Bo Hershey, China in Africa

China in Africa
A History of a Maoist Revolution, 1957-1970
Bo Hershey ’12, History Major
12/19/2011
Professor Markle, Hist: 332, African Nationalism & Decolonization

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Introduction to China in Africa
The period that came after World War II was an era of much uncertainty in International Affairs.
The Allied Forces had defeated the forces of Fascist Germany and Imperial Japan in 1945. Two political
ideologies remained: Democracy and Communism. This post-war moment was transformational in
World History in that it saw the formation of new national borders throughout the World. World Affairs
changed further four years after World War II. The Communist forces led by Mao Zedong would defeat
the pro-western Kuomingtang. This Communist victory reshaped geopolitics in the East. The Kuomintang
of the Nationalist Party was forced to take refuge on the island of Taiwan under the aegis of the United
States. In the West, it looked as if Communism was taking over the World. The Soviet Union occupied
territory in Eastern Europe, insuring that Socialism would be protected in the Soviet Heartland. At the
same time, the newly independent China started its own revolutions in Asia, supporting the North
Korean’s defense against a Western backed invasion. The late 1940’s and early 1950’s was a time when
Communism looked like it was on the rise and Democracy was on the decline. And yet the road that
brought the founding of the People Republic of China can be easily seen in Africa’s fight for
independence. When examining these two distinct places one finds that China and Africa have had a
shared experience that only colonized countries would understand.
China and Africa were at one point in modern history manipulated by foreigners with imperialist
intentions. In 1949, the Communists ended foreign occupation when they entered the city of Shanghai.
This moment was of particular importance in Modern Chinese History for it marked for the first time in
one hundred years the fact that China was once again a united sovereign state. The revolutionary ideals
of Maoism that helped bring about this moment of national importance can be seen at later dates in
Africa. A young Mao Zedong wrote in 1919, “The greatest fear is that of the union of the popular
masses. What should we not fear? We should not fear heaven. We should not fear ghosts. We should
not fear the dead. We should not fear the bureaucrats. We should not fear the militarists. We should

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not fear the capitalists…”1
Maoism was the revolutionary standard of Red China’s fight against the
Kuomintang and foreign imperialists. The political philosophy was centered upon the concept of a
unified people taking part in a nationalistic struggle. Building popular support was central to Mao’s
Revolution against Imperialism. Mao saw the defeat of the Kuomintang as the only means to end
colonialism and begin a true socialist revolution. Once the last of the Kuomintang forces left Shanghai,
Mao was given the opportunity to begin the creation of a Chinese socialist’s utopia that would be an
example to the World. In 1949, free from Western foreign influence, China embarked on a movement to
gain political influence outside its borders. At the center was Chairman Mao Zedong, founder and leader
of the Peoples Republic of China. During the years of 1959-1964, Maoism went global and became a
dominate force in international affairs especially in Africa.
The post-war period was a transformational period that saw the emergence of various new
states in Africa. Many European states during this period began to set in motion the decolonization of
their colonial holdings at the request of African leaders. The imperialistic possessions created at the
Berlin Conference of 1884 were no longer suitable in a 20th
Century world. Foreseeing the change that
was occurring in the greater world, Chairman Mao Zedong in 1957 remarked in Moscow: “…in the
present international situation it is not the West Wind which prevails over the East Wind but the East
Wind which prevail over the West Wind.”2
China’s positions on imperialism had a militant tone that
spoke to the struggle many African nations faced in gaining independence. In a time when Cold War
politics dominated African affairs of state, China presented a unique alternative to the division that
ripped Africa apart. And yet China was just as active in the Cold War when it came to picking which
power to support.
1
Mao Tse-Tung,The Political Thought of Mao Tse-Tung, Translated by Stuart R. Schram, New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1972: 162-163
2
Larkin, Bruce D. China and Africa 1949-1970: The Foreign Policy of the Peoples Republic of China p. 29-30

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The 1950’s saw China’s introduction into the affairs of Africa. In the late 1950’s, the Chinese
Government adopted a foreign policy to oppose Imperialism throughout the World. During this period
China provided aid to liberation groups in Algeria. This move was in direct opposition to France’s
holdings in Africa. Through military hardware and medical aid, the people of Algeria were able to put
pressure on the French Government. The fight of Algerians was a fight against Imperialism. This feature
was of particular interest to China which believed in ending Imperialism. The support given to the
people of Algeria elevated China’s stature on the African continent. From this strategic move one sees
that China was able to develop relationships with other African states.
The 1960’s saw the peaceful emergence of some thirty African States. During this period China
developed strong relationships with mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar. The relationship China developed
with Tanzania was one of the most important on the continent. Through this relationship China was able
to establish a diplomatic foothold in Africa with various liberation groups stationed in Tanzania. In
Tanzania, Zambia and Zanzibar, the Chinese Government conducted economic development. Like China,
the newly independent states of Africa were representatives of the Third World. Being a developing
nation with access to capital, China took a lead role to help develop African infrastructure- a feature that
the colonial powers seemed to have forgotten.
From China’s relationships in Africa during the 1960’s and 1970’s, one can see how China helped
shape the newly independent nations of the African Continent. In 1976 the Peoples Daily, the official
newspaper of the Communist Party ran an editorial: “Both China and Africa belonged to the Third
World. In the great struggle against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism, the Chinese people…will
always stand on the side of the fraternal African people and firmly support their struggle till final
victory.”3
The Chinese to this day have a strong relationship with the African Continent. Yet one should
3
Yu, George T. China’s Role in Africa. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 432,
Africa in Transition (Jul. 1977): 107

