This document discusses Plaak Pibulsongkram's policies on women during his rule as Prime Minister of Thailand from 1938-1944. It provides context on the improving status of women prior to Phibun, from the time of kings Mongkut, Chulalongkorn, and Vajiravudh. Phibun portrayed women as the "mother of the nation", symbols of civilization, and an important part of the workforce. His wife La-iad Phibunsongkram was an influential advocate for women and founded many women's organizations. While Phibun opened up opportunities for women, his policies were also motivated by nation-building goals and a desire to match Western standards of civilization

1. From “Buffalo” to “Flower of the Nation”:
Status of Thai women during Phibunsongkram’s rule
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2. CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1
WINDS OF CHANGE ............................................................................................................................ 2
KING MONGKUT ..................................................................................................................................... 2
KING CHULALONGKORN ......................................................................................................................... 2
KING VAJIRAVUDH .................................................................................................................................. 4
POST-REVOLUTION (1932 – 1937) .......................................................................................................... 5
PHIBUN AND LA-IAD – BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE........................................................................... 6
CIRCUMSTANCES SURROUNDING PHIBUN’S PREMIERSHIP ............................................... 7
PHIBUN’S POLICIES ON WOMEN ................................................................................................... 9
WOMEN AS MOTHER OF THE NATION ...................................................................................................... 11
WOMEN AS SYMBOL OF CIVILISATION ..................................................................................................... 12
WOMEN AS WORKFORCE ....................................................................................................................... 16
WOMEN’S ISSUES AS HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES ........................................................................................... 18
LA-IAD’S CONTRIBUTIONS ............................................................................................................ 19
LEGACY OF PHIBUN’S POLICIES ON WOMEN ......................................................................... 21
CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................................... 22
REFERENCES ...................................................................................................................................... 24
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3. Introduction
“Women are buffaloes;
Men are humans”
In the old days, women were considered property of men and it was legal for
fathers and husbands to sell them. The status of women started to improve only in the
time of King Mongkut who prohibited men from selling their wives. Fast forward to
the period when Plaak Pibulsongkram became premier in 1938. All of a sudden,
women were catapulted to an exalted status. They were told that they were men’s
equal and were needed in the development of the nation, and that they can do
whatever men can do. Yet at the same time, they were exhorted to be “flowers of the
nation” – beautiful and submissive.
Government policies during Phibun’s leadership were focused on raising the
status of women. Husbands should honour their wives, women were told to dress in
prescribed styles, the economic sphere was opened up to women, they were allowed
to vote and there was compulsory education for all.
This paper examines Phibun’s motivations behind his policies on women. Was he
genuinely interested in the emancipation of women? Or were they just another tool in
nation-building? This paper will also look at the role that Phibun’s wife, La-iad
Phibunsongkram, played in improving the status of women in Thailand. Dubbed a
“renowned feminist” by Time magazine, she was her husband’s loyal ally in the
women’s cause, founding women’s associations all over the country, writing
nationalistic songs about women and started the tradition of Mother’s Day.
The paper will conclude by assessing the longevity and impacts of Phibun’s
policies on women.
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4. Winds of change
King Mongkut
The Three Seals Law in 1805 which stated that husbands and parents were
allowed to sell their daughters or wives like common property represented the height
in women’s subordination. When King Mongkut abolished this practice in 1867, it
was the first time women had a right over their body. Yet it was not known how
effective this prohibition was because common people were illiterate and did not learn
about laws. Education for women at this time was restricted to those in royal or noble
families and emphasised literature, cooking, sewing and arranging flowers. They were
not allowed to study much for fear that they would write love letters.
It was also during this reign that the Westernisation of Thai society began.
Victorian cultural attitudes to women were presented to Thai society as a symbol of
Western civilisation (Suwadee 1993:2). Westerners held the opinion that Eastern
women were degraded and oppressed because of polygamy practices and the way in
which Thai women dressed. So the king encouraged the women to don the more
“appropriate” Western style of women’s dress instead of the traditional pha
chongaben and pha sabai. Furthermore, the Western community regarded their own
etiquette as evidence of the superiority of Western civilisation and as a symbol of the
“high” status that Western society accorded to women, so Victorian social etiquette,
such as public displays of honour towards women, was introduced to the Siamese elite.
