugees encountering Swedish Health Care,
Svenberg et al (2011) explores Somalis perception of encountering the healthcare system. The
authors argue that there is a lack of trust amongst Somali migrants in Sweden towards the
healthcare system. The study reports the informants feeling dismissed and disrespected by
healthcare personnel, the problematic relationship with the healthcare system has contributed
to a feeling of alienation in Swedish society and several Somalis residing in Sweden is going
abroad to get medical care. The same theme can be found in a study on the experience of giving
birth in Sweden authored by Wiklund et al. The study reveals that Somali couples often find
the process of giving birth in Sweden problematic. The authors argue that the Swedish
healthcare system’s view on gender roles in parenthood and childbirth often contradicts
traditional Somali gender roles leading to feelings of discomfort and confusion. The study
points out that Somali couples often feels uncomfortable with mixed gender personnel involved
in child delivery and the fact that the father is encourage to participate at birth.

3
In regards to integration the bulk of research conducted in Sweden relates to Somalis position
or lack of position on the labour market. The most prominent scholar on the area is Benny
Carlsson, who has produced and published a number of studies on the issue. In a series of
studies addressing the issue of unemployment in the Somali- Swedish community Carlsson
concludes that the low figures can be explained by weak educational backgrounds, short period
of time spent in Sweden and difficulties learning the language. The studies also reports that a
large body of entrepreneur oriented individuals leave Sweden to resettle in countries which has
a perceived more business friendly climate and were it is easier to set up a self- supporting
business (Carlsson et al 2012, 2013, Carlsson 2014).
There have been a few studies published on issues surrounding identity, identity formation and
belonging in the African diaspora. However, the research is not solely focused on the Somali-
Swedish community but rather draws on data from different groups of the Swedish African
diaspora or Somali communities in other Scandinavian countries. In the qualitative study Being
here and being there: migrant communities in Sweden and the conflict in the Horn of Africa
Kubai explores transnational ties and involvement in political conflicts in the home land
amongst diverse migrant groups from the Horn of Africa. Kubai argues that a nostalgic narrative
of ‘home’ is constantly produced and reproduced through the rhetoric and actions of different
diaspora organisation. The narratives work to produce a double sense of home, one that is
‘here’, that is to say the country of residence, and one more abstract and psychological ‘there’,
which would be the country of origin. The romantic images of what should be in the home land,
rather than what is, in combination with close contact with friends and relatives in the land of
origin simultaneously produce a sense of obligation to help and provides the moral capital to
play an active part in the conflict on different levels (Kubai 2013). In Denmark Nauja Kleist
has done extensive research on everyday life and identity formation in the Somali- Danish
community. In a series of articles Kleist explores how life in Denmark affects identity
formation, self- perception and place making amongst Somali men. Kliest argues that loss of
social position, changing gender roles, unemployment and dependency on the welfare system
creates feelings of inadequacy, anxiety and alienation as they no longer are able to live up to
the ideal of a strong, supportive, influential and articulated man. According to Kleist, political,
social and religious diaspora organisations becomes a space where Somali men can negotiate
and reassert their position within in the community and to some extent live up to the male ideal
(Kleist 2008a, 2008b, 2010). As such the diaspora organisations work as an oasis where Somali
men can shut out the strife and problems that comes with being a refugee and, at least

4
psychologically, recreate the social position they held in the homeland. Similar research has
been undertaken in Norway where Fangen has studied Somali refugee’s experiences of the
Norwegian majority society. Fangen mean that Somali refugee’s often perceives everyday
situations and encounters as humiliating and demining which leads to feelings of
marginalisation and alienation. She argues that the experienced humiliation steams from
cultural clashes, such as perceived discrimination over not being able to or being allowed to
pray in schools or at work, misunderstandings and a lack of knowledge of the Norwegian
system, such as a lack of knowledge of right and obligations and mismatch of what services
and treatment one can expect from the welfare system. According to Fangen, it is likely that all
refugee groups experience situations that is perceived humiliating in the host country, but
Somalis may be worst of due to the protracted war in Somalia, which has resulted in a situation
where Somali refugee’s has more experience of war and less experience of a functional state
and system than other refugees (Fangen 2006).
The literature review reveals that a large body of the research on and with the Somali- Swedish
community has a practical focus in regards to integration and health aspects or is concerned
with transnational networks and activities. As such, in difference from research undertaken in
Norway and Denmark, the social dimension of integration has to a large degree been unexplored
and by-passed by scholars. Therefore there is a gap in the research on how young Somali men
live their daily life and navigate their social surroundings in Sweden.
1.2 Aim & purpose
The aim of this study is to contribute to the knowledge of young Swedish Somali born men’s
social navigation. Here, social navigation refers to the social strategies and tactics individuals
pursue in order to better their position in society in relation to and within the constant movement
of the social environment in which they reside. In other words, social navigation in this context
is the way people perceive, manage, acts on and negotiate opportunities not only in relation to
their own social situation but also in relation to societal social pressure (Vigh, 2009: 420). It is
important to understand how and why socially and economically vulnerable and
disenfranchised groups, such as refugees and minority groups, navigate their surroundings in
order to strengthen their position in society. To establish a knowledge base on social movement
and perceptions becomes particularly important in the case of Somali refugees as, as Fink-
Nielsen et alt argues, feelings within the Somali community in Denmark and Sweden of not
belonging or not being allowed to take place in the host society leads to social immobility that
prevent refugees from taking part in the wider social life (Fink- Nilsen et al 2004:29- 31).

5
Similarly, Fangen, argues that misconceptions and misunderstandings between Somali refugees
and Norwegian authorities had led to feelings of humiliation and discrimination in the Somali
community (2006: 69, 71). Thus, creating a hinder for Somali refugees to integrate not only
economically in the host society but also socially. With a deeper understanding and knowledge
of how Somali refugees perceive and navigate the social environment these kind of hinders and
misconceptions can be avoided and in a bigger perspective create space where Somali-Swedes
can participate and help shape Swedish society on equal terms as the majority population. The
aim of this study is to contribute to the knowledge base by analysing how and why young
Somali men in Enköping, Sweden use the social coping strategies they do in order to navigate
their surroundings.
1.3 Research question
How does young Somali men navigate their social surroundings in the town of Enköping,
Sweden?
1.3.1 Sub-questions
What social coping strategies do they use?
Why do they use these strategies?
1.4 Delimitations
It is important to recognise that qualitative research is a subjective activity. As such, the data,
analysis and results is affected by the researcher point of view. This means that qualitative
research is hard to replicate, someone else might do the exact same research and end up with a
different result depending on that person’s point of view and pre- knowledge going into the
research project. Moreover, it is hard to draw general conclusions that reflects a larger group or
collective based on qualitative data as the data produced through qualitative enquiries consists
off subjective experiences.
1.5 Thesis outline
This thesis is structured in the following way. In Chapter Two, a contextual background is
presented in order to situate the research. In Chapter Three the methodology of the thesis in
presented and elaborated on. The theoretical framework applied in the data analysis is presented
and explained in Chapter Four. In Chapter Five the thematic analysis and the theoretical

6
framework is applied on the dataset. The thesis is then ended in Chapter Six with a presentation
and discussion on the analytical results.
In order to structure the information presented and make it more comprehensible to the reader
the main parts of the thesis has been divided by chapters, the chapters are then divided into
sections and sub- sections respectively.
2.0 Contextual background
In the following chapter a contextual background is presented in order to situate the research
and provide the reader with information on the Somali diaspora in Sweden and the social
environment in which they move.
2.1 The Somali diaspora in Sweden
Any substantial Somali migration to Sweden began in the 1980’s in connection to the armed
rebellion against Said Barre. The migration continued throughout the 1990’s as the civil war
forced millions of Somalis to flee their homes for safety. The numbers of Somali seeking
asylum in Sweden increased dramatically around the turn of the century, 70 % of the Somali
refugees in Sweden have been granted asylum after the year 2000, as the country sank deeper
into chaos and despair.
2.1.1 Living in uncertainty - low education and unemployment
According to scholars who have studied the life and experiences of Somali refugees in Sweden,
the community as a collective has, like many other refugee groups, struggled with adapting to
life in Sweden. Considering the collective memories of war, draught and famine, after several
years of civil war and armed conflict in Somalia, it might not be that surprising that many
Somalis find life in Sweden hard. Moreover, Somali society is, undoubtedly, different, both
culturally and practically, compared to Sweden.
Whilst formal education has been central in Swedish society for decades, Somalia has not had
a functioning formal education system to speak of since independence (Fox 2000: 143, 144).
Hence, it is not uncommon that Somali refugees residing in Sweden have received low or
unrecognised levels of formal education before arriving to Sweden. According to Carlsson et
al (2014: 16) up to 70 % of all Somali born persons in Sweden have an unconfirmed or low
level of formal education. Not being able to read or write fluidly may not be a problem in
Somalia due to a strong oral tradition of passing on information (Mansur 1998:91, 92).