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note again that China like those in Africa had been a developing nation. After the Great Leap Forward in
1958 which brought disastrous effects to China, the Chinese Government concentrated aid on a small
number of recipients who were committed to building a socialist state; were happy to receive a meager
amount of aid; and lastly had received aid from the Soviet Union that was less than satisfactory.4
And
thus China wished to pursue policies that strengthened its international influence and weakened its
rivals. Chinese diplomats reported that during the 1960’s African nationalists took China’s aid graciously
but did not follow Mao’s instructions in carrying out a radical form of socialism.5
Many African states
took aid from foreign nations but the most competent were able to assert their sovereignty and thus
prevent the reemergence of colonialism. The policies of China did not promote imperialism. President
Kaunda of Zambia said “”God will help the Czechoslovakian people to fight against Russian
imperialism.””6
These words illustrate the general feeling among many African leaders who had followed
imperialist policies. China followed the disillusionment Africa had for the Soviet Union with a diplomatic
offensive that focused on recognizing legitimate governments over opposition groups. From this China
was able to develop a strong Sino-African alliance that gave them a seat at the United Nations.
The objective of this research paper is to examine how China and Africa’s relationship developed
during the early years of the post-colonial period. The relationship as one will read was deeply rooted in
the political ideology and diplomatic beliefs of Maoist China. In 1961, Mao called for an institute to be
built that would focus on the “studying of African history, geography and the socio-economic situation”7
This decree from Mao Zedong illustrates the foresight he had in creating a nation that sought to create
relationships outside of China. African Studies proved to be so important to national interests that it
4
Hutchinson, Alan. China and Africa, p.8
5
Chang, Jung and Jon Halliday. Mao: The Unknown Story, p.571
6
Hutchinson, Alan. China and Africa, p. 9
7
Edited by Harnett-Sievers, Axel . Marks, Stepehns. Naidu, Sanusha. Chinese And African Perspectives on China in
Africa. African studies in China: a historiographical survey, 3

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continued during the Cultural Revolution while other universities were closed.8
This interest is further
exhibited in the various relationships China built over the course of a decade. Even with internal
conflicts, China did not curtail its diplomatic and aid activities in Africa.
How instrumental was China in developing standing diplomatic relationships in Africa? The
1960’s and 1970’s were a time of great change in Africa that saw the formation of new nations and the
resurgence of revolutionary warfare in Southern Africa. Can China claim responsibility for reshaping
Africa? The West after World War II tried to hold onto its colonies while other countries like China
supported the liberation cause. Even after colonialism, the West followed neo-colonial policies that
continued to subjugate Africa. In the years after colonialism, Mao Zedong continued to support the
interests of the African people while the people of China were dying from politically created famine.
China’s role in Africa should not be connected with it domestic programs. No evidence shows that
international aid was the reason for China’s famine in the 1950’s and 1960’s. No one knew the true story
until many years later. And yet when such an event was happening, the Third World connected with
China’s story of humiliation under a similar form of white rule.9
With a revolutionary history, China
embarked on an ambitious program abroad to build up influence outside the tightly controlled Soviet
network. In China, Africa’s independence from colonial rule was seen as the beginning of a global
Maoist revolution that would help in the expulsion of imperialism from the Continent and the beginning
of Red China’s admittance to the United Nations.
The Beginning of a Global Maoist Revolution
The words of Mao Zedong are important for understanding the ideology of Maoism. Mao’s
writings from the 1950’s till 1976 were the national ideology of China. Mao Zedong believed in fighting
the forces of Imperialism and creating an equal socialist society. In 1951, Mao wrote about the Chinese
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Chinese And African Perspectives on China in Africa, 5
9
Mazrui, Ali A., Africa’s International Relations: The Diplomacy of Dependency and Change, Boulder, Colorado:
Westview Press: 124-125

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Revolution saying “A new-democratic revolution is a revolution of the broad masses of the people led by
proletariat and directed against imperialism and feudalism; it is a revolution of the united front of
several revolutionary classes.”10
This revolutionary statement speaks to Mao’s sense of a people’s
struggle. The language of Maoist literature is directed at the peasantry who it was believed would take
over the World. In addition, Mao’s rhetoric on fighting a revolution illustrates how he wished to change
the World. Though Mao’s writings on revolution and warfare are directed at a Chinese audience, they
provide a set of general opinions that could be accepted by all who were under Imperialism. In
December 1948 Mao wrote a New Year message for 1949:
The question now facing the Chinese people, all democratic parties
all people’s organizations is whether to carry the revolution through
to the end or to abandon it halfway. If the revolution is to be carried through
to the end, we must use the revolutionary method to wipe out all the forcing
of reaction resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely; we must unswervingly
persist in overwhelming imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism11
The words of Mao spoke to the African desire for independence. Most importantly, Mao encouraged
people to resist those who oppressed. Mao believed that the revolution needed to be continued to the
end. The writings of Franz Fanon, a leader in the Algerian independence movement spoke to a Maoist
belief in resistance. Fanon’s works on the struggle for independence gives a localized view similar to
Mao’s advocacy for revolution. Fanon wrote: “The colonized man finds his freedom in and through
violence. This rule of conduct enlightens the agent because it indicates to him the means and the end.”12
When examining Fanon’s writings one sees that he holds a Maoist opinion on guerrilla warfare. Violence
was seen as the only true way to achieve independence. Fanon provided advice to Algerian
revolutionaries similar to what would have been approved by Mao and other Chinese revolutionaries.
Fanon believed: “The development of violence among the colonized people will be proportionate to the
10
The Political Thought of Mao Tse-Tung, 230
11
Mao, Tse-Tung. Selected Military Writings, “Carry the Revolution through to the End”:386
12
Fanon, Franz. The Wretched of the Earth: 86

