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U n i v e r s i t e i t S t e l l e n b o s c h  S t e l l e n b o s c h U n i v e r s i t y
Department of Sociology & Social Anthropology
HONOURS RESEARCH PROJECT
Name: Bethino Mbirimujo
Student Number: 17918138
Degree: Honours (Sociology)
Supervisor: Dr. Khayaat Fakier
Research Title How can we be men? - Young men’s (age group 20 to 35 )
challenges in constructing their masculinities in Moses
//Garoeb and Samora Machel (Windhoek, Namibia)
2014

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Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction................................................................................................................................. 3
Background in Namibia ............................................................................................................................. 5
The Research site: Moses //Garoeb and Samora Machel (Windhoek,Namibia) ...................................... 6
Research Problem ..................................................................................................................................... 6
Research Question ........................................................................................................................................ 7
General Question....................................................................................................................................... 7
Specific Questions..................................................................................................................................... 7
Research outline............................................................................................................................................ 7
Chapter 2: Literature Review ........................................................................................................................ 8
Gender order............................................................................................................................................. 8
Masculinity and sex role theory .............................................................................................................. 10
Hegemonic masculinity ........................................................................................................................... 11
Multiple masculinities ............................................................................................................................. 12
Masculinities and class/race ................................................................................................................... 13
Masculinities and financial independence.............................................................................................. 15
Chapter 3: Research methods..................................................................................................................... 15
Chapter 4: Findings...................................................................................................................................... 18
Masculinity implicated by "money or income"....................................................................................... 19
Work as a marker of masculinity............................................................................................................. 20
Traditional gender order......................................................................................................................... 22
Masculine ideal 'Real man' versus irresponsible masculinity ................................................................. 24
Pressures of masculinity.......................................................................................................................... 26
Agency..................................................................................................................................................... 27
Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion ........................................................................................................ 28
References................................................................................................................................................... 30
Appendix 1: Map of Khomas Region........................................................................................................... 33
Appendix 2: Interview guide ....................................................................................................................... 34

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Chapter 1: Introduction
Gender relations are important in modern capitalist society to structure relation and interaction
(Connell, 2002) (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006). Connell (2002) posits that gender determines
the relationships between various people and groups within modern capitalist society. These
relations are characterized by a power dynamic in which power is distributed among groups or
people. However, power is distributed asymetrically and in most modern capitalist societies
favour of the menfolk rather then the womenfolk (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006). Davis, Evans,
& Lorber (2006) note that gender is constructed and maintained to perpetuate domination of
women, but they concede that gender is important in identity formation, as gender is important
for one to have the appropriate masculine or feminine behaviour (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006).
Gender relations are at play in all societal organisations and relations, ranging from work,
politics, business, sport, religion, socialization and culture (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006)
(Connell, 2002). Thus, Connell (2002) posits that gender and subsequent relations are structural.
Gender relations influences how other social organization are shaped and how power is
distributed,however, gender relations are also shaped by other social organizations (Mitchell,
1966) (Connell, 2002). Essentially its an inverse relationship. Therefore,Mitchell (1966) and
Connell (2002) argue that the liberation of the “genders” lay in the reform of all social
organizations/structures.

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Davis, Evans, & Lorber (2006),Connell (2002) and Mitchell (1966) “genders” are constructed in
constrast of masculine and feminine characterists. Connell (2002) asserts that masculine or
feminine personalities should not be seen as disparate and isolate components but rather are units
of a whole that cannot exist isolation. African feminists have argued that pre-colonial African
societies were gender neutral (Ouzgane & Morrell, 2005). Ouzgane (2005) posits that men took
feminine roles or vice versa, essentially gender roles were were mutable. There were male wives
or female husbands, therefore, the gender were not clear cut or fixed. Thus, African feminist
argue that gender was not central to identity formation in pre-colonial societies, rather identity
formation was shaped by age and/and kinship lineage (Ouzgane & Morrell, 2005). In some
African society the maternal lineage took precedence over the paternal lineage (Appiah, 1993).
African feminists argue that colonialism distorted African gender relations. Moreover, in pre-
colonial Africa concepts of masculinity and feminity had no prominence.
This view is similar to the argument put forth by Connell (2002) when she argues that
masculinity and feminity demarcations were preceded by belief in individualism and personal
agency. Both concepts are creation of modern capitalist ideology. African feminist posit that in
pre-colonial Africa the community took precedence over the individuality (Ouzgane & Morrell,
2005). However, in modern capitalist societies where individuality was emphasized, masculinity
developed (Connell, 2002). Mitchell (1966) posits that the separation of the private/domestic and
the public lead to the separate of genders and subsequent dominination of women. Therefore,
Connell (2002),Davis, Evans, & Lorber (2006),Mitchell (1966) and Ouzgane & Morrell (2005)
argue that masculinity and feminity are cultural specific concepts that are fairly recent, beven
though the divisions seems “natural” (Connell, 2002,pp. 1-3). However, masculinity is not
monolith, but there are multiple “masculinities”. Some masculinities are dominant and others are