King Chulalongkorn
The Westernisation process that began with King Rama IV was accelerated in the
time of King Rama V. During King Chulalongkorn’s reign, education was opened up
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5. to non-royal women in the upper and middle class, and to a limited extent, those in the
lower class. This was despite the king’s reluctance to give priority to women’s
education because of the limited budget. He purportedly once warned the Minister of
Education: “The government’s revenue had better be used for boys’ education. Do not
promote girls’ education too much.” (Suwadee 1991:14) But Queen Saowapha, King
Chulalongkorn’s wife, stepped in and provided the funds for various schools –
including some for girls from the lower strata of society – of which the most famous
was Rachinee School, opened in 1904.
The objective of the girls’ schools was not to educate women to compete with
men in professional careers but to produce efficient housewives. Hence, the
curriculum for boys and girls was different. Girls were taught domestic hygiene,
needle skills, childcare, cooking and social etiquette and they had less lesson hours for
academic subjects such as arithmetic, science and languages than the boys. On the
other hand, education for boys provided them with occupational skills because they
had two years of training in some craft or trade that the girls did not have.
Continuing from King Rama IV, upper and middle class women were encouraged
to wear the Western-style blouse together with the traditional pha chongaben, as well
as white silk stockings and shoes (Suwadee 1993:5). Such a Thai-Western mixed
costume came to be regarded as the symbol of the modernised society which however
still valued some of its precious traditions. King Chulalongkorn was very particular
about how the women’s dressing represented the image of the country. He apparently
complained to the Minister of Local Administration, whose main duty was to look
after various affairs in Bangkok, that whenever he hosted foreign royal guests, he was
very ashamed by the sight of working class women walking around the city with their
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6. exposed breasts. Later, the ministry decreed that everyone should cover their body
appropriately when appearing in public areas (Suwadee 1993:8).
King Vajiravudh
Having spent 10 years overseas, King Rama VI felt that Thai women fell short of
the benchmark set by Western women. With the Western image of Thailand being his
main concern, he strongly believed that to publicly reveal the pleasant personalities of
women was to indicate a society’s civilisation (King Vajiravudh 1918:518). Looking
at Thai women through Western eyes, the king thought that their appearance with
short hair, black teeth and trouser-like pha chongaben was unsightly. So he convinced
them to wear a skirt-like phasin, have long hair and polish their teeth white instead of
chewing betel nuts to blacken them. On social matters, he encouraged women to
attend Western-styled parties with their spouses and associate more often with men by
playing sports and dancing in public. Such conduct was a cultural revolution at a time
when “good ladies” or kulasatri were to be untouched by men.
With nationalism a new policy in King Vajiravudh’s reign, he spelt out how the
women, with their role as citizen and wife, could play a part. In a 1914 speech, he said,
“The principal way in which women could exhibit their nationalism… was by doing a
good job at their main work in the home. They should provide their husbands with
happy and comfortable surroundings so that the men could at work apply themselves
to their fullest capacities.” (Vella 1978:152)
Education for women was given a boost when in 1921, the Compulsory Primary
Education Act was proclaimed with penalty for non-compliance (Onozawa 1999:16).
Primary schools were built in every district. In Bangkok, secondary schools and
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7. occupational schools were also established. A number of private schools for women,
nursing schools and schools for women’s teachers were founded during this period.
King Rama VI had wished to see Thai women more literate, educated and up-to-date.
Post-revolution (1932 – 1937)
After Thailand’s absolute monarchy was replaced by a constitutional one, Thai
men and women were given equal legal rights which allowed them to vote or to stand
for election when the first election bill was passed in 1933. This was an advanced
measure then because women in many other countries had yet to enjoy such a
privilege (Prathoomporn 1976:23). The legal status of women was further improved
when the Laws on Family and Succession in the Civil and Commerce Code outlawed
the long-standing polygamy practices in 1935. Under the new marriage registration
law, a man can have only one lawful wife. The community property must be shared
equally between the husband and wife upon the termination of their marriage (Unesco
1990:5).
The government also implemented compulsory primary education throughout the
country in 1935. Both boys and girls had to have four years of compulsory education
and used the same curriculum, unlike in the days of the absolute monarchy. In this
way, Thai men and women began to receive modern education at about the same time,
and the men could not monopolise the jobs among themselves like men in Europe.
European men started their higher education long before women and tried to keep
women out of their professions. That is why European women had to fight harder
against discrimination before they could enjoy equal status and opportunity to men
(Srisurang 1977:16).