7
However, it is a problem in Sweden where virtually all information, from schools, authorities,
sports clubs, employers, etcetera, is communicated in written form. Going from an oral to a
written culture of passing down information is as such a bewildering and difficult experience
that many Somalis struggle with. Low educational levels is not only problematic in relation to
not being able or have difficulties to fully take part of written information, it is also a source of
concern when participating in the different educational programs in language and social
orientation all refugees are enrolled in when granted asylum or residency in Sweden. The lack
of experience of formal education make it difficult for many to keep up in class. Hence making
it harder to learn Swedish and understanding the concepts of Swedish society (Carlsson et al
2014: 16, 17). The educational factor has an impact on everyday life since navigating a society
without being able to communicate properly or fully understanding how the society and its
different institutions work is a challenge. It should also be kept in mind that many Somali
refugees have none or little experience of living in and dealing with a functioning government
system due to the state collapse in 1991. As such, it can be hard for individuals to relate to and
handle different authorities and welfare systems, especially when it comes to paperwork and
formalities (Carlsson 2014: 87, 90- 91). According to Carlsson (2014: 16) the low or unknown
levels of education partly explains the widespread unemployment in the Somali- Swedish
community.
It is widely recognised that unemployment in modern society carries a number of individual
psychological implications with it. According to Bjanarsson et al (2003: 973, 974)
unemployment often generates economic stress that creates uncertainty and anxiety amongst
youth receding in consumer driven capitalist societies. There is no reason to believe that young
unemployed Somali men in Sweden would react any differently to the realities and economic
hardship of unemployment. Moreover, a person’s economic status influences ones living
conditions. The fact that up to 90 % of all Somali born person’s lives in, by Swedish standards
often overcrowded, rental apartments located in areas characterised by low socioeconomic
status can be viewed as a reflection of the community’s collective economic status. Moreover,
the preferred areas of living is often populated by a majority of other immigrant groups making
it harder for Somali individuals to master the Swedish language and establish the networks
needed to establish oneself on the labour market (Carlsson 2014: 90- 94). As such, the living
conditions for many Somalis work as a form of social exclusion from the wider society making
it difficult for many to establish a social capital and moving up the socioeconomic ladder.

8
2.1.2 Points of stability – family and religion in the diaspora
Socioeconomic status is not the only factor affecting refugee populations, such as the Somali,
to cluster together in certain living areas. Transnational networks also play an important role
when settling in a new country (Williams 2006: 869). As Williams notes (2006: 869, 870) it is
common for refugee groups to look for support amongst people originating from the same place
as themselves during the often hard and trying resettling process in the host country. This is
indeed the case of Somali refugees and migrants in Sweden. According to Carlsson (2014: 90-
94) newly arrived Somalis often choose to settle in areas where there is a high concentration of
other Somalis in order to look for moral and emotional support as well as guidance when
learning to navigate their new surroundings. The settlement pattern could be seen as a reflection
of the central role family, kin and clan networks hold in Somali culture and society. In the
absence of a functioning welfare system Somalis traditionally turn to family and clan for
support and help (Fangen 2006: 76). According to Svenberg et al (2009: 284) the family, kin
and ethnic networks becomes a safety- net in times of displacement and uncertainty were the
member can look for and gain social, emotional and at times economic support. It also offers a
stable and familiar point of departure in everyday life to its members. As such, the networks
serve as a way to create a feeling of home and security for many (Carlsson 2014: 95). However,
the close family and kin ties are not exclusively positive, they can also be a source of conflict
and grief, especially if family members are unable to live up to the often high expectations of
educational and economical success (Svenberg 2009: 284).
The importance of family and kin networks can, furthermore, be traced to Islam were family is
seen as the basic unit of society (Roudi- Fahimi 2004: 2). Several scholars point out that Islam
holds a central role in the life of Somalis living in exile. A great deal of members of the diaspora
communities state that they have become more oriented towards Islam after exile than they
were in Somalia, in this sense the religion becomes an important point of identification a
connection to the past (Carlsson 2014: 54- 55; Johnsdotter 2002:35; Svenberg et al 2009: 284-
285). Religion also provides migrants with a stable pattern of life that is not affected by the
social disruption of migration. By reproducing a set of practises, behaviour and religious values
resembling those in Somalia it offers the diasporic community a direct link to the past and the
familiar, it thus becomes a link to ‘home’ (McMichael 2002: 172). Moreover, Islam, becomes
a source of comfort and safety as it provides its followers an emotional and spiritual support
(Carlsson 2014: 54- 55; Johnsdotter 2002:35; Svenberg et al 2009: 284- 285; McMichael 2002:
172). The central role of religion in life in the diaspora has been observed in countries such as

9
Denmark, Norway and the US (Fangen 2006; Kleist 2008a, 2008b, 2010; Langellier 2010). In
exile the religious identity as a Muslim becomes a way to strengthen the ethnic identity as
Somali, in the sense that it offers a stable point to produce and reproduce Somali tradition,
ideals and way of life in the Western world (Langellier 2010: 79- 88).
2.1.3 A real man – masculinity ideals
In the literature on Somali society a picture of a patriarchal and patrilineal society often
emerges. Somalia is described as a community built up around a strict division clearly dividing
societal roles along gender and age lines (Kleist 2010: 189; Fangen 2006: 76). Whilst women
should assume the role of the caretaker, looking after the home, children and her husband, men
should assume an outspoken, strong, public role. The ideal man is supposed to be the head of
the house hold, taking the important decisions and be in control. He should also be tough, brave,
hardworking and provide for his family economically and at the same time loving and caring.
In his public role, the ideal Somali man is to be responsible for the family’s public and political
decisions and activities; this requires him to be out spoken, well-articulated and loud. The idea
of the ideal man as a provider and protector is constructed in close connection to the ideas of
an archetypical man found in Islam. Namely a strong and reliable man that cares and provides
for his family and that respects God and follow the prophet’s teachings, that dictates that a man
should educate himself and work hard for the good of the family (Kleist 2010: 189, 192; Dirie
2013: 127). In the Somali context, being a ‘real man’ does not only entail to live up to the
Somali ideals and expectations, but also to be a ‘good Muslim’ (Kleist 2010: 189, 192, 203-
204).
In countries like Sweden, Denmark and Norway, the gender roles are not as clear as in Somali
society. Women are often encouraged to hold wage jobs outside the home and families are, to
some extent, expected to share the burden of labour with taking care of children and tending for
the home. The changing gender roles in combination with unemployment, low language skills
and a lack of understanding the host society has in many cases led to feelings of inadequacy
and a loss of masculinity amongst Somali men in exile, as they struggle to maintain the male
ideals (Kleist 2010: 203, 204; Johnsdotter 2002: 36). To counter the societal pressure of equality
between the sexes, in terms of labour market participation and shared work at home, the male
Somali ideals is often motivated and legitimised through references to tradition and religion
(Kleist 2010: 190). Maintaining these ‘traditional’ gender roles in the host society becomes a
way of, to some extent, regaining a lost social position and preserving a certain level of control
over one’s life and situation in exile.