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marginal and oppressed. Ouzgane & Morrell (2005) notes that this acknowledgement amongst
gender theorists, especially by Connell paved way to understand that not all men have equal
power and opportunities. However, all men benefit from the patriachal dividend, meaning that by
the virtue that they possess physical masculine characteristics they can benefit from the
oppression of women (Connell, 2002).
Ricardo (2005) asserts that African masculinities have mostly been framed as violent, uncaring
and hypersexual, however, that this a static view of men in Africa. Masculinities are not reified
and therefore change with time and place (Connell, 2003) and it is against this background that
Barker & Ricardo (2005) assert that socio-economic displacement has put African men in a
vulnerable position and has strained their ability to form masculinity. The lack of resource has
rendered their ability to be men untenable.
Background in Namibia
Most studies on men in Namibia have focused on the link between the constructions of
masculinities and its influence on HIV/AIDS and sexual violence (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaelli,
2005; TERSBØL, 2006) and none on the relations between economic hardships and masculinity.
Mufune (2002) argues that when significant negative social conditions occur the youths are the
first to be affected and potray symptoms of vulnerability. This dire situation is clearly reflected
in the social economic status of youths. About 29 percent of Namibians live below the poverty
line (USD 37.79 per month); unemployment amongst young men in the age group 15-29 in 2012
stood at 29.7 percent (Namibia Statistics Agency, 2012) and Namibia ranked amongst the most
unequal societies, with a Gini-coefficient1
of 0.70 in 2003(http://www.photius.com) . Although,
1
Gini-coefficient- is measure of family income distribution, 0 represents perfect equality and 1 perfect inequality.

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the Gini-coefficient improved by 2010 to 0.597; however by international standards it is still
high. These socio-economic figures paint a bleak picture for Namibians but more specifically for
young men who are expected to define their manhood around financial independence and the
ability to start families which depend on economic resources. The choice for this research topic
was motivated by a lack of literature on how limited economic resources impact the formation of
masculinities in Namibia.
The Research site: Moses //Garoeb and Samora Machel (Windhoek,Namibia)
The choice of research site was influenced by the research questions (Fetterman, 2010). Moses
//Garoeb and Samora Machel are two of the ten constituencies in Windhoek, the capital city of
Namibia. These research sites were chosen because both have a youthful male population and
total unemployment in Samora Machel and Moses //Garoeb stands at 27.8 percent and 29.7
percent respectively (Namibia Statistics Agency, 2013). Unemployment here is defined broadly
to include those who had not been actively looking for work. Interestingly, about 68 per cent of
people have never been married. Although lack of resources is not the only reason why people
might not get married, it could be a contributing factor.
Research Problem
Most authors (Barker & Ricardo, 2005) (Connell, 2003) (Morrell, Jewkes, & Lindegger, 2012)
agree that masculinities are constructed in various ways. Men and boys draw on various resources
to define their manhood. In earlier writings of masculinity and men issues men were portrayed as
violent, homophobic and hypersexual (Connell, 2003). However, Morrell (1998) argue that
masculinities are not static but transient, as such masculinities change with time and space.
Connell (2003) argue that in a time where socio-economic prospects have been eroded by rapid

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globalization masculinities have become vulnerable. In light of the bleak socioeconomic
prospects that young men in Namibia face, this research project seeks to examine the ways in
which young men in the age group 20 to 35 in Moses //Garoeb and Samora Machel townships in
Windhoek construct their masculinities, and which resources are used to define and maintain
masculinities.
Research Question
General Question
How are masculinities constructed and asserted by young men (age group 20 to 35) faced with
limited employment opportunities and high levels of poverty in Namibia?
Specific Questions
1. How do men in Windhoek define masculinity?
2. Which resources do young men refer to when they discuss masculinity?
Research outline
This research paper is organized as follows. Chapter one covers the introduction, background and
research problem. Chapter two follows with the literature review. The review is around key
gender concepts order and relations. Chapter three outlines the research procedures and methods.
Chapter four covers the research findings and brief discussion. Chapter five presents a more in-
depth discussion and conclusion.

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Chapter 2: Literature Review
Gender order
Masculinity does not exist in isolation. Connell (2001) argues that masculinity is relational, as
such exist either side to side or opposite to femininity. Furthermore, masculinity exist within the
larger gender relations. Religion, state,family and education are implicated in constructing and
maintaining a cultural specific gender relations (Connell, 2001). Gender relations structure the
interaction between various groups within society. Moreover, gender relations stem from societal
expectations of how individuals should behave (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006) (Connell, 2001).
Men are expected to behave in a particular way and women, often than not the opposite way.
Men are expected to behave in an agressive manner and women are expected to be timid
(Connell, The Social Organization of Masculinity, 2001). However, Connell (2001) argues that
gender order/ is cultural specific and not naturalized as gender positivists theorists would have us
believe. Gender positivists theorist posits that masculinity is what men actually do and vice versa
for women (Connell, 2001). Connell (2002 & 2001) argues that gender relations are not clear cut
but rather there is a continuum, ranging from masculine women to feminine man. Moreover, in
some societies, women are expected to take up masculine roles and to act according, this
reversing of roles is evident in Albania, where "sworn virgins", women take up male roles, dress
like man and assume the head of house position (Journey Pictures, 2010).
Connell (2001 & 2002) posits that gender relation within modern capitalist societies is structured
along power relations, production relations and sexual desire. Gender relations in modern
capitalist societies is characterised by the domination and subordination of women by men (Davis

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et al,2006, p 2). The patriarchal dividend enables men to occupy positions of power and wealth
and they hold sway over women. Furthermore, men who occupy influential positions in social
structures, such as the church, state and economy use their influences to shape and maintain
gender order that perpetuates their superior positions (Connell, 2001). It is emphasized by gender
theorists that although men benefit from patriarchal dividend, they do not benefit equally. Some
masculinities are marginalised (Davis et al,2006, p 2).
In industries, work is allocated along gender lines, women are expected to assume expressive and
caring roles that mirror their "motherly" and men assume agressive roles, such being corporate
leaders and managers. Gender theorists argue that it is no coincidences that men are heads of
industries and hold the most wealth, for example according to the Forbes rich list out ten
billionaires worldwide only two are females (Davis, Evans, & Lorber, 2006) (Connell, The Social
Organization of Masculinity, 2001) (Dolan & Kroll, n.d).
Davis et al (2006) argue that gender divisions shapes individual identity and relationships
between individuals. Moreover, gender division structures and shapes religion, culture, law to
politics. However, gender theorists posits that gender order should not be taken for granted or a
given (Connell, 2002) (Davis et al, 2006) (Mitchell, 1966).
Firstly, gender order is socially constructed; secondly, although gender relations are seen as
binary of masculine and femininity, gender theory has adequately argued to the contrary, there is
sufficient anthropological evidence that there are variation. Finally, femininist movements have
over the years challenged the gender order (Connell, 2002). These challenges resulted in a
different understanding of masculinity.