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8. Although these policies were put in place before Phibun became Prime Minister in
1938, it should be noted that he played an active role in the People’s Party that
toppled the absolute monarchy in 1932. And as a Cabinet minister in the new
government, Phibun would undoubtedly have played a key role in the drafting and
implementing of these women-friendly policies.
Phibun and La-iad – Biographical note
It is beyond the scope of this paper to provide exhaustive biographical details of
both Phibun and La-iad but it is important to highlight certain aspects of their
backgrounds to help understand some of the policies or cultural mandates that were
introduced.
Phibun came from humble stock. His parents were durian growers and sellers.
Born in 1897, he grew up under the reigns of King Rama V and VI, during which
Western ideas and conduct were regarded as ideal. He managed to get admitted to the
prestigious Infantry Cadet School on the coattails of a senior military officer that his
father knew. In 1924, he left for France on a scholarship to further his studies in
artillery for three years (Kobkua 1995:2). This was during a period of Western
supremacy and it would not be far-fetched to guess that when young Phibun was in
France, he would have been exposed to what was considered “civilised behaviour”
and might have experienced first-hand the way Westerners looked down on Asians for
their habits. As we would see later, the motivation behind some of his cultural
mandates seem driven by the intense desire to match up to the Western powers and
not be despised by them.
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9. La-iad, on the other hand, hailed from a upper-middle class family. Born in 1903,
she was home-schooled by her father in Nakhon Pathom and was then sent to study in
Bangkok (Jayanta 1972:190). She had a relative in the palace whom she visited and
stayed with regularly as a child. It is probable that she picked up ideas of Western
ways and dressing during the visits to the court. After completing her education, she
taught in a missionary school for girls in Phitsanulok. It should be noted that
missionaries then were the most active agents of Western civilisation due to their
concern about linking Western civilisation with Christianity. The Victorian style of
women’s dress which covered women’s bodies from neck to toe was referred to by
the missionaries as “the robe of Christ’s righteousness” (Suwadee 1993:2). Hence La-
iad’s ideas of “proper dressing” would have been further cemented during her time,
first as a student then as a teacher, at the missionary school.
It was at Phitsanulok that Phibun met and married La-iad. La-iad was only 14
years old when she married Phibun in 1917. She wrote in her autobiography: “I didn’t
feel that I was too young. I was plump and was mature in my thinking and
behaviour.” (Jiravas 1997:9) She went on to become her husband’s personal secretary,
trusted confidante and loyal ally in his policies.
Circumstances surrounding Phibun’s premiership
The policies that Phibun put into place were not made in a vacuum and could not
be discussed without considering the political and economic context at that time.
One of the first things that he did when he became prime minister was to order the
sweeping arrest of his political foes. After the execution of the leading conspirators
and the passing of harsh sentences on the remaining 52 accomplices, Phibun and the
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10. government no longer had political opponents of any standing to contend with. Yet he
knew that it was not enough to weed out his political enemies; he needed to uproot the
semi-feudalistic and socio-political values of the Chakri Dynasty in the Thai psyche.
Hence he embarked on a series of socio-cultural and, to a certain degree, economic
reforms, which represented the most comprehensive effort ever undertaken by a post-
1932 Thai leader to transform not only the physical and material aspects but, more
significantly, the mind of the society as well (Kobkua 1995:103). It had been
explained repeatedly that the purpose of the nation-building efforts was to turn
Thailand into a modern, progressive and civilised nation. Despite these altruistic
reasons, the reforms were really launched first and foremost to ensure the ideological
and political survival of one political system against another. The reforms were in
essence a political war waged against the old regime for the support of the people and
for the control of their minds, without which the 1932 Promoters could neither hope
to flourish nor have their ideology accepted.
Moreover, the Promoters’ right to rule was very much hinged on the success of
the nation-building programmer. Politically, being newcomers in the ruling elitist
circle, they could not afford to be complacent in domestic or foreign affairs, as lack of
progress or outright failure would only be used as evidence against their right to rule.
Ideologically, success in undertakings both at home and abroad was needed to
substantiate the Promoters’ claim of the ideological superiority of democracy over
absolute monarchy. Psychologically, Phibun and his government were ever-conscious
of their responsibility to uphold and strengthen Thailand’s full sovereignty and
independence (Kobkua 1995:105). It goes without saying that there was a painful
need for the fledgling government to gain respect and recognition from other nations,
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11. especially Western nations which had been accustomed to dealing with the monarchy
or the royalists after the revolution.