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violence exercised by the threatened colonial regime.”13
This opinion by Franz Fanon illustrates the
guerrilla nature he wished to promote for defeating French Imperialism.
Both Mao and Fanon shared opinions on fighting Colonialism. Mao wrote in 1928 when he was a
young revolutionary fighting the imperialist puppet republic in the countryside: “The prolonged splits
and wars within the White Regime provide the conditions under which one or several small Red areas
can emerge amid encirclement of the White political power.” Fanon shared the same opinion-- that the
people would rise up and defeat Colonialism: “Thus capitalism realizes that its military strategy has
everything to lose by the outbreak of nationalist war.”14
Fanon believed that all colonies would be free
and would live within a framework of peaceful coexistence. Their words were highly regarded and spoke
to the very nature of revolutionary struggle in Algeria and throughout Greater Africa. In the end Mao’s
ideology was not what interested Africans even though propaganda posters presented Africans reading
Mao’s Book of Quotations. And yet China still tried to promote itself abroad through foreign aid that
consisted of arms, money and food.
Mao’s objective essentially was to gain political influence by providing aid, advisors and
weapons to newly independent nations and resistance movements. In October 1949, just weeks after
founding the Peoples Republic of China, Chairman Mao wrote to Larbi Buhali, head of the Algerian
Communist Party and the Central Committee of the Algerian Communist Party:
The Chinese people has obtained its liberation after a long
period of aggression and oppression at the hands of imperialism.
Consequently, it feels warm sympathy and resolute faith toward the
struggles of all oppressed peoples for liberation. I am persuaded that
the Algerian people, under the direction of the Algerian Communist
Party….will succeed in overthrowing the domination of imperialism.
Long live the victor of the struggle of the Algerian people for liberation!15
13
Fanon, Franz. The Wretched of the Earth, 88
14
Fanon, Franz. The Wretched of the Earth, 79
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These warming words from a fiery revolutionary leader illustrate the kind of relationships that
Communist China wished to develop. Mao saw where the World was heading after World War II. The
West was on the run. Mao had this belief even before his victory in 1949. In 1936, Edgar Snow
interviewed Mao regarding his Revolution. Mao responded to the question saying “The Chinese
revolution is a key factor in the world situation, and its victory is heartily anticipated by the people of
every country, especially by the toiling masses of the colonial countries. When the Chinese revolution
comes into full power, the masses of many colonial countries will follow the example of China and win a
similar victory of their own.”16
These words of optimism show the confidence that Mao had in those
who participated in revolutionary struggle. It also illustrates the foresight of Mao.
In Africa, Mao latched onto the decolonization movement where he provided cash and military
aid to the Algerians who were fighting the biggest anti-colonial war on the African continent against the
French.17
No Western country would associate with the Algerians rebels fighting the French. Lawrence
Fellows of the New York Times reported on December 1, 1958 from the United Nation: “An official in the
Algerian rebel government suggested today that the national cause in Algeria might eventually be
supported with military supplies from Communist China.”18
This report brought attention to the rebel
fight in Algeria but also brought attention to China’s position on Africa. Meeting with the rebel Algerian
leadership in 1958, China was years ahead of any Western government in building meaningful
relationships in Africa. Essentially, one could say that China helped sponsor the beginning of an “African
Spring” even though the article does not state what Communist China would provide to the Algeria
rebels. In 1959, mainland China gave the Governement Provisoire de la Republique Algerienne (GPRA)
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17
Chang, Jung and Jon Halliday. Mao: The Unknown Story.New York: Alfred A. Knopf,2005: 461
18
Lawrence Fellow. Algerians Seek Aid from Peiping: Official Here Hints Rebels Might Get Arms—Group is on way
to Red China” The New York Times. December 1, 1958.
http://search.proquest.com/hnpnewyorktimes/docview/114487244/133B91172931C46DA34/1?accountid=14405