10
2.2 The Swedish integration discourse
2.2.1 Work and language – integration policy in Sweden
In the 1990’s the Swedish policy of ‘immigration’ switched towards a policy focusing more on
‘integration’. The policy solution to integration is resting on a neo-liberal discourse that aims
to create more self- sufficiency amongst refugees and immigrants. The tools to achieve this is
through entrepreneurship, deregulation, diversity management, life- long learning and viewing
immigrants as a flexible resource for regional economic growth (Jørgensen 2011: 101, 102).
The integration policy has been built up around the idea that the key to integration is to increase
refugees and immigrant’s human capital (Valenta et al 2010: 479). With the idea of building
human capital as a mean of integration Sweden moved towards a more individual rather than
collective understanding of integration, with the core idea that integration is expected to take
place through labour- market participation (Jørgensen 2011: 104). To achieve an increase in
labour- market participation amongst refugees and immigrants residing in Sweden, the Swedish
government has relied on introducing more and more extensive training and educational
programmes for newly arrived individuals (Valenta et al 2010: 471, 472).
The turn towards an individual and labour- market oriented view on integration is clear in the
integration policy. The policy is built around a burden- sharing principle were the central
government finance and give recommendations to the municipalities that carry out the different
programmes that are offered. To receive full funding the local authorities, in cooperation with
central government institutions such as the social security office, are required to draw up an
individual integration plan for each person arriving to the municipality. The bulk of the
individual plans often consist of taking part in trainings and educations with a heavy focus on
learning the language, short- term internship and short information courses on Swedish society
(Valenta et al 2010: 473). The language training takes place through participation in Swedish
For Immigrants (SFI), an educational programme aimed at providing basic knowledge in
Swedish as well as preparing the students for further education. In addition to the introduction
of individual integration plans, a law was passed in 2010 that aimed to increase the labour-
market focus in the integration process by placing parts of the responsibility for different
activates under the Public Unemployment Office (PUE) (OECD 2014: 4). With the introduction
of the new law PUE became responsible for coordinating different educational programmes
whilst the municipality is responsible to carry them out (OECD 2014: 7). The aim of redirecting
the coordination to PUE was that the agency would more easily be able to direct SFI participants

11
to further vocational education and training programmes, such as short- term internships, upon
completing the SFI courses and as such shorten the way to labour- market participation.
As such, Swedish integration policy since the 1990’s and onwards has heavily emphasised the
importance of learning the language and participating in the labour- market as key factors to
successful integration.
2.2.2 Swedish public immigrant debate
There is a lively public debate on immigration and refugees in Sweden. With rising numbers of
asylum seekers from countries like Somalia, Afghanistan and Syria and the entrance of the
xenophobic radical right- wing party the Swedish Democrats (SD) in 2010 the debate has turned
increasingly negative.
SD’s entry to the Swedish parliament is important in this context as their presence has
considerably affected the debate climate. The party champion’s various xenophobic ideas such
as assimilation, that immigration should be kept to a minimum and that Islam and ‘mass-
immigration’ is a threat to Western society and way of life. The party has made a habit of
targeting immigrants and refugees of Muslim faith, including Somalis, in their harsh rhetoric’s.
According to SD Islam is to be considered a static and barbaric religious culture incompatible
with Western values and society (Carlsson 2014: 36). Even if the party does not single out
Somalis officially several high ranking politicians in SD have on different occasions targeted
Somalis as a particularly problematic group in blog posts and in op-eds in Swedish media. For
example the party leader Jimmie Åkesson has described Somali immigration as a “wave of
illiterates” and talked about ethnic enclaves like “Little Mogadishu” as he warned about the
“mass- immigration policy” in an op-ed published in a major newspaper [quote marks in
Carlsson 2014]. Other party officials have linked Somalis with terrorism and made claims that
all Somalis send money to and support Al- Shabaab’s activities in Somalia and import and
abuse the proscribed substance khat (Carlsson 2014: 36- 38). SD’s hard rhetoric’s targeting
Muslims, including Somalis, has contributed to a growing islamophobia and suspicion against
Muslims in general as well as to prejudice ideas against Somalis, such as the group being hard
to integrate and is unwilling to participate in the wider community.
However, it is not only xenophobic right- wing politicians who have contributed to spread the
idea of Somalis as a problematic group. Local politicians of different parties and journalist has
also contributed to the spread of stereotypical images of the Somali- Swedish community. For

12
example, in an editorial in one of Sweden’s major newspaper, Dagens Nyheter2
(DN 2014-07-
09), Hanne Kjöller sweepingly described the Somali- Swedish collective as a group that is hard
to integrate. In 2011 the journalist Hanna Sistek similarly described the Somali collective as a
group that stands outside Swedish society in a piece in the news magazine Fokus (Fokus 2011-
03). Similar ideas have been expressed by politicians from both the left and right wings of
politics. In an op-ed in Göteborgs Posten3
the Left party politicians Gun Holmertz warned about
growing extremist Islamism amongst Somalis in a residential area of Gothenburg, in the article
Holmertz claims that a Somali organisation in the area is promoting and recruiting men to join
an unnamed extreme Islamist movement and at the same time sweepingly connects the
organisations activities to how Somalis in the area dresses and act. In her eagerness to warn the
public for this unnamed movement Holmertz is seemingly labelling the Somali community in
the area as extremist and dangerous (GP 2012-06-18). Other politicians, such as Bo Frank from
the Moderate party and Göran Dhalström from the Social democrats have described Somalis as
illiterate persons living on welfare (SVT 2012-06-15; SR 2012-06-15). These public depictions
of Somalis as a problematic group that is hard or even unwilling to integrate have led to
prejudice against the Somali- Swedish community and individuals.
The consequences of the public picture of Somalis as a group outside society or hard to integrate
or at times even unwilling to integrate can also be seen in a report on hate crimes against people
of African descent in Sweden published by Mångkullturelt Centrum in 2014. According to the
authors Somalis is subjected to hate crimes related to religion and race to a higher degree than
any other group in Sweden. As many as 52 % of the Somali participants in the study claimed
to have been discriminate against or been subjected to one or more hate crimes in Sweden. The
crimes varies from discrimination on the labour and housing market to harassments and
physical attacks on individuals (MC 2014: 39, 43). Several participants in the study Somalis in
Malmö (Carlsson 2014: 60, 61) also mentioned that they have experiences of being
discriminated against, especially in relation to housing and labour market. Similarly, the
problem of structural discrimination on the labour market is pointed out by Dirie (2013: 144)
in the study Somalis in Sweden.4
2
In English the Daily News
3
In English the Gothenburg Post
4
Translated from the original Swedish title Somalier i Sverige

13
3.0 Methodology
The following chapter is concerned with the methodology of this thesis. The different
methodological considerations and choices will be dealt with as follows. The chapter starts with
an account of the epistemological assumption in section 3.1, this is followed by an elaboration
on data collection in section 3.2. Section 3.3 is concerned with the process of field work
conducted in connection to the data collection. Whilst the case study is outlined in section 3.4.
In the final section 3.5, the analytical method applied in the analysis is elaborated on.
3.1 Social constructivism
This study is underpinned by a social constructivism understanding of knowledge and the social
environments people move in. Meaning that it is based on the assumption that people do not
come to understand and perceive their social environment, i.e their reality, through passive
interaction with it. Rather, people construct their knowledge and understanding of their reality
through active interaction with their social environment. As such, one’s understanding of reality
is constructed through interpreting and explaining events and surroundings based on one’s
existing knowledge. Therefore, there is no objective reality, reality is rather a matter of
subjective interpretations of one’s social environment (Lee et al 1999: 21, 22).
3.2 Data collection
This research build on data collected through a series of qualitative interviews. The study draws
on qualitative primary data collected through semi- structured interviews, which will be
elaborated on in paragraph 3.2.1. Methods of sampling will be further explained in paragraph
3.2.2, whilst ethical consideration in relation to using qualitative data will be found in paragraph
3.2.3.
3.2.1 Semi- structured interview
In order to collect detailed and in-depth information on individual’s thought and experiences
on strategies and tactics to navigate social surroundings seven semi-structured interviews with
open-end questions has been carried out with the participants in the study. The interview
method was chosen as it is a flexible and adaptable form of interviewing that leaves space for
alternation and adjustment during the interview. The open format allows the researcher to go
outside the frame of the pre-produced interview questions and pose additional question on
issues that arise during the interview, thus enabling the researcher to probe issues of interest
further (DiCicco- Bloom & Crabtree 2006). The open nature of semi-structured interviews also
allows the informants to elaborate and discuss their own thoughts and issues arising during the