Alongside the socio-cultural reforms, Phibun also pursued economic nationalism
and encouraged Thais to buy and use only Thai products. It would be discussed later
how the working place was opened up to Thai women in Phibun’s attempts to loosen
the Chinese grip on the economy.
With the war in Europe breaking out within a year of Phibun becoming premier,
he realised that Thailand was in need of well-trained manpower in many areas. From
the experience of the shortage of nurses during World War I, Phibun ensured that the
policies on women emphasised training in medical care, nursing, Red Cross, Girl
Scouts’ activities, and women’s military training (Onozawa 1999:68).
Phibun’s policies on women
Phibun’s policies on women were part of the blueprint for his nation-building
mission. Believing that “the exhibition of high culture by the people is one sure way
of maintaining the sovereignty of the nation”, he set up and became the president of
the National Cultural Council which was divided into five bureaux: the Bureau of
Culture for the Mind; the Bureau of Culture for Customs and Tradition; the Bureau of
Culture for the Fine Arts; the Bureau of Culture for Literature; and the Bureau of
Culture for Women’s Affairs (Kobkua 1995:112).
Women were encouraged to view themselves as important partners of men in
building the nation. Phibun once said in a speech, “Women are parts of the nation.
Generally during a short visit, in order to see how developed the nation is, it can be
judged by looking at women’s development.” (Onozawa 1999:68) A number of
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12. government organisations were established and assigned to be in charge of women’s
social activities and welfare. Laws and regulations were enacted to support the
government’s policies related to women. Mass media owned by the government,
particularly radio broadcasting, were used to propagate the new ideology.
So women who used to be the “hindlegs of an elephant” according to an old Thai
saying and who used to devote their time to being a housewife was suddenly raised to
an exalted level during the era of Phibun, all without the need for women’s lib as is
apparent today. The government established a policy of raising the status of woman to
that of man and whatever the man could do, the woman must also be able to do. In the
same vein, a woman corps in the Army, as well as a women’s cadet academy and a
women’s non-commissioned training school were established. La-iad was the real
force behind the establishment of the women’s military corps and was herself given
the rank of a lieutenant-colonel in the Artillery Regiment (Thamsook 1977:219).
The government seemed to have a multi-directional policy about women’s social
and economic roles. Women in the upper socioeconomic class were encouraged to
obtain higher education and work in the areas in which they were capable. The full-
time housewives such as wives of government officers who attained high social status
by their husbands’ positions were requested to do social work helping the poor or to
form associations and socialise with each other. The married women were asked to
bear more children and were given education in childcare. The wives were told to take
good care of their husbands so that they could work efficiently. Women in the lower
strata of society were advised to work in the proper careers for women. Yet at the
same time, all the women were told to beautify themselves in the Western fashion, to
make themselves pretty since women were “flowers of the nation” or dokmai khong
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13. chart whose duties were to be beautiful and submissive wives and daughters, who
could give moral support to their husbands and fathers, whose duties were to
undertake hard work (Onozawa 1999:68).
Phibun’s policies really made the most impact during his first term as prime
minister from 1938 to 1946. His leadership styles during the two terms at the top were
markedly different. When he first took over the helm, he was only 41 years old,
brimming with dynamic leadership and equipped with a grand vision which he
imposed in a rather heavy-handed manner on the people. In his second term from
1948 to 1957, he had mellowed into a cautious and realistic politician whose main
purpose appeared to be none other than simply to survive. In his own words, he was a
changed man, a result of being young no more, and his “blood has cooled down”
through years of trials and tribulations (Kobkua 1995:25). Yet it was in his second
tenure that La-iad came to the forefront in her push for the betterment of women’s
status. Her contributions would be discussed in a separate section.
Women as mother of the nation
While Phibun was in power, he extolled the virtues of motherhood, believing that a
child’s future depended on its mother whose duty was to mould it from infancy into a
successful adult. He once said: “Woman is the mother of every single Thai person, in
every way. For she is the mould from which every child inherits his characteristics.