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credit to purchase military arms and other supplies worth a total of $10,000,000.19
This moment in
history illustrates that Mao was influential in creating an activist African policy in the Chinese
Government. Also this event helped set the stage for future engagements and relationships in the
region.
The Algerian War of Independence saw China enter into African nation-building politics as an
advisor to those who sought independence. Chinese Communists presented their history of resistance
and governance as an example of how a developing nation can become an influential player in world
affairs. During a visit to Africa in 1963, Premier Zhou Enlai spoke to Algerian cadres:
The truths of revolution cannot be monopolized. The revolutionaries
of all countries will find the way for revolution suitable to the realities
of their own country, and earn the support and respect of the popular
masses so long as they rely on the masses and preserve in revolution.
Otherwise, they will be renounced, sooner or later, by the masses of the
people. 20
Zhou Enlai’s speech illustrates the revolutionary goals China had in play for Africa. His visit to Africa in
the early 1960’s helped cement China’s policy on Africa. In the beginning, China saw Africa as a means to
gain greater political influence. Economics was not a major factor for China. If anything Africa benefited
economically more during this period. Yet China in the end benefited from influence it garnered. The
aid given and diplomatic relationships created in the 1960’s showed the West and the Soviets that China
was interested in developing long term relationships in Africa.
Most importantly, the actions of China in the early 1960’s helped shape how Africans saw Red
China. The hurdles China overcame is stated in Mao’s 1941 critique on fighting a revolutionary war:
“China is a semi-colonial country. The disunity among the imperialist countries has caused the disunity
among the ruling blocs in China. A semi-colonial state controlled by several countries is different from a
19
Larkin,.38-39
20
Larkin, 67-68

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colony controlled by a single country.”21
This revolutionary history was not known in Africa. African
leaders knew very little about China. One could deduce that the reason for this was a result of
colonialism. Colonial powers did not educate Africans about the world around them, especially other
colonized regions. Africans educated under the colonial educational system in the 1950’s were
essentially given an unfavorable survey of China.22
When China came providing aid to liberation groups
and newly independent nations, many African leaders did not know how to respond. Luckily, China did
not come to Africa seeking to dominate the Continent. Yet at times China tried to influence the politics
of Africa by labeling America as the enemy. 23
Even though Africa did not accept this policy, China
continued to provide aid. This begs to question: What did China get from its relationship with Africa?
Regarding Algeria, Algerian rebels during their fight for independence were extremely dependent on
Chinese aid. In 1962 Algeria gained its independence showing that the struggle for freedom could be
won.
Upon independence, Algeria no longer needed China’s help and the influence Mao had built
evaporated.24
And so China took part in relationships that were not always mutually beneficial. The
relationship China developed in Algeria was one based on resistance. After Algeria had defeated
imperialism, they cut their ties with China as a way to distant themselves from its radical ideology. China
learned from its dealings with Algeria to focus on strategic relationships that brought long term concrete
results instead of short term interests.
The ‘Cuba’ of East Africa
The Zanzibar Revolution of 1964 was an influential moment in East Africa that ended a century
and a half of Arab political and economic dominance on the island off of Tanganyika. What happened in
21
The Political Thought of Mao-Tse-tung: 277
22
Snow, Philip. “China and Africa: Consensus and Camouflage” Chinese foreign policy: theory and practice
edited by Thomas W. Robinson and David L. Shambaugh,283-321,Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994, 285
23
Snow, 297-298
24
Chang and Halliday, 461

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Zanzibar after is an example of how influential China was in the region. Before Zanzibar formed an union
government with Tanganyika to form Tanzania, the island nation was seen as a hot bed of revolutionary
activity. In April 1964, Abdulrahman Mohammed ‘Babu’, Zanzibar’s Minister of External Affairs after the
Zanzibar Revolution, said: “East Africa is a powderkeg, and Zanzibar is the fuse.”25
This kind of rhetoric
from a high ranking official illustrates the revolutionary ideology Zanzibar held. Many Communist
leaders hoped for the success of Zanzibar. Such a country, it was thought could open the door to
Communism in Africa. Babu saw Zanzibar as the beginning of what would be a larger socialist revolution,
Zanzibar was seen as the Cuba in East Africa. To China, the Zanzibar Revolution showed that the island
nation was up to the challenge of forming a socialist state and was willing to fight for it.
Abulrahman Mohammed ‘Babu’ was an important figure in Zanzibar’s revolutionary history and
looked to China’s revolution as a source of inspiration. In an outline of his posthumous memoir Babu
wrote: “The Chinese revolution became more attractive the more the colonialist intensified their
negative propaganda against. The rationale was: if it was bad for the oppressors, it had to be good for
the oppressed!”26
Babu’s response seems to glorify China as a nation who fought a great number of
odds. Babu’s ties to China were well known throughout the World. The New York Times reported on
June 9, 1964:“Communist China has agreed to grant a long term interest free loan of $14 million to
assist Zanzibar’s development plans..”27
In this specific case, China did not give money to Tanzania.
China gave the loan to a part of Tanzania which with they already had a relationship with.
To the people of Zanzibar, China’s victory over the Kuomintang and the imperialists was seen as
what was possible for those who came from nothing. In his unfinished memoir Babu wrote why he
choose to studied the China development model rather than the western model: “China, in short, was a
25
Burgess, Thomas.“An Imagined Generation: Umma Youth in Nationalist Zanzibar”, In Search of a Nation
Histories of Authority and Dissidence in Tanzania. Edited by Gregory H. Maddox and James L.
Giblin, 216-249, ( Athens, Oh: Ohio University Press) 216
26
A.M. Babu. I saw the Future and it works. Edited by Haroub Othman.Dar es Salaam: Haroub Othman, 2001:15
27
Special to the New York Times, “Zanzibar Promised Big Loan By Peking” June 9, 1964.
http://search.proquest.com/hnpnewyorktimes/docview/115831653/133B8C39DE7687A51AE/1?accountid=14405