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Masculinity and sex role theory
Studies on men and “masculinity” developed as a response to the women’s liberation and
feminist movements (Carrigan, Connell, & Lee, 1985). These movements were critical of the sex
role theory. The feminist movement’s primary area of critique was the sub-ordination of women;
concentration of power amongst men and supposed “trans-historical binaries” of biology and
social allocation of roles (Connell et al, 1985). Subsequently, a similar movement emerged
amongst men which called for the liberation of men from patriarchal structures. This movement
also articulated a response to heteronormativity and found resonance with gay movements.
The sex role theory posits that society is organized along clear differentiation between men and
women. Parson (as cited by Connell et al, 1985) argues that the roles are internalized by the
different sexes through the process of socialization. Thus, social roles and expectations thereof
are allocated along biological difference. Men are allocated instrumental roles and women
expressive roles in the family setting and similarly these roles play out in the same manner in the
public domain. Feminists movement theory disagreed with this formulation argued against
reification of these roles and also called into doubt the universality of these roles (Mitchell,
1966).
Connell et al (1985) argued that sex-role theory did not take into consideration the variation
between societal or institutional expectations and what people actually do. At times there is
tension within men’s or women’s roles; there is a blurring of roles, and variation within the
binary of sexes(such as androgynous persons or men who felt that their real self are being
squashed or suppressed by demands of the male role. Thus, there were calls to move away from
biological determinism (Mitchell, 1966; Connell et al, 1985).

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Moreover, as much as sex role theory acknowledged the difference between the sexes it failed to
account for the asymmetrical power distribution between the sexes. Connell (1985; 2003) states,
that the relation between men and women is characterized by domination and oppression. That is,
the sex role theory took the power difference between the sexes for granted. Connell (1985;
2000) posited that the basic premise of masculinity as a concept is a departure away from
biological ascription of roles and a move towards acknowledging the presence of social power
and how this power is used by men to subjugate women. In addition, all men benefit from the
patriarchy dividend by virtue of being men. Moreover, the concept takes into consideration the
existence of multiple power nodes and asymmetrical power distribution within the various
masculine groups. Connell (1985) defines “hegemonic masculinity” as the ability to impose a
definition of what a man is. Furthermore, Connell (2000) states that power within masculinities is
distributed along division of labour, with white collar men holding more power than blue collar
men. Those that fail to meet these definitions are subordinated or marginalized.
Hegemonic masculinity
However, Demetriou (2001) asserts that Connell understood hegemonic masculinity in an elitist
way where subordinate and marginal groups (either men or women) had no influence on the
construction of the hegemonic model. Rather he argues for a Gramscian definition, where the
dominant group appropriates elements from the marginal groups but suppress harmful elements.
In the era of the metrosexual men, e.g., image conscious David Beckman the English footballer
and Cristiano Ronaldo the Portuguese footballer who both feature prominently in men’s perfume
or underwear advertisement, this understanding has validity, as the hegemonic masculinity has
appropriated the wearing of earrings and elaborate grooming often associated with women.

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Multiple masculinities
Subsequently authors (Andrea Cornwall and Nancy Lindisfarne as cited by Morrell, 1998)
focused on fluidity and multiple identities; their attention was more on understanding the
contestation within or between masculinities. They acknowledged that there might be a dominant
(or hegemonic) masculinity but asserted that the dominant masculinity is not always in control of
subordinate masculinities and that there is tension between masculinities.
Morrell (1998) notes that new research focuses on understanding the nature of power men have
over women and other men, the forms and how this power is maintained. Further, this research
analysed the unequal power relations between and within sexes. In addition, it looked at how men
might not meet the ideal masculinity benefit from the patriarchy dividend. More importantly,
masculinity theories seek to understand the unequal distribution of power and how this power is
exercised within and between genders (1998, pp. 607).
Morrell crudely defines masculinity as “a collective gender identity and not a natural attribute”
(1998, pp. 607). This definition is divorced from the sex role theory understanding of biological
differentiation of sexes. Furthermore, leaning more towards Andrea Cornwall and Nancy
Lindisfarne, Morrell observes that masculinities are fluid; and as such changes with time or the
mode of production and at any given time there are multiple masculinities that are marginal and
may oppose the dominant masculinity (1998: 607). Therefore, Morrell notes it is difficult to
allocate men to a specific masculinity due to multiplicity of masculinities. A dominant
hegemonic masculinity spells out the cultural values that are deemed as ideal. Morrell (1998)
asserts that the common characteristics of hegemonic masculinity are violence, homophobia and
hyper heterosexuality. However, as noted above hegemonic masculinity is not stable and changes
with time and space. Essentially, meaning that power can be eroded or redistributed by changes