Whoever becomes a brave warrior is because his mother had so moulded him from
infancy. Whoever succeeds in business it is because the trait had been infused into
him from the cradle. Therefore Mother is undoubtedly the mould from which the
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14. greatness of a nation must be built. Without a mould, we can never build Thailand
into anything…” (Thai Foreign Ministry’s Archives, 1943)
But these beautiful words belied a national policy of population increase. The
population then was about 15 million and Phibun aimed at a minimum of 40 million
in order to become a powerful nation. Women were encouraged to marry and have
more children. The government arranged group wedding ceremonies for people in
Bangkok and other big cities. Single men and women were encouraged to marry
ethnic Thais to thicken Thai blood. Movies were made by the government to admire
Thai women’s capability in domestic and public works. La-iad composed a number of
poems and songs for Thai folk dancing, pleng ram wong, all praising Thai women for
their kindness and beauty. The Department of Public Health was founded in the
Ministry of the Interior in 1941 to take care of mothers’ and children’s health. The
Ministry of Public Health was established in 1942. Hospitals and public health clinics
were founded in many areas in Bangkok and other provinces. Midwife training
courses were opened. Social workers and midwives were delivered to rural areas by
mobile clinics. People were taught modern knowledge of childcare and child-rearing.
Women’s status as mothers was highly recognised and a National Mother’s Day was
founded on March 10, 1943. Celebration of the day was held in central provinces in
each region. Mothers with the highest number of children alive would be awarded
(Onozawa 1999:71).
Women as symbol of civilisation
Phibun’s idea of what Thai women should look like was similar to King Rama
VI’s belief – they should dress in Western styles, sport long hair, stop chewing betel
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15. nut, as well as wear hats shoes. This was unsurprising, given that Phibun grew up
during King Vajiravudh’s reign. Where they differed was that while the King strongly
encouraged the people to conform to these dress codes, Phibun made it a law that
people had to obey. The government also prescribed disciplinary action for those who
refused to cooperate or who violated the regulations on the new style of dressing.
Hence the entire issue of dress became a political tool in Phibun’s hand. He
believed that if the people were dressed properly, it would prevent Thailand from
being colonised and losing its sovereignty: “Proper attire is a positive way to maintain
the independence of the country. If we wore only dirty rags or had no proper garments,
others would certainly look down on us. It would also offer them excuses to interfere
[in our affairs] on the pretext of introducing us to civilisation.” (Kobkua 1995:109)
Explaining why Western-style dresses were preferred over the traditional costumes,
he reasoned that the pha chongaben should be neglected because of its similarity to
the dress of people in Cambodia, which was a French colony then. Thus, it was not
suitable to be the dress of the Thais who should be proud of their independence
(Suwadee 1993:9).
The enforcement of the dress codes became even stricter as the conflict with
French Indo-China drew closer in 1941. Thailand was negotiating with France and
Britain in order to reclaim territories ceded to them between 1904 and 1909, which
included the provinces of Siem Reap and Battambang in Cambodia, the two regions
on the right bank of the Mekong River adjoining Laos, and Kelantan, Trenganu and
Saiburi, the northernmost provinces of Malaya (Bangkok World, 1971).
Reprimanding his compatriots for their unbecoming habits of appearing in the public
not properly dressed, Phibun said: “The French could very well say that if this is what
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16. we are, how dare we demand for the return of the territory. It’d be more appropriate
that [the territory] remain under their rule. They at least can keep it clean and
hygienic.” (Kobkua 1995:115)
It was also around this time that the slogan “Hats will lead Thailand to Greatness”
was coined (The Royal Gazette, 1943). Despite the strangeness of wearing a hat for
most of the population, it took off quite well among the young ladies but backfired
among the old. The government once approached Queen Sawang Wattana, a consort
of King Rama V, to allow herself to be photographed wearing a hat as an example to
the public. She snapped back: “Today I am hardly myself anymore, now you are even
interfering with my head. No! If you want me to put on a hat then cut my head off and
put the hat on by yourselves.” (Sompob 1973:371).
Hence, measuring up to western standards of civilisation became the main plank
in Thai policy as the country fought to maintain international respect and sovereignty.
And it was not just about conforming to the standards of dressing, but also to the
Western standards of social etiquette and family life. Husbands were ordered to
honour and respect their wives. They were required to kiss their wives before going to
work and on returning home after work, to show their appreciation (Kobkua
1995:127). The National Cultural Council even issued marriage advice for couples
called “Husband and Wife Culture” or wattanatham pau mia. By using a combination
of Buddhist dharma, psychology and life experience, it was recommended that
husbands should behave towards their wives in the following ways:
− Honour her as a wife
− Refrain from looking down on her
− Refrain from mental cruelty
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17. − Allow her rule of the house
− Allow her to dress as she wishes.