14
course of the interview. Furthermore, it allows the interviewer to engage in a discussion on the
researched topic with the informant. To structure the interview as a conversation rather than
just posing a series of questions can be particularly fruitful when researching complex and
highly subjective topics such as identity, as it allows the interviewer to form a relationship with
the informant characterised by sharing experiences and thoughts (Bailey 2007:100). Thus,
enabling the researcher to collect a rich data material.
3.2.2 Sampling
To identify and approach participants a snowballing sampling technique was applied. Snowball
sampling builds on informants and respondents active participation in the data collection
process. The technique is suitable when researching hard to reach or hidden groups in society,
such as refugees or ethnic minorities (Biernacki & Waldorf 1981:142). Potential informants are
identified and contacted through a referral chain started by existing participants (Biernacki &
Waldorf 1981). For this study the referral chain was started by a key informant, active in the
Somali Association in Enköping, who, after been briefed about the research project, located and
approached other possible informants.
Participants in the study were identified on the following criteria. They are Somali born men
between 18 and 29 years old and have been residing in Sweden for at least one year. The criteria
for a minimum of residence in Sweden for a least one year is selected on the premise that the
respondent has established some degree of knowledge and understanding for Swedish society
and how it works during this time period and has participated in the education programme
Swedish For Immigrants (SFI). Furthermore, all respondents are unemployed or work low-
skilled jobs. The criteria was also selected to find respondents with similar socio-economic
backgrounds as that of the Swedish- Somali community as a whole.
3.2.3 Ethical considerations
When carrying out qualitative research with members of disenfranchised or minority groups in
society there is ethical issues that needs to be observed and taken into considerations (Bulmer
2001:54 ). In cases where the research is carried out with vulnerable groups, such as refugees,
issues of anonymity becomes central, as participants may disclose sensitive information during
the interviews which may affect their status or in other ways place them in a difficult situation
if it becomes known to others (Baily 2007:24,25). Therefore, all participants in this study will
be anonymous. Meaning that that information that can disclose the participants identity has

15
been filtered out and each participant has been given an alias in order to be able to separate and
distinct the interviews from one another.
In order to make clear that the participant’s has understood the implications of participating in
the study oral consent has been obtained from each informant. All participants has been
informed about the purpose and aims of the study through an initial group presentation where
they have had an opportunity to voice questions and concerns of participation. In addition the
participants have also been given an individual walkthrough of the study before given their
consent to participate.
3.3 Field work
The data was collected over a period of six weeks of field work in the town of Enköping. At
the beginning of the field work an open information meeting was held at the local Somali
organisation to do an initial assessment of the sample base and to identify possible key-
informants as well as, as mentioned above, give potential participants a chance to voice
concerns and questions regarding the study. During the meeting one key- informant was
identified. This key- informant was later approached and asked to assist with locating and
identifying additional participants. Through the open information meeting and with assistance
of the key- informant six additional participants was identified and interviewed for the study.
The interviews were held in various locations ranging from coffee shops to the Somali
organisations facilities as the participants was free to choose a location they felt comfortable in.
All seven interviews were held in with Swedish as the working language. In six of the cases
Swedish was used throughout the interview and in the remaining case the key- informant acted
as an interpreter, translating from Somali to Swedish and vice versa. As Swedish was the
working language during the data collection process, all interview transcripts, found in
Appendix A, is in Swedish. The quotes used in the study were translated from Swedish to
English by me.
During the six weeks field work the local Somali organisation, the mosque and a Somali based
football club was visited on several occasions to form a comprehensive understanding of how
the different entities worked and their membership base. Visits to the local unemployment
office and integration authorities were also conducted in order to gain information about
language training programmes, vocational training programmes and local initiatives to promote
integration.

16
3.4 Case study
The field study was carried out in the town of Enköping, situated in Uppland, Sweden. The
location was chosen based on the geographical location, population size and urban setting. The
town is located in one of the densest populated regions in Sweden, Mälardalen, and situated
between three major commercial urban areas, Uppsala, Västerås and Stockholm. The semi-
urban setting with a town situated within a larger, mostly, rural municipality mirrors the
Swedish landscape, which is dominated by rural areas with, pre-dominantly, medium size urban
centres scattered throughout the country. Enköping municipality measures a population of
41163 (SCB 2015), with 21163 people residing in the town of Enköping (SCB 2010), as such
the population size can be seen as representative for the country as the total Swedish population
divided over the 290 municipalities measures, approximately, 33600 inhabitants per
municipality. Of Enköping municipality’s total population 330 people were born in Somalia
(SCB 2015) constituting 0,8% of the population, a rating slightly higher than the average rates
of Somali born persons in Swedish municipalities which measures 0,45% of the population.
The town is also representative in terms of unemployment rates and opportunities. It’s an old
industrial town that was mostly centred around a few larger production industries that provided
local employment opportunities, as the de-industrialisation of the Swedish labour market
commenced during the 1990’s and forward local job opportunities became fewer, which is
mirrored in the fact the largest employer is the municipality itself which is bolstering
approximately 3000 employees whilst the largest private company has around 170 employees.
According to official statistics from January 2015 the unemployment rate in the municipality
measures 5,5%, figures that are slightly lower than the national rate at 8% (ekonomifakta.se
2015). The difference between Enköping municipality and the national average can partly be
explained by the geographical closeness to three major commercial urban centres which allows
people to commute to other municipalities to find employment, rather than the town having
more employment opportunities than other similar towns in Sweden.
3.5 Analytical Method
In order to sort, organise and analyse the data set a thematic analysis is used. Originally
developed in the field of psychology, and increasingly used in social studies. Thematic analysis
is a flexible method which enables the researcher to organise and search for patterns in a larger
body of data by dividing the data into smaller workable themes. One of the advantages of using
thematic analysis the inherent flexibility which allows the research to actively adapt, track and
identify themes generated from the data. Moreover, as thematic analysis is not a theory bound

17
method of analysis it is not guided by a pre-set understanding of the world (Braun & Clarke
2006 77- 80). As such, it can be used as both a passive and an active method of analysis. Whilst
the former of the two approaches to analysis mean that the themes emerge from the data while
the latter emphasises that the themes is actively generated by the researcher. In the context of
this study thematic analysis will be used as an active approach, in line with the underlying
epistemological assumption of social constructivism. As I as the researcher subscribe to social
constructivism, e.g. the perception that reality is a social construction, the themes generated and
used in the analysis will be influenced by my own perception and pre- knowledge, as such it is
I that construct the themes and patterns identified rather than the themes and patters emerging
from the data. Furthermore, there is also a question of which level the themes generated should
address that need to be clarified. Drawing on Braun & Clarke’s (2006:84) account for thematic
analysis, there is two different approaches to the material, a semantic and an interpretive.
Themes generated with a semantic approach are focused on what is said and/or written in the
interviews, as such the approaches is more concerned with the explicit level of analysis. Whilst
the interpretive approach, that is applied in this thesis, is more concerned with underlying
meanings, ideas and assumptions of the explicit.
According to Braun & Clarke (2006: 79) thematic analysis can roughly be describe in 6 phases,
which has been followed in this study. Below is a brief account of the six phases proposed by
Braun & Clarke and how I have applied them on the collected dataset is given. The first phase
of analysis started with the dataset itself. Through transcription and active repeated in-depth
reading of the material an initial understanding of the data was formed and a preliminary idea
and perception of possible analytical themes was formed (Braun & Clarke 2006: 87). The
second phase consisted of initial coding of the data, identifying features of interest and dividing
the larger dataset into smaller workable meaningful blocks of data (Braun & Clarke 2006: 88).
In the third phase the coded material was organised into broader analytical working themes.
The codes were then sorted in overarching themes and sub themes to get an overview of the
data. The initial overarching working themes in this thesis has been; culture, socialisation and
expectations, whilst the working sub- themes has been; language, religion, football, friends,
family, education, responsibility and employment/unemployment. The choice of themes was
based on the initial coding of the material and to get a working overview of the data set which
clarified possible theoretical and analytical approaches in relation to the dataset. Through the
process of thematising the coded data, relationships between codes and themes started to
emerge (Braun & Clarke 2006: 89, 90). The broad thematisation of coded data was followed