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in other social formations, such as the state, church, schools, sports and violence. These social
formations create and distribute power along gender order within a society and these structures
may or may not act in concert with each other.
Masculinities and class/race
Morrell (1998) is also preoccupied with how masculinity can be applied in South Africa to
understand the distribution of power amongst races and classes. He argues that theories of
masculinity were important for tackling historical issues, especially the way in which power
relations were arranged. He maps out the ways in which masculinity or men theories were used.
He starts by asserting that as capitalism (i.e. the mode of production) changed; the changes were
reflected in the gender relations. Finally the role of masculinity is examined with regard to
gender, race and other social identities.
Morrell (1998) cites the growing literature on the construction of black masculinity in the USA
and Britain. This masculinity is positioned, as isolated and oppositional to the hegemonic
masculinity. He notes that this masculinity is based on physicality and European sexual fantasies;
however, it is goes against the grain in influencing the hegemonic masculinity. The imperial
dominant masculinity did not totally alter the colonised gender order and traditional institutions
still hold sway. In sum, Morrell, (1998 & 2012) posits that colonialism and capitalism impacted
settler and African societies in various ways. Although there were sweeping changes most
African and settler communities retain most of their pre-colonial characteristics. A recurrent
theme is that the hegemonic masculinity is structured along race and class. Morrell (1998) argues
that the proletarianization of African societies and rapid urbanization has resulted in men using
violence to assert their manhood.

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Donaldson (1993) draws on Connell et al (1985) who took note of the interdependence between
structures such as the economy, politics and gender relations. This implied that gender structures
are dependent and may have a reciprocal relationship with other structures. Donaldson (1993)
arrives at an idealised form of masculinity defined by its constituent elements such as violence;
heterosexuality and the preoccupation with sports. This conceptualisation of ‘hegemonic
masculinity’ is more analytical as it takes into consideration the relationship or interdependence
of gender identities with other structures. He posits that hegemony as defined by Gramsci is a
way of winning and holding on to power and the subordination of other social formations in the
process. Within masculinity theory the meaning of hegemony is tweaked to refer to a set of
terms, rules and formulating ideals. Hegemonic masculinities or structures that maintain it are
preoccupied with convincing the wider population to follow these ideals. Failure to follow these
ideals is met with force or threat of force. One of the ideals or understanding Donaldson posits is
that “women exist as potential sexual objects for men while men are negated as sexual objects”
(1993, pp.645). Therefore diversion from heterosexuality and/or femininity is met with violence
as it undermines masculinity. Finally, Donaldson (1993) concurs with Morrell that although a lot
of men failed to reach these ideals they still benefitted from hegemonic masculinity. Donaldson
(1993) and Morrell (1998) agree that marginal masculinities challenge and influence the
dominant ones but rather than focusing on race and class Donaldson looks at sexuality. While he
notes that hegemonic masculinities are oft described as tough, physical and violent he
acknowledges that masculinities are changing (Donaldson, 1993). Men are more caring and share
household responsibilities.

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Masculinities and financial independence
Barker & Ricardo (2005), Carrigan, Connell, & Lee (1985), Morrell (1998) and Donaldson
(1993) agree on a number of issues. They acknowledge both the presence of multiple
masculinities and their influence and contestation with the dominant masculinity. However, they
differ subtly on their application of masculinity. Morrell (1998) uses the concept to unearth the
impact of colonial/imperial identities on native/colonized social formations. Race and class
formation take the centre stage of his analysis. Connell (2003) acknowledges the insights of
Morrell’s application of masculinity to race and class issues. Although the preoccupation of
masculinity or men’s issues was the unequal power relationship between men and women, there
is a general consensus between Connell (2003), Donaldson (1993) and Morrell (1998) that there
is an asymmetrical relationship within and between men. However, most men benefit from
hegemonic masculinity. This is not to mean that the direction of the power is in one direction,
marginal masculinities also influence the dominant masculinity. Barker & Ricardo (2005) assert
that African masculinities have mostly been framed as violent, uncaring and hypersexual,
however, that this a static view of men in Africa. Masculinities are not reified and therefore
change with time and place (Connell, 2003) and it is against this background that Barker &
Ricardo (2005) assert that socio-economic displacement has put African men in a vulnerable
position and has strained their ability to form masculinity. The lack of resource has rendered their
ability to be men untenable
Chapter 3: Research methods
This research was framed around Connell’s ( 2005 & 2002 & 2001) hegemonic masculinity.
Thus taking into consideration that hegemonic masculinity forms the basis of gender relations
(Ouzgane & Morrell, 2005). This research project employed a qualitative methodology. The

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epistemological position of qualitative methodology is premised on understanding the social
world through the interpretations of the research participants (Bryman, 2012) (Babbie & Mouton,
2001). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with five young men in Moses /Garoeb and
Samora Machel constituencies (political districts) in Windhoek, Namibia. Bryman (2012) argues
that there is no prescribed sample size for qualitative research and it all depends on whether the
sample can support the conclusion.
All interviews were audio- recorded. Interviews were mostly conducted English, but at times I
alternated between Otjiherero and Oshiwambo, although I am not fluent in Oshiwambo, both are
Bantu languages and have shared vocabulary and common usage of concepts (Nurse, 2002). The
interview guide was created to ascertain young men’s views on how they defined masculinity,
how they discussed and which resources they drew on to construct their masculinity.
Respondents were purposive selected. Bryman (2012) states that qualitative research is
contextual and the findings are not generalizable to the greater population as such non-probability
sampling methods are often used. Non-probability sampling is aimed at finding cases that will
answer the research questions (Babbie & Mouton, 2001). This research project used a two stage
non-probability sampling methods. In the first stage respondents were recruited around
barbershops and sports fields. Then an appointment was scheduled either later in the day or the
following day. Secondly, respondents were requested to recommend friends who meet the
selection criteria. Snowball sampling entails asking research participants to recommend eligible
research participants for inclusion in the study and this group will be interviewed at informal
market stalls (Babbie & Mouton, 2001). Most interviews were conducted at the respondents’
households.