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symbol of a poor, humiliated country emerging, through their own effort and against all odds, into a
contender for world leadership. It evoked all the emotions of joy and hope for the oppressed who were
still struggling under difficult circumstances”28
Babu had the unique opportunity to visit China as
government minister for both Zanzibar and Tanzania. During these trips he freely discussed important
issues with Chinese leaders. Babu mentioned that he enjoyed talking to China’s revolutionary leaders :
“who had liberated a quarter o the human race from repression and warlordism.”29
What also interested
Babu was how this diverse array of revolutionaries had united to fight a common cause of liberating the
masses of China. During his first visit in 1958, Babu became the East and Central Africa correspondent of
the China News Agency Xinhua. From this position he gained a better understanding of Chinese politics
and its leadership.30
Babu’s view illustrates the great respect many African States had for China. Next to the aid
China gave Africa, their next greatest asset was their experience of revolutionary hardship. This in
particular Babu connected with and he believed China’s story provided Africans with a model to bring
change to the Continent. While the rest of the World turned its back on mainland China, Babu believed
what was generally considered to be unthinkable:
South-East Asia, with China as the core, is the most dynamic economic
region today and it will dominate the world economy and trade in the next
century. This is an opportunity for Zanzibar to link its advantageous position
with the dynamic development of the region.31
This statement by Babu is unique when considering the current times. More importantly, Babu’s
prediction shows how much Zanzibar trusted China. This passage shows that countries in Africa were
turning to non-traditional countries and were looking to the future. Also China in the 1960’s provided
28
Babu, 15
29
Babu, 16
30
Babu,15-16
31
Babu, 34

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the greatest opportunity for African States wishing to develop their economy. Those in Africa who had
strong relationships with China believed they were on the right side of history.
Diplomatic relations between the two nations were achieved on December 11, 1963.32
The first
and only ambassador from China was Meng Ying. He arrived in Zanzibar in April, four months after the
Revolution. The Chinese Ambassador to Zanzibar was appointed at a time when the country was
undergoing a socialist revolution. His tenure in Zanzibar would be quite short as the embassy was moved
to the Mainland. On April 22, 1964 Zanzibar and the Mainland reached an agreement to form a union
government. As a result, Zanzibar was forced to accept a non-alignment foreign policy. After the
formation of Tanzania saw China’s political influence somewhat weakened on the island. The merger
between Tanganyika and Zanzibar was seen by Western Governments as a move to curtail Zanzibar’s
relationship with the Communist powers. Unlike the Soviet Union and East Germany, the Chinese
Government was quick to recognize the union and build a relationship with the new Government.33
On
June 20, 1964, the New York Times filed a report on Zanzibar’s relationship with China. The report
mentions: “Babu has just left Peking along with a Tanganyika-Zanzibar economic mission. Intelligence
reports said he had concentrated on meetings with Chinese military leaders, notably with Marshal Ho
Lung, a guerilla warfare expert.”34
Even though Babu was demoted in the new Tanzania government,
reports from the region show that Zanzibar leaders were acting independent of the union government.
When Zanzibar was an independent nation, it was believed that China exercised great influence
through Babu.35
This was seen distinctly after the revolution when China sent a team of economists to
evaluate Zanzibar’s economy. The Chinese team provided a report that told how Zanzibar could
restructure their economy. One would think that China would encourage the nationalization of the
32
Larkin, 68
33
Bailey, Martin. “Tanzania and China” African Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 294 (Jan. 1975): 40
34
Tad Szulc “Zanzibar Chief Tightens Red Ties: Doubts Grows Tanganyika Union Will Be Effective” June 21, 1964.
35
Larkin, 74

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economy. The report illustrates how China saw other economic systems and how it adapted to different
cultural environments. The Chinese told Babu: “don’t nationalize indiscriminately, concentrate only on
major items, the state must control the export of cloves and copra because they are the main exports
and control rice because they are the main items of import. Leave the rest to private dealers and small
businesses.”36
After Zanzibar’s union with the mainland, these plans were squashed. The Tanzanian
Government under Julius Nyerere nationalized all aspects of the economy from farms to the smallest
shop.
China was very influential on the island of Zanzibar even during the early moments of its union
with the mainland. Zanzibar’s government officials sought advice from Chinese diplomats on a variety
issues. This relationship was known by many in the West. Specifically, U.S. State Department guidance
from April 1964 mentioned that the Chinese along with other Communist Nations were the ‘principal
benefactors’ of Zanzibar.37
Western governments in 1964 felt that China’s relationship along with the
anti-American demonstrations were turning Zanzibar into a communist satellite state. By the late 1960’s
there were 700 Chinese in Zanzibar. China provided the island with medical doctors who worked in the
local hospital, technicians who helped with development, military advisers and agricultural expert. On
May 27, 1964 The New York Times reported that China wished to turn Zanzibar into a base of
revolutionary subversion.38
The report was based on British intelligence in Tanzania. In the end,
Western fears of Communism spreading into Africa never materialized. Had Zanzibar remained
independent one could believe that China would have devoted much attention and resources in the
pursuit of establishing a revolutionary base of influence on the African continent.
36
Wilson, Amrit. Revolution and the ‘Foreign Hand’ in Tanzania. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 24, No. 19
(May 13, 1989), p 1033
37
Burgess, 241
38
“China Said to Seek Base in Zanzibar for Subversion” The New York Times. May 28, 1964.