18
by a more detailed re- defining of the themes in phase four. The initial themes were revised and
worked over in order to form coherent and valid pattern that contains enough data to draw valid
analytical conclusions from. Three analytical themes was identified through the process;
problems and challenges, coping strategies and spaces of control. In the fifth phase the data was
subjected to a final refinement of the themes, thus determining the essence of the data body and
what aspect it catches. During this process the final set of data was produced and theories for
the analytical framework was identified and selected. In the sixth and final phase the analytical
method was applied in the first section of the analysis in order to track similarities in problem
descriptions and identify coherent patterns. In the second section of the data analysis the
thematic analysis was applied in order to identify coherent patterns of coping and place- making
strategies. The coherent patterns identified were then analysed by applying the theoretical
framework on the dataset.
4.0 Theoretical concepts
4.1 Social navigation
According to Henrik Vigh (2009: 419) social navigation is the social practises one applies in
order to navigate through the social landscape in unstable situations, contexts of insecurity and
rapid social change. In the case of this study the context of insecurity is manifested through the
uncertainty and plight of living as a refugee and being a member of a minority community in a
new country. Using social navigation as an analytical concept grants the researcher the
possibility to explore the interaction between an agent’s movement and the constantly changing
social landscape in which the agent operate. Or in Vighs words:
“As an analytical concept social navigation is, thus, interesting as it grants us an
alternative perspective on practise and the intersection between agency, social forces
and change. By highlighting the interactivity of practise and the intermorphology of
motion, it grants us an analytical optic which allows us to focus on how move and
manage with in situations of social flux and change” (Vigh 2009: 420).
According to Vigh (2009: 420) people organise themselves and act in close interplay with social
forces and the social pressure that surrounds them, as such social navigation is the practise of
moving within a moving landscape. Thus, social navigation requires that the agent is adjusting
and adapting to the constant unfolding of the social landscape itself. One must consider the
relationship between the social landscape that people move in and how that social landscape

19
itself moves people before, after and during an act. Meaning that people does not only move
within in a social landscape but that the social landscape also affects the people that move within
it. In the context of this study the most apparent social landscape that affects the participants
constitutes the societal pressure surrounding immigrants and integration, but factors like
societal discourses on educational achievements and employment must also be taken into
account. In this perspective social navigation includes both the identified possibilities and
dangers in one’s current social position and environment as well as the process of planning and
attempts that are made to actualise plans to reach one’s social and material goals in an uncertain
future (Vigh 2009: 420). Therefore, social navigation can not only encompass actions that are
aimed at the immediate but also needs to include the future or the imagined future. Or in Vighs
words “[i]t designates the complex of actions and interpretations that enables one to act in the
here and now, gain an idea of the possible routes and courses that emerge from the present and
direct one’s movement expediently towards possible futures” (2009: 424, 425).
Vigh (2009: 430) points out that though all social landscapes or environments are constantly
moving, the pace in which social change occurs may vary. One may have stability and security
in one social aspect and at the same time experience a rapid change leading to uncertainty in
another simultaneously. Just as the pace of social change may vary between different social
aspects or fields of one’s life it also varies between different societies. However, following
Vighs argument, social navigation is not only related to the speed of which social change occur
but also to one’s social position and experienced control over the social forces at work in the
society one resides. This means that all people navigate not only in relation to social change but
also in relation to our social position and the advantages or disadvantages granted to us through
that social position. Vigh (2009: 430) goes on arguing that “the intensity and visibility of our
navigational efforts depend on the speed and/or opacity of social change, and our ability to
control oncoming movement”. One is always engaged in efforts to find spaces of control that
will allow one to change ones social position in order to gain a better position to affect ones
surrounding in a positive direction (Vigh 2009: 431). In regards to the participants in this study
they are all young, immigrants and unemployed or working low skilled jobs as well as living in
socially marginalised areas, factors that all indicate a low social position, thus enabling them a
limited capacity to control the social forces in society. Meaning that their social navigation
skills, that is the ability to adjust and attune to the movement of the social environment, not
only becomes more visible but also more vital in order to find spaces of control that allows
them to advance to better positions to achieve their goals. The societal pressure or social forces

20
affecting the participants in combination with their social position in Sweden and their local
society indicates that they are indeed living in an uncertain present and future even if they reside
in a society with a social climate that is perceived as relatively stable for a majority of the
population.
4.2 Diaspora
Diaspora concepts and theory is useful in this study as all participants in the study falls under
the criteria for being members of a diaspora. They are all forcefully displaced (to various
degrees) due to the civil war in Somalia, they all maintain a distinct Somali identity and they
are all affiliated with either an ethnic or a faith based organisation (in many cases both) that is
oriented towards Somalia, i.e. the ‘homeland’, and work to maintain and cultivate a distinct
Somali identity.
As the term diaspora has been stretched over various academic disciplines and come to include
practically every larger group of people residing outside the land of origin from refugees to
guest workers over recent years the concept has become blurry and ambiguous. Therefore a
clear criteria of who constitutes as a member of a diaspora and how it is interpreted is necessary
to regain its analytical value (Brubaker 2005: 2- 3). The criteria used in this thesis are borrowed
from Rogers Brubaker (2005). The first criterion is dispersion. I have chosen to use a more
strict interpretation of dispersion relating to a forced or traumatic exile from the land of origin,
rather than the wider understanding which covers all dispersion in space, crossing state borders.
The second criterion is homeland orientation (Brubaker 2005: 5). According to Brubaker (2005:
5) a shift from a strong emphasise on a doctrine of return towards a more identity based
perception of ‘homeland’ orientation has occurred in recent discussions on the subject. In this
thesis the criteria is interpreted along the lines of Clifford (1994: 3) who means that ‘homeland’
orientation rather consists of an ability and desire to recreate and maintain a cultural and group
identity resembling or representing that of the land of origin rather than a desire of an actually
physical return to that place. By establishing such a culture in the host country the diasporic
group is maintaining what Brubaker describes a collective memory and myth of the ‘homeland’
as well as creating the conditions for a continuous relation, both as a group and personal, to that
‘homeland’ that distinctively shapes individuals identity (Brubaker 2005: 5- 6). The third and
final criterion outlined by Brubaker is boundary- maintenance and concerns the preservation of
a distinct identity. That is an identity that clearly sets the members of a diaspora group apart
from the members of the host society in which they reside. As such boundary- maintenance is
often seen as vital criteria in order to be able to talk about a group as a diaspora. According to