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The data coding was performed by firstly, fully transcribing all audio-recorded interviews. Then
all the key terms and concepts were open coded by highlighting and grouped. The keywords and
concepts were grouped by similarity and sometimes contradictions. Emerging themes were
identified and the coding proceeded by focusing on initial codes and moving back and forth
between the data, codes and themes (Neuman,2009).
The ethical procedures were approved by Stellenbosch University Research Ethics Committee.
Respondents gave verbal consent for study participation. Before the data collection the author introduced
themselves and the purpose of the study.

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Chapter 4: Findings
Research findings and discussions from in depth interviews are presented in this section. The
section organized around central themes. The research questions centred on how young man win
Windhoek construct of their masculinity, more so how economic factors impact the construction
of masculinity. Moreover, what the young men's understanding of masculinity is. Below are
interview guideline questions;
Understanding masculinity
1. What is your understanding of what it means to be a man?
2. What do you do that makes you a man?
3. Describe some males your community (or outside) who represent manhood?
4. What stands out in these males?
5. Are there situations when think you are being less of a man?
6. What are your plans for the future?
Masculinity and resources
7. Does income make someone a man? Why? Employment/income to be a man?
8. Are there other ways to be a man without employment/income?
9. What is the key event that defines you as a man?
10. Are the opinions of your parents, family or friends important in defining you as a man?
About six overarching themes emerged from the semi- structured field interviews. The themes
are as follows;
1. Masculinity implicated by material things.
2. Work as a marker of masculinity.
3. Traditional gender order.
4. Masculine ideal 'Real man' versus irresponsible masculinity

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5. Pressures of masculinity
6. Agency
Masculinity implicated by "money or income"
The sub-themes that supported this theme were money as a source of power and respect, and
money as the only avenue for one to become a man. There was a general consensus amongst
respondents about the importance of money or income as a marker of male identity. Respondents
indicated that presently people place great importance on money.
Interviewee no.4: You know nowadays, people they are just focus on money. I will use
this word; there is no love like those days. A lady cannot marry a poor man, who is just
having cattle.
The respondent emphasizes that poverty does not mean deprivation of material things but rather
the deprivation of hard currency, i.e. money. The preoccupation on hard currency rather than
cattle which traditionally served as a sign of wealth and is used to paid for bridal wealth denotes a
departure of traditional African ideals to embracing Western ideals (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaelli,
2005)(Ferguson, 1985). Brown et al (2005) found that the definition of manhood among
Owambo men (An ethnic group based in northern Namibia) was expanding wider to include
western ideals of success, such as possessing money or a car. Respondents noted that a man
should either be formal or informally employed to obtain any income and life up to societal
expectations.
Having an income/money enables a man to fulfil societal norms to be a provider sustenance and
shelter to his family.
Interviewee no. 1: How can I, as my father used to tell me, you cannot, if you do not
have a food and place to supply to your wife and kids how should you have a wife or the
girlfriend? That is not needed for me. So first you have to have a food to be a man or if
you know you have a food and a place that is a main thing.
Hegemonic masculinity is based on the male breadwinner model, where the man is the provider
for his for family (Broomhill & Sharp, 2004). The breadwinner model is based on the belief that
women are weak and onus is on man to protect the weaker sex (Connell,2001) (Campbell and

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Williams 1996 as cited in (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaelli, 2005). As such the respondents noted
that there is no other way of becoming a man without having an income. All respondents
indicated that they either planned to study further or get a better paying job or even get involved
in criminal activities to obtain an income/money.
Interviewer no.4: Okay, (is) other there other ways of being a man without having an
income? If you do not have employment or you do not have an income. Are there any
other ways?
Interviewee no.4: no there is no other ways. Only…
Interviewer no.4: it’s only to work?
Interviewee no.4: but also to steal.
Interviewee no.5: Ja, a man at least you must have an income. Just try to make even a
small business to be employee to be self- employed. As long as you are employee people
are respect you, even your kid. People in the community know you are working, you are
someone.
McCreary et al 1996 (as cited in Brown et al 2005) argues that inability to fulfil societal
expectation that may lead to anxiety or depression. Moreover, it could lead man to commit
criminal activities; one respondent noted that one of the options to gain money is to steal. Fulfil
the normative masculine breadwinner ideal could prove to be a challenge as the unemployment
rate amongst able bodied men (age group 15-49) is fifty percent (50%). Therefore the
respondents view the lack of income as an impediment to progressing to manhood.
Work as a marker of masculinity
Work is seen by respondents as means to an end. Work enables respondents earn an income and
subsequently assert their masculinity. Four sub-themes supported the main theme were, a
responsible man is a hard worker; work leads to good life; work enables a man to start a family
and independence. Respondents felt that an ideal man should be a hard worker and identified
with hard working male role models.