(Thamsook 1977:220)
The Office of the Prime Minister also issued a decree reminding the men that the
practice of wife-beating as though their wives were slaves of lowly lackeys was a
shameful and immoral act likely to bring dishonour to the country. Besides, it was a
crime according to the law and the man may be punished by up to 10 years’ jail
without exceptions (Thamsook 1977:219). This was certainly a far cry from the past
when it was the norm for husbands to mete out corporal punishment on their wives for
the slightest mistake made.
The rules were even stricter for husbands in government service. Any civil servant
who had a quarrel with his wife without good reason was subject to disciplinary
action. They also had to be the role models of monogamy. In order to protect the only-
one registered wife policy, the following rules were issued to male government
officers:
1) To always honour his wife in the status of wife
2) To take care of his wife and children properly, cannot abandon them
3) To live with his wife, cannot abandon or divorce her without proper reason
(Nanthira, 1987)
Government officers who broke any of these three rules were to be punished; the
maximum punishment was to be fired.
Adultery was strictly prohibited under Phibun’s leadership. A law prohibiting
adultery was issued among the government officers. Even novels were thoroughly
examined – the married male characters were not allowed to flirt with other women
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18. and not allowed to think of having an affair because it was against morality and could
break the family life (Onozawa 1999:72).
Women as workforce
Traditionally, there had not been many opportunities for women to work outside,
other than in the agricultural sector. Their main role was to stay at home and look
after their husband and children. But with Phibun’s aggressive nation-building
policies, it was announced that “every able-bodied person must work”. It was further
stated that those “who take up no occupation… neglect their duty in assisting…
national progress do not deserve to be held in respect by the general public” (Barmé
1993:152). Hence women from every strata of society discovered that the working
place was now open to them.
The shortage of intellectuals and professionals in many fields opened the doors to
high-level jobs for women graduates, many of whom were appointed to significant
positions in education, medical science and public health. To encourage women to
work with the government, the Civilian Official Act was amended in 1939 to hire
capable persons without consideration of gender. The Day of Women Government
Officers was founded on February 1, 1943 (Onozawa 1999:69). However, limitations
for female officers were specified. They were not allowed to:
− Work outside governmental offices
− Work at night
− Engage in dangerous and tough work
− Work in a foreign country
(Sathien, 1940)
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19. Despite the limitations that hindered promotion, this was an important step in Thai
women’s career change. The term “government officer” or kha rajakan means the
person who works for the king. So being a government officer in Thai society was not
only very prestigious in the old days but also powerful and wealthy. Besides, the
opportunity was usually limited only to male descendants of the nobles of royal blood.
Under the constitutional monarchy of the 1940s, governmental work provided
prestige, high salary, security and many fringe benefits that were rare among jobs for
women. Hence, this could even be termed a career revolution for women (Onozawa
1999:69).
Public services were the new area cultivated for urban women in the middle
educational level. Tourism in Thailand was officially supported and promoted by
Phibun’s government then. As a model of service jobs for women, two governmental
hotels Rattanakosin and Suriyanon were built in 1943, and women were employed for
almost all positions, mostly clerical work (Pramuanwan, 1943).
As for women with little education, Phibun was trying to convince them to give
up agricultural work for jobs in the manufacturing or service industries. Showing his
disapproval with women in labour-intensive work, he said: “Nowadays, there are
many kinds of work that women should not do, such as digging, cracking the rocks,
carrying water buckets and so on. These are heavy work for men, not for women.”
(Public Relation News 1937:243) To encourage them to try out the new jobs, pictures
of women at work in the cotton factories, toy factories, handicrafts factories and
instant food factories were widely advertised by the government. Some occupational
training courses such as cooking and dressmaking were offered to women by
government organisations. At the same time, skilled female labourers were protected
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20. by a law issued by the government in 1942 which reserved 27 occupations for Thai
nationals. They were: making Buddha images; selling Buddha images; cutting
firewood; selling firewood; making charcoal; selling charcoal; making water bowls;
selling water bowls; making rubber oil; selling rubber oil; making torches; selling
torches; making and selling bricks; making women’s hats; making women’s dresses;
dyeing work; weaving household utensils except for mats; making lacquer ware;
making inlay work; carving Thai patterns; alphabet proof; making firecrackers;
making toys; making umbrellas; hair dresser; lawyer; and barber (Royal Decree
1942:1221). The government wanted to transfer these jobs to non-agricultural Thai
workers. Half the occupations were considered especially suitable for women. It was
also known that the not-so-hidden agenda behind getting the urban women to work
was to eliminate the increasing of Chinese participation from business as much as
possible. The Chinese were prohibited from producing and monopolising some
merchandises and businesses such as tobacco, salt, swallows’ nests, and forestry
(Ronnachit 1991:49).