21
Brubaker (2005: 6) it is this that “enables one to speak of a diaspora as a distinct ‘community’
held together by a distinctive, active solidarity, as well as by relatively dense social relationships
[…]”. In order words it is the preservation of a distinctive identity that binds the group together
and sets them apart from mainstream society.
The above criteria do not only classify the participants in this study as members of a diaspora
or an emerging diaspora community. It can also be applied on a more general level, i.e. to all
or a majority of Somalis residing outside their land of origin. According to Pérouse de Montclos
research on Somali communities in the UK, USA and Germany (2003: 38) Somalis are spread
across the world, often living in concentrated communities, they are often poorly integrated in
the host country, leading to an uneasy relationship with mainstream society and they are often
clearly oriented towards a homeland and maintain a Somali identity. As seen in the contextual
background this description of the Somali community resonates with the situation for Somalis
residing in Sweden. Thus, drawing on Brubaker’s criteria the Somali- Swedish community
clearly qualifies as a diaspora group.
4.3 Identity
Identity is a useful theoretical concept in this thesis as how one identifies oneself will influence
the definition of one’s interests and similarly how others identify oneself will influence their
definition of one’s interest. This interplay between identification and interest works the other
way around simultaneously, i.e. how one defines one’s interests will influence how one
identifies oneself and how others defines one’s interest will influence how others identify
oneself (Jenkins 2010: 7). As such identity will not determine one’s actions per se, but it will
influence the actions one take to pursue one’s interests. Before I go on discussing the process
of identity it is important to point out that I, following Jenkins (2010: 37, 38) will not make a
distinction between individual and group identity as the process of individual and group identity
formation is closely related to one another. It is also important to point out that even though it
is the individual that is the focus of this study the collective identity formation is relevant as the
collective identity of the group they are affiliated to will influence the individual’s identity.
4.3.1 Identity formation
At the very basic identity can be seen as the understanding of who we are and who others are
or in other words the distinction between ourselves and others. The distinction between us and
the other is important for us in order to find out who is who and what other’s intentions and
interests may be, in short it helps us to make sense of our social world through the classification

22
of others (Jenkins 2010: 18, 26). Identity is a process of positioning oneself in one’s social
surroundings in relation to other people and groups in that social space. I call it a process of
positioning as, following Jenkins (2010: 17) argument, one’s identities are never a fixed entity
but rather a constant fluid process of identifying, assessing and re-assessing the significance of
similarities and differences of others in relation to oneself. It is important to recognise that the
classification of similarities and differences in relation to others work in inter-play with one
another, as one could not exist without the other. As such identity is not only a matter of what
you are or what you are not, but rather a matter of what you are or what you are not in interplay
with each other (Jenkins 2010: 23). Similarly identity is not only a question of how you see
yourself but also a question of how others see you and how you see others (2013; 40- 43). As
such, the processes of individual identity, mostly concerned with selfhood, and collective
identity, mostly concerned with relationships to others, becomes interlinked and dependant on
each other.
The process of identity occurs in what Jenkins describes as the internal- external dialect or in
interplay between the self- image and the public- image (Jenkins 2013: 42). The formation of
self- image or individual identity is often a matter of distinguishing oneself from others.
Meaning that the individual is asserting what he or she is not, based on one’s own self- image
rather than what he or she is in relation to others (Jenkins 2013: 42). Whilst the collective
identity process often becomes a question of similarities with others, as such it is a matter of
how others see and perceive the person, i.e. the public image (2013: 43). Meaning that collective
identity is formatted within a group that has identified similarities and common features
amongst each other. It is these similarities and common features that makes up the basis for the
group or collective identity, hence defining who is a member of that group and who is not
(Jenkins 2013: 102, 103). In order to reinforce the members common features the group as a
collective creates and maintains a common myth or idea, often through the use of symbols,
stories and ideas representing the collective, of who they are and where they stand in relation
to other individuals and groups in society (Jenkins 2013: 103- 106). It is important to point out
that even if features like difference and similarity is predominant in individual respectively
collective identity processes one does not exclude the other, as, as mentioned above, one cannot
exist without the other. It is equally important to recognise that people have several identities
simultaneously, of which some may at a first appearance seem to contradict each other, which
brings us to the question of hybridisation.

23
4.3.2 Hybridisation
The theoretical concept of hybridisation aims at explaining the mixture of culture and identity
that is produced when immigrants adapt to certain aspects of the culture in the host country
while simultaneously maintaining distinct cultural features and ideas of the country of origin.
As such it is useful concept when one wants to explore how diaspora members negotiates their
identity and loyalties towards a host society while maintaining a distinct identity and culture
aimed at the land of origin (Hutnyk 2010: 59, 60). I choose to use the term hybridisation rather
than hybridity because I view it as a process of identity that is constantly in the making rather
than a fixed entity or something one are. It is also important to point out that I recognise that
hybridisation or hybridity are, as Kalra et al (2005: 74) and others point out, problematic terms
as they invoke thoughts that a pure culture would exist and that when it becomes mixed with
other cultures it becomes a new tainted version of that original pure culture. On the contrary I
subscribe to the idea that all cultures are in some sense products of hybridisation and mixture
(Kalra et al 2005: 89). The term, and indeed the concept, is, however, useful when discussing
diaspora and other minority groups because it has the potential to capture a concept of culture
characterised by the combination of distinctly different cultural norms and values that are
shared only by a small minority in a larger society. In this thesis the concept will be used in
order to highlight how hybridised identities are used to negotiate social positions between life
in Sweden and Somalia.
As many immigrants struggle to adjust to life in the new country, they often look to customs,
values and ideas from the country of origin to find a stable footing while learning to navigate
the new social landscape around them. The familiar ideas and social norms grants people
comfort and stability in times of uncertainty and change (Sheffer 2003: 129, 130). As people
gradually adapt to the new settings around them they tend to absorb chosen parts of the host
country’s culture. It is in this space between retaining familiar culture values and ideas and
absorbing new ones the hybridisation of identity takes place (Bhabha 1996: 53- 58). The
mixture of ‘new’ and ‘traditional’ values should not be seen as a static stage or phase but rather
as a fluid process allowing the person to be selective in which values and ideas should apply in
a certain situation. As such it allows a person, in this case a young Somali man in Sweden, to
utilise norms and values familiar to mainstream society in public spaces, allowing them to
adjust, relate and deal with persons and situations in their surroundings more easily. While at
the same time allowing them to stay closely connected and maintain a distinctive Somali
identity by utilising ‘traditional’ values and ideas in more private settings, like a home

24
environment, a diaspora organisation, a religious setting or with other Somalis residing in
Sweden
4.4 Coping strategies and place making
The following paragraph will deal with social coping strategies and place- making that work to
handle and negotiate their social position in times of social flux and uncertainty. Social coping
strategies are used by everyone, everywhere in order to make sense of the social environment
around us and to handle and at times alter situations causing psychological stress (Nigar et al
2008: 498- 500). To refugees, who often finds themselves at the bottom of the social hierarchy
in the new country and experience feelings of not being recognised, meaninglessness and a loss
of control of their life, strategies of coping does not only concern dealing with and handling
everyday stress. The coping strategies used by this group is often aimed at creating spaces of
control and place making in the host society in which they reside (Fangen 2006: 70; Schwetzer
et al 2007: 285). Thus, coping strategies often fills another purpose to diaspora groups and
minorities than people belonging to a majority group as the coping strategies has a potential to
enable them to situate themselves in the wider community and creating spaces of acceptance or
‘home’ in a place that may very well be very far and very different from the place that once was
home.
Constructing spaces or places were one feels at home becomes a central way for diaspora
groups, and other types of immigrant groups for that matter, to cope with the ordeals of
adjusting to a new social setting and society in exile. According to Mazumdar et al (2009a: 309)
places are vital in people’s social life as they are closely connected to individual and collective
identities, thus contributing to a sense of who we are as well as the bigger collective we belong
to. The connection between identity and place is a powerful one as groups tend to build a
collective myth or narrative space (Mazumdar 2009a: 309; Trudeau 2006: 423). Through an
ongoing re- creation and reinforcement of the collective myth, or narrative, the place becomes
an integral part of the collective identity, a maker of who the community are and of who they
are not. This strong connection between space and identity means that members of a group will
associate that place to feelings of belonging and security (Mazumdar 2009a: 310). It is
important to note that it is not necessarily physical spaces that is discussed in this context, but
also constructed social spaces. Meaning that the space can constitute everything form a physical
to a mythological or imagined space as well as a space within a space. Diaspora groups, and
indeed other groups of various immigrant backgrounds, often seek to recreate or reconstruct
spaces central to their collective identity in order to, at least temporarily, create familiar and