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The Chinese always had the hope that Zanzibar would be the home of the African Socialist
Revolution. During a state visit in 1965 of the few foreign correspondents in Zanzibar, Lawrence Fellows
of the New York Times reported that Premier Zhou spoke at a rally directed towards the revolutionary
base: “Zanzibar is the nucleus of Tanzania. The people of Zanzibar, who have stood up in the course of
the struggle, understand that the winning of independence does not mean the conclusion of the
revolution but marks the beginning of a new struggle.”39
This statement from Zhou Enlai shows that
China wished to have a role in creating a socialist revolution in Africa. Zanzibar was seen in the mid-
1960’s as China’s partner in bringing socialism to Africa. Just as the Soviet Union had been the
benefactor of the Chinese Communists, so China was influential among Zanzibar’s revolutionary leaders.
African Socialist Utopia
Few countries and its leaders were as welcomed with open arms by the World at large as
Tanzania and its President Julius Nyerere. Tanzania set its own course in Africa. It did not follow the
policies of foreign states. The story of Tanzania gave hope to other Africans that they too could achieve
the same kind of sovereignty. When comparing China and Tanzania, Goran Hyden wrote: “Peking is the
Revolutionary capital of the world; Dar es Salaam the revolutionary capital of Africa.”40
Both nations
were highly regarded in the Third World. Their stories represented what was possible for the
underdeveloped nations of the World. Julius Nyerere’s vision for Tanzania was thought to have been
Leninist. Nyerere believed a revolution begins at the top by the State and with the support of the
39
Lawrence Fellows. “Chou in Zanzibar, Attacks U.S. After Welcome by Large Crowd” The New York Times
June 7,1965
40
Hyden, Goran. Mao and Mwalimu: The Soldier and the Teacher as Revolutionary. Transition, No 34 (Dec., 1967-
Jan., 1968) 24

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masses.41
When considering that Nyerere believed in rural socialism, Maoism would seem more
appropriate.
In the post-colonial period China had a major influence in helping develop Africa. When the
colonial powers handed over power to African leaders, they left a continent just as they had ruled.
Some of the new African states that emerged during this period had the liberal Western model imposed
on them while other nation states adopted similar policies later on in an effort to achieve
modernization. Both groups found Western styled national development to be a failure.42
These
independent African states lacked access to money and an educated workforce to bring about their own
national development. As a result, many African States looked to both capitalist and socialist nations.
Tanzania during this period was dissatisfied with it past developmental pattern under British influence.
Since its independence in 1961 and the Arusha Declaration in 1967, Tanzania had sought a new social
and economic system that was appropriate to its own history and environmental context.43
President
Nyerere in the Arusha Declaration presented Tanzania’s position on national development and
government.
The Arusha Declaration brought light to an African form of Socialism called “Ujamma”. Nyerere
believed foreign methods of development could not work in Africa. Julius Nyerere wrote about
“Ujamma”, the basis of African Socialism, in 1962 five years before the Arusha Declaration in which he
critiqued Western methods of economic development:
And in rejecting the capitalist attitude of mind which colonialism
brought to Africa, we must reject the capitalist methods which go
with it. One of these is the individual ownership of land. To us in
Africa land was always recognized as belonging to the community.
41
Issa G. Shivji, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere Univeristy Professor in Pan-African Studies, University of Dar es Salaam.
Nationalism and Pan Africanism: Decisive Moments in Nyerere’s Intellectual and Political Thought Preliminary
Notes, 9
42
Africa in Transition (Jul. 1977): 100
43
Africa in Transition (Jul. 1977): 100-101

17
17
Each individual within our society had a right to the use of land.44
Nyerere believed Tanganyika needed to return to the past values. Colonialism changed the way Africans
worked. It was his belief that colonialism had corrupted African values. Even though Tanganyika was
very poor, Nyerere wrote: “…if every man and woman in the country takes up the challenge and works
to the limit of his or her ability for the good of the whole society, Tanganyika will prosper; and that
prosperity will be shared by all her people.”45
In 1958, Mao Zedong wrote in the first issue of the party
journal Hung-ch’i about the changes happening in China: “The more people the more views and
suggestions, the more intense the fervor, and the greater the energy. Never before have the masses
been in so high in spirit, so strong in moral, and so firm in determination. The former exploiting classes
are reduced to mere drops in the ocean of working people…”46
What Mao was achieving in the “New
China” was seen by outsiders to be a huge achievement.
On a state visit to the People’s Republic of China in 1965, Julius Nyerere addressed a mass rally
of Chinese citizens in Peking Square. His speech laid out Tanzania’s foreign policy that recognized China
as a leading nation in international affairs. Julius Nyerere announced that Tanzania would adopt a non-
alignment policy and would pursue their interests. He believed that: “each country must choose for
itself its own form of society according to its own objectives circumstances.”47
The purpose of Nyerere’s
speech was to show its supports of its new friendship with China. His speech went onto note that
Tanzania recognized the People’s Republic of China’s exclusion from the United Nations. But he stated
that most countries in the World desired China’s admission into the UN. The obstacle in the way,
Nyerere stated in his speech, was: “The United Nations was set up in a manner and with a purpose
44
Nyerere, Julius. Ujamaa-Essays on Socialism. Chapter 1: Ujamaa- The Basis of African Socialism, Published as a
TANU Pamphlet in April 1962: 7
45
Nyerere, Julius. Ujamaa-Essays on Socialism. Chapter 1: Ujamaa- The Basis of African Socialism, Published as a
TANU Pamphlet in April 1962: 7
46
47
Julius K. Nyerere. Freedom and Unity: A Selection of Writings and Speeches 1952-1965. Chapter 66: State Visit to
the People’s Republic of China. London: Oxford University Press, 1967: 323