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Interviewee no.5: When I say about good future, he must be a hardworker, for him to
have a better life and better future.
Moreover, respondents argued that failure to be a hard worker disqualifies a one from calling
yourself a man, as you are failed to fulfil your role to provide for your family. In addition, most
respondents agreed that someone who engages in abusive and criminal activities is unmanly.
Interviewee no.5 I use this word; you won’t have a better future if you are behind the
law, like you are in the prison. You are a man, you kill your wife or you do this or that or
you start fighting or you do those wrong things to the nation. After that you will behind
the law in prison (inaudible) so you say you are a man. “My own wife cannot do this to
me; I have to beat her up”. That is not showing that necessary that you are a man.
Furthermore, respondents emphasized that without work there will be no respect from the
society. As such, their role models were mostly businessmen, man with high paying jobs or
persons who they deemed were hard worker.
Interviewee no.5: (inaudible) I call him a hard worker, I call him Andima Toivo Ya
Toivo (veteran Namibian politician), and he is 90 years old. He is a person I want to work
like him even though he was in prison during the war.
Having a work is a strong indicator of manhood (Brown et al, 2005). Connell (2005) places work
or production relations within the triangle of gender structure, with power- relation and sexual
desire. The gender structure orders society and determines how difference 'genders' interact with
each other. Moreover, the labour market in a strong patriarchal society favours men over women.
Men still outnumber women in the labour and it is argued that it is no accident that men control
major corporations (Connell,2005) (Broomhill & Sharp, 2004). Therefore work is important for
re-enforcing male hegemony. It enables males to fulfil their perceived societal duty to provide for
their family and earn respect in the public arena. Moreover, work enables one to have a ‘good
life’, i.e. acquiring house and motor cars.
Man who fail to get a job and subsequently fail to provide for their family, in the words of
respondent, that is not showing that necessary that you are man (interviewee no. 5). Fulfil the

22. 22
normative masculine breadwinner ideal could prove to be a challenge as the unemployment rate
amongst able bodied men (age group 15-49) is fifty percent (50%) ( Namibia Statistics Agency,
2012). McDowell (2014) (Brown et al, 2005) argue that unemployment amongst men challenges
the accepted societal norms of masculinity, as work is both the means to assert hegemony and to
possess materials that denote that a man is independent and has transitioned successfully to
adulthood.As respondents view the lack of income as an impediment to progressing to manhood.
Traditional gender order
Most respondents in defining their gender roles kept referring to tradition, culture, religion and
nature. The point of reference was to the past, the old way of doing things. Although, they
yearned for a return to the traditional order, most of them acknowledged that things have
changed. More women are working formally and are educated. However, the views expressed by
the respondents were more inclined to the traditional order. Respondents expressed a clear cut
dichotomy between males and females. Firstly, respondents noted that women cannot be trusted
with being the head of household as they will ‘destroy’ wealth and are not knowledgeable.
Interviewee no. 3: Naturally a man meant to lead; even if there is a lady I man is meant
to lead by nature.
Interviewer no.3: Can you describe men in your community. It can be here or in the
north? How are they?
Interviewee no 3: Many are businessmen. They have built their house, they buy cars.
They have farms and have lot of cattle. And many animals. But women have nothings.
Interviewer no.3: why is that? Why do not women have anything?
Interviewee no.3: Ladies are not be trusted; they are naturally destroyer of assets and
wealth.
These views are similar to conservative Christian values as outline by Juan Luis Vives (1492/3–
1540) De institutione feminae Christianae (Ljungqvist, 2012). In the De institutione feminae
Christianae, Vives argues that women are inferior to man physical and cannot control emotions
and malicious (Ljungqvist, 2012). Thus, Vives justifies uses the perceived women's physical and
emotional weakness to justify their subordination (Ljungqvist, 2012). The respondent notes that

23. 23
women have nothing and consequently cannot be trusted with wealth decision making. Similarly,
Brown et al (2005) noted that there are strongly held notions of male privilege when it came to
decision making amongst the Owambo people.
Respondents had essentialist views about their perceived duty to be head of household. They felt
that biology and religion placed the men-folk in charge. In addition, from their experience they
rarely see women being in control of large businesses. They felt that women should stay at home
and take care of household chores.
In addition respondents argued that, women were physically weak and chose ‘easy disciplines’ to
study, whereas men took ‘difficult’ disciplines. Women are more inclined to take expressive roles
as opposed to passive roles that man took. The choices of career and disciplines impacts on that
specific gender is deemed as fit to be in charge of the household or put in positions of power.
Interviewee no.3: most men study like. Most ladies just want to study administration,
teacher but men want to study to be a boil maker something like that.
Interviewee no.3: which job is more important?
Interviewee no.3: more important?
Interviewee no.3: uhm.
Interviewee no.3: like, just a boiler. Most ladies want to work,uuhm what? (Sighing) the
easy work. They want to just do easy work.
Interviewee no.3: Men are, a man is men. A man is man. Only men that have power and
have more knowledge about something to come up with.
Interviewee no.5: So for nowadays, you can still, women are having fifty- fifty. Even
though you know a man is just a man, he never. Even they need to think they will never
have the same percent as man. Cause, uhm a women is someone who focuses on those
house work, cooking, washing and those small things. But the man have the responsibility
to collecting, to bring into the house, to put everything in order.

24. 24
Patriarchy which is the cornerstone of traditional gender order which favours man over women
and is based on the subordination of women by man (Hirdman, 1996). As illustrated in the views
as expressed above, respondents have very strong traditional views about the position and the
roles of women in the society. In their opinion women are no equal to men in terms of physical
strength and intellect. This difference is evidenced by the choice of disciplines and profession
they choose. This justifies the domestic position of women and the dominant household position
for man. These views are indicative of a common hegemonic masculine ideology. However,
Ouzgane & Morrell (2005) and LaFont (2010) posit that 'traditional' African gender relations
favoured women, but, colonialism and Christianity distorted African gender relations. Colonial
laws further entrenched male dominance by classifying women as minors (Becker 2000 as cited
in LaFont,2010). Essentially, when the respondents are referring to 'tradition', it is not wholly
African tradition but rather African infused with Western Judeo-Christian values.
Masculine ideal 'Real man' versus irresponsible masculinity
The sub-theme that supported this theme were, a real man should have a good career, a man
should be independent (i.e. should be working), real man avoids abusing his family and a man
should be responsible (i.e. should provide food and shelter). Most respondent defined their
masculine in contrast to what they deemed as irresponsible man or not a real man. The
irresponsible man was defined as violent towards immediate family, engaging in criminal
activities and not being able to provide for one’s immediate family.
Respondents argued that an ideal man should work and should have a good career. Having a
good career or job is marker of real man or genuine male identity. A career enables a man to
assume his role as the head of house and provide for his family.
Interviewee no 5: I know I am gonna be one of a day a man that is having a family or
having a house and a real is that person who is trying to avoid those bad things, like
quarrelling. Influencing those alcohol (inaudible). To be to have a good career or open up
ground. To have a good future.