25
secure spaces in an otherwise unfamiliar social environment. These socially constructed spatial
spaces of security grant people an arena to reconstruct themselves and asses and reassess the
social landscape in which they act from a relatively stable position (Mazumdar 2009a: 309-
311; Spannij 2011: 2015; 2015: 303). The re- creation or re- construction of a familiar social
space can be achieved in different ways, whilst some choose to start organisations and groups
based on a common identity point; others opt to join existing groups such as ethnic
organisations, religious congregations, sports teams or other groups with which they share
common identity points, behaviour and values.
4.4.1 The collective as ‘home’
The strategies which diaspora groups and organisations apply to cope with the ordeals and
challenges of life in exile as a collective or what Sheffer (2003: 23) terms survivalist strategies
– and what I will from here on terms of communal coping strategies - is relevant in this thesis
as the strategies the group use will affect the social coping strategies the individual members of
that group applies in their daily life.
There is a wide variety of communal coping strategies employed by diaspora groups ranging
from full assimilation to complete exclusion or isolation from the host society. However,
following Sheffer (2003: 160- 162), there are two forms of communal strategies that is most
commonly used today, namely the communalist and corporatist strategy. The two strategies are
similar in that both are looking to promote, nurture and maintain the distinct identity that sets
the group apart from the host society, often through communal organisations. According to
Sheffer, the primary difference between the strategies is that the corporatist strategy is “based
on formal status for communal organisations vis-à-vis the host country’s legal and political
system” (Sheffer 2003: 164). In the cases were the corporatist strategy is applied it is the official
members of these organisations that deal with the authorities in the host country. The choice of
which communal coping strategy is applied is often influenced by the political climate in the
host country. In more liberal countries, such as Sweden, were ethnic, religious and other
communal organisations does not require formal status the communal strategy is more often
applied. As the case study in this thesis is set in Sweden I will from here on focus on the
communalist strategy.
The communalist strategy aims to achieve a certain level or degree of integration, or in Sheffers
(2003: 164) terms “absorption”, into the host society. However, this does not mean that the aim
is full integration as it risks leading to assimilation, thus making the group or individual
members to give up their distinct diasporic identity. The aim of semi integrating the members,

26
making them a part of the host society while maintaining their diasporic identity, is achieved
through voluntary participation in different organisations that is part of a wider diasporic
network. These organisations and networks work to preserve and foster the ethno- national
identity of the particular diaspora, growing the collective myth or memory of the ‘home land’,
maintaining ties to other diaspora organisations and communities and organise activities to
promote the interest of the group towards the host country and the ‘home land’ (Sheffer 2003:
164). Formal and informal community leaders, such as heads of ethnic organisations, religious
leaders or youth and sports organisation leaders, plays a crucial role in not only maintaining
ties between the different entities in the network and reproducing myths of the ‘home land’ but
also to foster solidarity between the members, thus tying the network closer together and
strengthening the ethnic and cultural diasporic identity. Moreover, these organisations and
networks frequently provide different forms of support for their members, often in the form of
advice and guidance when dealing with authorities in the host country and psycho-social
support when dealing with problems of adjustment to the new milieu (Sheffer 2003: 167).
4.4.3 Religion as places of familiarity and comfort
That diaspora groups use religion as a way to cope and find stability in the social turmoil
deriving from forced or involuntary migration has been widely documented (Mazumdar et al
2009a; 2009b; Fangen 2006; Langellier 2010; Sheffer 2003). In McMichael’s (2002: 172)
research on Somali women in Melbourne, Australia, she describes how Somali women found a
meaning in life in exile through practising Islam. Through recreating and reproducing Somali
customs, values and behaviour by drawing on the teaching of Islam the women constructed a
familiar and safe social setting in which they could find comfort and stability in their otherwise
uncertain lives. By turning to Islam to find guidance the women upheld a continuity in life
despite the social disruption of migration, both in the sense that they maintained the customs
from the ‘homeland’ and by their belief that whatever came their way in life it was God’s wish.
According to Sheffer (2003: 133) it is common amongst diasporic groups to use religion as a
way to maintain the ‘homeland’ culture. Through the reproduction of religious values, customs
and behaviour the diasporic groups constructs a link to the past, to who they were and how they
behaved in the land of origin. This link to the past constructs feeling of stability and safety, by
reconstructing a familiar place. To maintain these links to the ‘homeland’ religious leaders and
institutions often take on a role of cultural leaders as well as a spiritual in the sense that they
work to instil, promote, reproduce and reinforce ‘traditional’ and religious cultural values and
ideas. Through reproducing, maintaining and reinforcing traditional values and behaviour from

27
the ‘homeland’ in connection to religious values and customs, the religious identity is
constructed in connection to the group’s ethnic identity, linking them together (Sheffer 2003:
133, 134). Moreover, the religious affiliations, leaders and institutions often becomes a focal
point in the community as they work to foster in- group socialisation and solidarity, thus
protecting the group boundaries and keeping it together through providing a common point of
identity (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 256; Sheffer 2003: 134).
Religious institutions and affiliations also work to reinforce and maintain the collective identity,
both spiritual and cultural, by providing a physical space that represents the group within the
space of the ‘other’ as well as serving as a connection to the past (Mazumdar et al 2009a: 312).
As discussed above, people tend to get emotionally attached to physical spaces, and material
objects, by associating them with feelings of belonging and security. As people migrate,
especially in the case of forced on involuntary migration, the abrupt break with familiar places
and objects often generate feelings of placelessness, disorientation and detachment from the
past (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 257). In order to maintain a physical connection to their past many
immigrants fill their homes with objects and interior that reminds them of the ‘homeland’, thus,
constructing a similar social and cultural continuity as the women in McMichael’s study. On a
communal level religious institutions in the form of mosques, churches temples and sanctuaries
often serve as the physical link to the ‘homeland’ and the past (Mazumdar et al 2009b: 256,
257). This physical connection to the past and the ‘homeland’ is manifested partly by the
iconographic and symbolism that a religious space entails and partly, as mentioned above, by
providing the community members with an actual physical space where they can go to re-enact
and recreate social patterns of behaviour and codes of conduct from the ‘homeland’ without
being scrutinised by the majority community. In this sense the religious institutions becomes a
spatial space of control and stability where members of the community can escape the societal
pressure.
4.4.2 Sports as space of control
Studies on sports in relation to integration, belonging and stress shows that recreational sports
is commonly used as a way to cope with everyday stress (Frydenberg et alt 1993; Krovwel et
al 2006; Spaaij 2015). According to Krovwel et al (2006: 169) sports has the potential to relive
individual stress through building self- esteem and discipline as well as offering a space where
it is possible to compete on terms not related to socioeconomic status. In a study on minority
integration in Holland Krovwel et al (2006: 169) argues that minorities often use recreational
sports as both a mean to meet and integrate with other groups in society as well as engaging in

28
mono- ethnic clubs or sporting events as a way to escape social tension and pressure in other
social spheres. Similarly, Spaanij has conducted research on how young Somali refugees in
Australia uses football as an arena for negotiating belonging in their new social environment.
Spaanij (2011: 1526; 2015: 303) argue that sport is central in the young refugee’s life as it
provides a space in which they are able to express themselves and construct a social identity.
Moreover, Spaanij continues, being good at sports and asserting oneself on the football pitch is
perceived as a ‘way to make’ it in the new country. Thus, sports becomes an arena for young
refugee men to position themselves in society. Similar to the findings in the Dutch study
mentioned above, Spaanij (2015: 312, 313) reports findings that many engage in multi- ethnic
teams as a way to connect to other groups in society through embracing a collective club
identity. Moreover the clubs work as a contact space between groups that seldom associate with
one another, through the shared interest in football (Spaaij 2011: 1520). However, there are also
cases where people rather prefer to engage in mono- ethnic teams in order to feel more at ‘home’
and create a sense of belonging based on ethnicity, thus getting away from the social pressure
of being different based on ethnicity or religious affiliation. Thus, playing sports in both mono-
ethnical and multi- ethnical teams and events can work to relive stress deriving from social
pressure of being distinctively different from mainstream society, even if it is only temporary
and situation bound. In the case of the latter it is a question of moving conflicts line of ‘them’
and ‘us’ from societal dimensions of apparent differences such as ethnicity and religion, to a
sport dimension where the team become the ‘us’ and the opponents on the pitch become ‘the
other’. In the case of mono- ethnic sporting teams and events it becomes a matter of escaping
the conflict lines of difference by surrounding oneself with people who looks and acts like
oneself, establishing a feeling of home and belonging, thus creating a temporary space of
security and familiarity by avoiding being singled out and questioned due to appearance and
beliefs.
5.0 Analysis
5.1 Problems and challenges
This chapter will primarily deal with the two main concern expressed by the participants,
namely work and unemployment and language skills or lack of language skills. The two
problems is singled out as they in many cases lies at the core of other experienced problems.
Thus, making them so prominent that they have a direct impact on decision making and plans