18
18
which has now been overtaken by events. In its meetings in 1945 the capitalist world had an automatic
majority for all its ideas, and all its disagreements with other nations.”48
Nyerere outlined the thought
that capitalist interests in the United Nations were blocking Mainland China’s entrance into that body.
Nyerere’s speech highlighted and emphasized China’s aid to Africa. Before being admitted to the United
Nations, China was isolated from the West. Communist China’s positions in the Third World gave China
the ability to garner support for their cause in the United Nations. Tanzania and many other African
States believed in China’s legitimacy as a state of importance.
President Nyerere reasserted this foreign policy in October 1967 at the biannual National
Conference of TANU: “Tanzania will continue to advocate China’s admission to her rightful place in the
United Nations. We shall continue with our efforts to persuade or friend that whether or not they like or
approve of the Government of the People’s Republic of China, its existence must be accepted.”49
Nyerere’s response and actions lobbying for its admittance brings light to the respect Tanzania had for
China and the continuation of relations between both countries.
The construction of the Tanzania-Zambia Railway is a lasting symbol of how China helped
develop Africa. In 1968, the New York Times reported on the railroad from Tanzania. In the report they
mentioned how China would provide a $280 million interest free loan.50
A later estimate in 1970 put the
loan at $336 million over thirty years between Zambia and Tanzania.51
Before the Chinese began
construction in 1970, both Tanzania and Zambia had desired a railroad to connect their countries. The
New York Times stated:
President Julius K. Nyerere of Tanzania wants a railroad
for the gains it would bring to Dar es Salaam, for opening
48
Julius K. Nyerere. Freedom and Unity: A Selection of Writings and Speeches 1952-1965. Chapter 66: State Visit to
the People’s Republic of China. London: Oxford University Press, 1967: 324-25
49
Julius K. Nyerere. Freedom and Unity: A Selection of Writings and Speeches 1952-1965. Chapter 38:
Policy on Foreign Affairs. Oxford University Press, 1967: 373
50
Lawrence Fellows “China to Build a Zambia-to-Tanzania Railroad” The New York Times. January 12, 1968.
51
Larkin, 99

19
19
up mineral deposits and the agriculture potential of
Tanzania’s southern highlands and for political prestige.
President Kenneth D. Kaunda of Zambia sees in the
railway his chance of breaking Zambia’s dependence
on the southern white dominated Africa for supplies
and for moving copper to the sea.52
The Tanzania-Zambia Railway was a huge foreign aid development that raised China’s prestige in the
World. China showed that they were willing to help others and were not in it to establish a neo-colonial
hold on Africa. In the late 1960’s, China was isolated from the rest of the World. The Sino-Soviet Split
was known to many, even in the West. China was trying to build goodwill in Africa at a time when no
one else was willing to help Africans. Western nations during these years would not provide funding for
a railroad.53
Julius Nyerere made this clear when responding to the question over Chinese funding of the
railroad: “It was not as f we had alternate proposals to choose from. We should, indeed, have welcomed
Western offers, but the only firm offer we had was from China.”54
China’s position in the development
of the Tanzania-Zambia Railroad shows the trust China had for these two African states but also the
willingness to take a risk on a fellow Third World nation. Not surprisingly, unskilled Chinese laborers
were used to build the railroad to allow for easier communication between the engineers and the
workers.55
To this day China takes great pride in the role it had in developing the railway between
Zambia and Tanzania. And some older Chinese who worked on railroad still speak of fighting off lions.56
While Zambia and Tanzania were grateful for China’s investment in Africa, both countries
disagreed on an anti-American stance . The railroad from China was a great triumph over the Western
imperialists. It showed the World that China had the money and manpower to conduct operations
abroad. Tanzania and Zambia did not want to be involved in Cold War disputes. At the signing of the
52
Lawrence Fellows “China to Build a Zambia-to-Tanzania Railroad” The New York Times. January 12, 1968.
5353
Smith, William Edgett. We Must Run While They Walk, 226-27
54
Larkin, 99-100
55
Fellows “China to Build a Zambia-to-Tanzania Railroad”
56
“The Chinese Are Coming” Justin Rowlatt, BBC Correspondent. BBC One. February 24, 2011