25. 25
In contrast non-exemplar identity is associated with a lack of a job and involvement in criminal
activities. Some respondents noted that most young man were involved in criminal activities or as
irresponsible behaviour.
Interviewer: But if he does not work hard, how would you refer to him. Would you still
refer to him as a man?
Interviewee no 5: I mean if he does not provide for his family. He is abusing his family.
He is just there and the wife is doing everything, bringing the food.
Interviewee no 5: To me I do not think that is a man, even though he is a man created by
God. Cause he fail to be a sure or popular man. Cause if you are a man and you just beat
up your wife or beat your kids, selling the things for the house. Do you think you are a
man? You are just a destroyer.
In addition masculine identity is associated with getting a job. Most respondents noted that their
transition to manhood was marked by getting a job. They argued that they had an improved sense
of self-esteem to start a relationship with the opposite sex. Whereas they argued an unemployed
man will find it difficult to approach women and regard themselves as manly.
Interviewee no.1: My understanding to be a man, I think mean thing is to be a
responsible father or responsible man that the main reason and to be hardworking other
you lose out. To be a real man is all about survival.
Interviewer: Eh, what do you mean responsible?
Interviewee no.1: Responsible I mean, responsible is to take care of your needs whatever
if you get paid I drink up my money or I do not paid my accommodation I will end up in
the street losing my job, losing my job so for me (mumbling) to take care of my kids and
my wife. I must make income whatever (mumbling) so for me is more responsibility and
take care of your basic needs. Basic needs which is basic essentials and those things you
should do rather than to be in the street and alcoholic and do drugs and more on street
and irresponsible man and getting infected with other unwanted diseases and you know
irresponsible sex and to be a real man.

26. 26
Interviewee no.1: For me key moment was when I was independent, not depended on the
other people neh. That is the first thing when I started to realise that I can stand on my
own. Even when I was not employed when I was starting I was even dating girlfriend
having this and that but the key moment started when I started to do job attachment then I
started to see the life, there is opportunity, there is things coming in, so I can change my
life. That was a key moment, so even when I was at the farm I was not feeling like a real
man. You feel less value then if you approach the lady or whatever. If she ask me maybe
10 dollar, I do not have a 10 dollar. Then you will feel despise or you know low self -
esteem will be there.
The views expressed by the respondents depict the existences of multiple masculinities. There is
the idealized and exemplar hegemonic masculinity in the mould of a hardworking career man
who provides and protects his immediate family and then there is the marginalized masculinity in
the shape of an unemployed, abusive and aggressive man. Ouzgane & Morrell (2005) noted that
by acknowledging that there multiple masculinities provide an understanding that not all men
have the same degree of power. Respondents indicated that their role models are hardworking
and financially independent man. Similarly, Silberschmidt (2005) found that wealthy men were
highly respected and admired in East Africa. There was a general consensus amongst respondents
that transition to real man or hegemonic masculinity is completed once a man possesses a secure
job and avoids criminal activities.
Pressures of masculinity
As illustrated in above most of the markers of masculine identity are implicated by material
things, which involve one form of income. Although most respondents indicated their intention to
reach these ideals they conceded that it difficult these ideals in Windhoek. Firstly, unemployment
levels are very high and secondly, the cost of living is very high. Fourthly, they experience
competition from the opposite sex; this competition is a direct threat to their head of household
identity and finally, crime is becoming an option to make an income.
Interviewer: So tell me what is your understanding of what it means to be a man?
Interviewee no.4: my understanding to be a man. It is sometimes being hard to be a man
who is not working. That’s all I can tell you.

27. 27
Interviewee no.4: like maybe, if my girlfriend is that much hungry and she is telling me
she is hungry and my small boy is like crying this side. There are no nappies for him and
there is a friend selling something, maybe selling a stolen thing. Then I have to walk with
him together and later we both are in problems.
As such of their role as providers, respondents posit that their family looks up to them. Failure to
provide leads to lack of respects. Some respondents felt their family only regarded as man if they
provide or gave them money.
Interviewee no.4: because, I never a nice job and I never, like me should I say? I never
show them that I am a man.
Interviewer: like you gave them money?
Interviewee no.4: something worth.
Most respondents agreed that being a man places them under immense pressure. They bear the
responsibility of the house, both its needs and survival. As young men they felt that the onus is on
them to find a job or study and take care of “their” household.
Interviewee no.2: Ah, man is a difficult work. You have to take a responsibility for
everything. Even if your are still young, you have to take responsibility. Like me, my
mom is having this shebeen, but I cannot depend on her. I must try to get something for
myself.
Pervasiveness of a dominant male breadwinner model places immense pressure young man in a
period were secure work is untenable (Brown, Sorrell, & Raffaelli, 2005) (Silberschmidt, 2005).
Although most men benefit from the patriarchal dividend, marginalized male may fall into
depression as they are unable to meet the masculine norms. Bourdieu (1995 as cited in
Silberschmidt, 2005) succinctly that men are also victims of their dominating sex role.
Agency
Although respondents had a naturalistic view of gender order, they repeatedly noted that
formation is of a masculine identity is a process that can be delayed or impacted by socio-
economic processes. These contradictory views reveal the tension within the traditional gender