29
for the future. It is important here to note that even if these two main problems is the most
prominent, they are not per se more important than other concerns raised by the participants.
However, they are more interesting as they are in line with the official rhetoric’s and policy
relating to integration, which in the extension feeds in to and shapes the public discourse of
Somalis as a group that is ‘hard to integrate’ (Carlsson, 2014:15-17). Following Vigh (2009:
420), the integration discourse, and indeed the public misconceptions and stereotypes regarding
the Somali population, is likely to affect the participant’s decisions and perceptions as people
does not only move within the social landscape, but the social landscape itself also moves the
people within it.
5.1.1 Living with limited economic resources
In many respects the participants in this study faces the same situation as their countrymen
living in bigger urban areas in Sweden. As elaborated on above a great deal of the Somali-
Swedish population, up to 70%, struggles with unemployment. The situation in Enköping seems
to be similar to that of other parts of the country. Five of the seven participants in this study
was unemployed whilst two worked low skilled jobs. The lack of a stable income and economic
vulnerability was considered a source of stress and uncertainty for many of the participants.
One of the participants, Hadad, living in a family of 7 with only one employed adult in the
household, his own economic contribution to the family consists of lower level student benefits,
amounting to around 1000 Skr5
a month. When asked how the family’s economic situation
affects him personally he answered; “It’s hard not to be able to do things, it’s really hard […]
you know, you want things but you can’t have it” (Appendix A: 61). The quote indicates that
the young man is experiencing stress or unease from not being able to keep up with his peers,
affecting his self- perception negatively. Similar feelings was expressed by other participants
in the same situation. Another young man, Ali, living on unemployment benefits explained how
it affected his view of himself and his life situation. “[…] [Y]ou apply for unemployment
benefits, but it’s not much. It’s very little. […] sometimes you don’t have enough. After paying
for food, rent and phone, you don’t have much left. You know, you can’t go out with friends or
buy new clothes. It affects you” (Appendix A: 44, 45). Similar to Hadad quoted above this
young man’s self- perception is affected in a negative manner, due to not being able to keep up
with changing fashion trends and other material things. Moreover, he also expresses feelings of
inadequacy of not being able to socialise on the same terms as his friends. Both men expressed
that they were experiencing stress over their economic situation, deriving from not being able
5
Skr is an abbreviation for the Swedish national currency, Swedish krona.

30
to keep up with others in their environment. As touched upon in the background, this is not
uncommon for youth living without a stable income (Bjanarsson et al 2003:973, 974).
The stress experienced by the participants over their situation on the labour market is not only
deriving from not being able to keep up with others in a material sense. But also from the central
position that the discourse on work and employment holds in both the Somali community and
Swedish society. In regards to the Somali community, and identity in many senses, work holds
a central position in connection to the image of what a ‘real’ man should be. According to Kleist
(2010: 189), one of the cornerstones of the archetypical Somali man is a man that is a
breadwinner, a man that is independent and can provide for his family and kin. This
independence and ability to provide originates from work and therefore work holds a central
position. The archetypical ideal of a ‘real man’ was reflected throughout the data as all
participants regardless of age and social status expressed feelings of responsibility and
obligations towards the family. In the Swedish context work holds a central position on
somewhat, but by no means completely, different grounds. As in the Somali context work is
seen as a way to gain independence, however independence in the Swedish context is more
related to one’s ability to care of oneself rather than to provide for a family. As such holding a
job is, in some senses, regarded as a receipt or proof that one is able to take care of oneself, and
that person is thereby an independent adult. It also holds a central position in society in the
sense that people are often defined by their occupation. This societal perception of work is
mirrored in the Swedish integration debate and policy. Work, along with language skills which
we will see later, is the main pillars of the Swedish integration policy and rhetoric’s (Jørgensen
2011: 101, 102). Work generally and employment specifically is heavily emphasised
throughout the policy documents, lifting participation on the labour market as an almost
universal tool for integration. The centrality of the labour market is manifested by the fact that
the public unemployment office is responsible for administering, planning and implementing
trainee programs and internships as a mean of integration (OECD 2014: 7). The two different,
but yet similar, collective understandings of the position and importance of participation on the
labour market forms a powerful social narrative that influence the participants view of work, it
constructs one of the main objectives in life as quickly gaining employment or other means of
a stable income in order to become independent. That the societal discourse on work and
employment’s has an effect on the participants becomes clear in the data as many lifts
employment as one of the main concerns. Amed, who was still living with his family and had

31
just finished complementing his primary school grades and was about to start high school6
explains his view of work while he studies; “[…] I don’t want to be without work or
unemployed. I want to work during the summers, not just sit at home and sun bade all day long.
I don’t just want a summer job, I want a real job as well. Like an extra job” (Appendix A: 13).
When asked why the young man answered; “You want to be able to make it in life, you don’t
make it otherwise”. The two quotes demonstrates how important employment is in the young
man’s life as well as for his self- perception. By emphasising that he wants a ‘real job’ not just
a summer job he connects willingness and ability to contribute to the idea of what a ‘real’ man
is. According to Kleist (2010: 189), the Somali male ideal dictates that a ‘real’ man is
characterised by his willingness to work hard and his ability to provide economically for his
family and kin. As such, a ‘real’ man does not sit at home in the sun, a real man contributes.
Furthermore, by connecting success or the ability to make it in life with employment the young
man is constructing a view of work in line with the Swedish integration policy, in order to be
able to integrate and function in Sweden you need a job, without it you cannot integrate fully
and be a part of society. The connection between employment and one’s ability to make it in
life also indicates that finding employment is a major issue for this young man, as he perceive
to be crucial for his future prospects. The eagerness to find employment and becoming
independent, thus fulfilling the ideal of a ‘real man’, as fast as possible was shared by Ali. The
young man explained that he, as many others in the same situation (Carlsson et al 2014:16, 17),
had struggled in school and was unable to finish his degree. Instead of enrolling in extra classes
at Komvux7
to complete his education he opted to enrol in a vocational training program at the
local unemployment office. He continued to explain that the plan was to work for a while and
then pick up his education again. In his own words; “I wasn’t tiered of school. I like to study
and it is really important for the future. So this was nothing final […]. The plan was to work on
weekends and, what’s it called, when I was free from school. […] That’s still the plan, to keep
working while I get my education” (Appendix A: 31). The move to enrol in vocational training
was a way to be able to gain employment quickly, allowing him to contribute to the household
in which he lived and too his parents household as well as keeping up with his friends lifestyle,
thus enabling him to assume the role as a provider and becoming ‘real’ man despite his
unfinished degree. However, during the time of the interview Ali was still unemployed,
something that bothered him and made him feel unease as seen above.
6
The Swedish school system is organised differently from say the English or US educational system. Therefor
high school in this context is equivalent to what in Swedish is called ’gymnasium’ school.
7
Komvux is the Swedish public adult education institution.

MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1

MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1

Recomendados

Recomendados

Mais conteúdo relacionado

Destaque

Destaque (17)

Semelhante a MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1

Semelhante a MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1 (20)

MaThGRS2015 Carl- Johan MattssonNA1