20
20
agreement, the railroad officials from both African countries read a joint statement: “just and peaceful
world and peaceful world order in which imperialism, facisism, and colonialism will have been banished
forever.”57
Still Nyerere’s commitment to the Arusha Declaration was consistent with Chinese ideology
but also sought to create socialism with African characteristics.
Since 1964 Tanzania and China have been strategic partners in Africa. Besides building the
railroad, China also built a textile mill for 3,000 workers in 1966, a dam by Chinese engineers at Kilbunda
in 1967 and a pharmaceutical plant, a gift from China in 1968.58
All of these Chinese built developments
were constructed and completed before the Tanzania-Zambia Railroad had begun. Bruce Larkin, author
of China and Africa wrote: “China’s building of the Tanzania-Zambia railway may have been intended, in
part, to improve Chinese access to Zambian copper. For the most part strategic materials do not figure
prominently in China’s quest for economic relations with Africa.”59
This is far different from the China
we see today. Many believed at that moment in history China did not need access to mineral and energy
resources from abroad. The thought was that China had a sufficient amount to support industrialization.
This begs the question: what were China’s true motives in Africa?
The African socialist utopia of Julius Nyerere would end in failure. But the relationship Nyerere
began in the 1960’s set the tone for future relationships with China. The railroad China built for
Tanzania and Zambia is still in use. In 2010, China gave a $39 million interest free loan to repair the
railway line and purchase new equipment.60
Even to this day, China’s role in Africa remains a feature of
international relations.
57
Larkin, 100
58
Larkin, 97-8
59
Larkin, 93
60
“China injects $39 million into TAZARA Operations” Times of Zambia. January 12, 2010.
http://www.lusakatimes.com/?p=22984

21
21
The Chinese are Here!
For the last fifty years, China’s role in Africa has been growing. In the beginning China aided
Algerian revolutionaries fighting to kick the Western imperialists out of China. In the 1960’s China
developed strategic relationships with socialists in Zanzibar and then later in Tanzania. China’s role in
Africa has been historically ambitious. In 1971, the People’s Republic was given a legitimate seat at the
United Nations. This year marks the 40th
anniversary of that historic moment. Who does China have to
thank for being lifted from seclusion? Eleven out of twenty three countries that submitted a draft
resolution to restore the People’s Republic China were African states. Out of the seventy six who voted
in favor of this resolution, twenty six came from African countries. 61
Upon admittance, Mao Zedong
responded to African Representatives present: “It is our African friends that brought s back into the
UN.”62
Mao’s goal had been early on to become a member of the United Nations. Through the
relationships China developed with the Third World, especially in Africa, Mao and the people of China
were given that moment.
In the beginning, China and Africa’s relationship was one of socialist solidarity. China provided
aid to Africa with no strings attached. In doing this, the Communist Chinese Government built up good
will in Africa. Julius Nyerere of Tanzania was a great beneficiary of China in Africa. During Nyerere’s
tenure as President he saw China put millions into developing Tanzania with no preconditions. China’s
aid to Africa from 1956 to 2009 has seen more than 500 infrastructure projects completed.63
For
example, China has built 1,250 miles of railroad tracks, paved 2,000 miles of road and constructed more
61
“Chinese Correspondents on a “Big Stage for the Ambitious”“ China Today, Vol. 60 No. 10, (October 2011)14
62
“Chinese Correspondents on a “Big Stage for the Ambitious”“ China Today, Vol. 60 No. 10, (October 2011)14
63
Lu, Rucai. “Middle Kingdom and Dark Continent Remain Obscure to Each Other” China Today Vol. 60 No. 10,
(October 2011) 30

22
22
than hundred schools and 60 hospitals.64
Yet these developments come at a cost. The China of yesterday
no longer exists. The China of today cares for extracting natural resources to feed its growing economy.
China is now bringing capitalism to Africa. Chinese entrepreneurs are starting import and export
businesses in cities such as Dar es Salaam.65
The old ideologies of Socialism are of no concern to the
Chinese in Africa. Though China is extracting Africa’s resources, the Chinese are investing in Africa’s
future. China still maintains it philosophy of helping the Third World. Much like in the past, the Chinese
are seen as more flexible in providing foreign aid.
China’s revolutionary history has been a great source of inspiration for the people of Africa. At a
state banquet in Tanzania for Zhou Enlai, Julius Nyerere said:
There is, however, another lesson which we can learn from the Chinese Revolution.
It is that courage, enthusiasm, and endurance are not enough. There must also be
discipline, and the intelligent application of policies to the needs and circumstances
of the country and the time…The singlemindedness with the Chinese people are
concentrating on development was the thing which most impressed me during my
visit to your great country. The conscious and deliberate frugality with which your
people and your government efficiently and joyfully conduct affairs was a big less for
me, and through me for my people.66
In the 1960’s China’s story of development was an example of what was possible. Western methods of
capitalist development were not seen as appropriate for a Third World society. The World has changed
in the last fifty years. More importantly, in the last ten years the role of China as grown to heights that
would have been unthinkable after the U.S. normalized relations in 1979. Socialist policies have proven
to be a failure in Africa and in Asia. And ironically today China is helping promote Chinese capitalist
methods.
64
Lu, Rucai. “Middle Kingdom and Dark Continent Remain Obscure to Each Other” China Today Vol. 60 No. 10,
(October 2011) 30
65
“The Chinese Are Coming” Justin Rowlatt, BBC Correspondent. BBC One. February 24, 2011
66
Hatch, John Charles. Two African statesmen: Kaunda of Zambia and Nyerere of Tanzania. Chicago:
Regnery, 1976: 204

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23
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China Today, Vol. 60, No. 10 (October 2011)

Bo Hershey, China in Africa

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