28. 28
order. Moreover, respondents noted that their dominant position is under threat and they should
challenge the opposite sex to remain on top.
Interviewee no. 5: Cause if you are small boy or man, but can be a destroyer. You can
just see that this guy is not really a person who is having a future. He is also a man but
there is the man of the house so that is only the person who can deal with everything in
the house. Cause don’t tell me that you are a man, okay, you say “I am a man of the
house”. I am a man but you also have the father of mine or owner of the house who is also
a man. I am under him, I can listen the order but I am grown up I can see what I did is
wrong and what he did is taught me is wrong. I can share the idea with him cause we are
all men. So he can understand me and I can understand him. (inaudible) A man must have
agreement. And I think a man must show that I am a man. At least a man must wake up
morning time before everyone wake up in the house. Don’t be oversleep. You can’t even
hear the stone on the roof. You say you are a man, that is not a man. At least show that
you are a man.
The respondents take up the responsibility to form and maintain their masculine identity. The
respondents note that it’s upon to educate themselves, find a job, marry, acquire material things
and avoid crime.
Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion
This research project set out to answer to specific research questions, namely, how do young men
in Windhoek define masculinity? And secondly, which resources do young men refer to when
they discuss masculinity? Young man defined “masculinities” around numerous markers. Money,
possession of material things, work, tradition and crime were the various ways how young man
constructed their masculinity. Connell (2005) and Ouzgane & Morrell (2005) posits that gender
order is maintained and perpetuated by drawing on various structures, such, religion, education
and tradition.

29. 29
The study found that money was an important marker of masculinity. Money was important as it
enables young men to access material things. Brown et al (2005) and Silberschmidt (2005)
reported similar findings in their respective studies amongst African men. However, both authors
noted that precarious economic situation is an impediment to accessing monetary resources.The
second marker of masculinity that men drew on was having a secured salaried job.
(Connell,2001) argues that production relations (i.e. workplace) configures gender relations.
Firstly, gender relations are shaped through the social reproduction role of the women (and the
family). Marxists argue that the role of the women (family) in bourgeois capitalist economy was
to revitalise the worker and to reproductively produce workers in exchange for protection and
sustenance (Broomhill & Sharp, 2004) (Mitchell, 1966). Secondly, production relations placed
men in positions of authority under the pretext that they possessed the requisite physical and
intellectual strength. All was in effort to justify the subordination of the women folk (Connell,
2002). As such work is at the centre of masculine identity formation. Respondents identified their
transition to adulthood and manhood with acquiring a job. However, unemployment rates in
Namibia and particular Windhoek are very high (50%, Namibia Statistics Agency, 2012).
Worklessness amongst men places them under immense pressure as it prevents them from
fufilling their breadwinner role (Broomhill & Sharp, 2004) (Silberschmidt, 2005). One
respondents noted that being a man is very difficult. This sense of vulnerability is indicative of
the marginal positions men find themselve. Positions in which the are unable to live up to
masculinity norms. Is this a crisis of masculinity or more multiple marginal masculinities
becoming more pronounced?
Most respondents indicated that there are categories of man. There are hardworking, career and
family men, then there are informally underemployed men, the student and lastly, petty criminal

30. 30
man. The common denominator amongst them is to fulfil the hegemonic breadwinner role,
however, they draw on various resources. Morgan (2006) argues the rapid technological and
socio-economic and the rise of feminism has resulted in the collapse of dominant male roles.
The study found that if the economic situation does not improve, the dominant male breadwinner
will prove to be untenable to the respondents. The implications of the demise of dominant male
breadwinner should be studied at a national level. Previous research found a link between the
disempowerment of men and the rise of violent crimes against women, how violence was not the
focus of this study (Silberschmidt, 2005). However, most respondents had patriarchal views
about the positions of women in both the family and public domain. It would be interesting to
study the link between conservative gender views and violence and also the impact of gender
empowerment awareness campaigns.
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Appendix 1: Map of Khomas Region
Source: Namibia Statistics Agency. (2011). Khomas Regional Profile

34. 34
Appendix 2: Interview guide
Verbal Consent

35. 35
Hi, my name is Bethino Mbirimujo and I am a student from Stellenbosch University
(South Africa). I am conducting a research study to examine your views of what is to be
a man in Windhoek. I will ask you questions about your own experiences and thoughts
about what it is to be a man and what you do as a man. I will interview you for one hour
and this interview will be recorded. Although this study will not benefit you personally,
we hope that our results will add to the knowledge about describe public good. All of
your responses will be held in confidence / anonymomity. Participation in this study is
voluntary and you are not been pressurised to take part. You may choose to leave the
study at any time and will not be penalised or prejudiced in any way.If you have any
questions about this study, you may contact me through the information on this card. Do
you have any questions at this time? Do you want to participate in the study?
‘How can we be men?’- Young men’s challenges in constructing their masculinities in
Moses //Garoeb and Samora Machel (Windhoek)
Things to watch for:
 Follow up questions
 Probing questions
 Watch for power discourse
 Allow for narratives to develop
Demographic Information
1. Age, educational level, employment status
2. Family background
3. Roles in the family
4. Responsibilities ( have the responsibilities increases or decreased with age)
Understanding masculinity
11.What is your understanding of what it means to be a man?
12.What do you do that makes you a man?

36. 36
13.Describe some males your community (or outside) who represent manhood?
14.What stands out in these males?
15.Are there situations when think you are being less of a man?
16.What are your plans for the future?
Masculinity and resources
17.Does income make someone a man? Why? Employment/income to be a man?
18.Are there other ways to be a man without employment/income?
19.What is the key event that defines you as a man?
20. Are the opinions of your parents, family or friends important in defining you as a
man?