Women’s issues as human rights issues
The mid-1950s marked a rise in interest in human rights issues around the world.
Concern about the treatment of women also took centrestage in the United Nations
activities. In its drive to become a respected member of the international community,
the Phibun government enthusiastically involved itself in the UN and Thailand was a
hive of UN activity then. UN organisations working in Thailand by that time included
the Economic and Social Council for Asia and the Far East (Ecafe), the Food and
Agriculture Organisation (FAO), the UN Children’s Fund (Unicef), the World Health
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21. Organisation (WHO), the UN Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation
(UNESCO) and the International Labour Organisation (ILO) (Jeffrey 2002:18).
In 1954, Thailand signed the Convention on the Political Rights of Women of
the United Nations (Jiravas 1997:84). The year 1949 marked the first time in Thai
political history that women directly participated in politics at the national level. In
this year, Mrs. Orapin Chaiyakorn, a wife of a famous member of parliament, ran
against her husband for the same office and won, hence the first Thai female MP.
Also in the same year, two other women were appointed senators (Orapin 1998:15).
La-iad herself served twice in the National Assembly – once as an appointed Senator
and then as an MP for Nakhorn Nayok province.
La-iad’s contributions
La-iad was, first and foremost, her husband’s most loyal supporter. She was
always ready to pitch in to help make Phibun’s policies a success. When Phibun
elevated the status of mothers in Thai society, La-iad was the one to start Mother’s
Day. In fact, it was La-iad who chose the jasmine flower to be used for children to
show their appreciation to their mothers (Jiravas 1997:105). Or when Phibun was
trying to convince the women to wear hats, La-iad became the leading light of the hat-
wearing campaign, making it look chic and fashionable.
When the Department of Social Welfare was short-staffed in the provincial cities
and towns, La-iad rallied the wives of male officers to volunteer their help in social
work. Phibun suggested this alternative because he felt that “the work of the
department of social welfare is a woman’s work, similar to child-rearing, it has to be
finished and domineered.” (Onozawa 1999:72). Hence Phibun left it to his wife, who
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22. was the president of the Bureau of Culture for Women’s Affairs, to organise the
officers’ spouses into groups. Apparently, during Phibun’s tenure, the wives of the
high-ranked officers were very active in voluntary social work under La-iad’s
guidance. In Bangkok, many women’s associations were also formed. Since then,
voluntary social work has become a traditional activity of wives of high-ranking
officials, especially the military officers. La-iad went on to found a school of social
work and introduced courses for the training of social workers under the auspices of
the bureau. It was only in 1954 that the faculty of social welfare science was set up in
Thammasat University to take over the task of training qualified social workers
(Kobkua 1995:139).
As the president of the women’s bureau, La-iad helped set up women’s
associations all over the country – one in each province – which were also affiliated to
the General Federation of Women’s Clubs in the United States. The main aims of
these clubs were to improve the welfare of women, develop their potential and to
champion their rights. La-iad’s many projects delved into every aspect of a woman’s
life – education, home-making skills, financial know-how, hygiene, marriage relations,
childcare and etc. She taught the women to know what their rights were and was
responsible for starting women labour unions and getting the women to join them so
that if a member dies, the family can get 500 baht (Jiravas 1997:55). She also
provided free vocational training, such as weaving, hair-dressing, tailoring and
cooking. More importantly, she was slowly transforming the mind of the women in
Thai society. She showed them that women did not have to be confined to being
domestic creatures whose knowledge stopped at the four walls of the house. Instead,
she encouraged the housewives to meet together, discuss current affairs, increase their
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23. general knowledge and even engage in voluntary social work. That was how La-iad
expanded the horizon of the Thai women, who previously had very narrow mindsets.
After founding the various women’s clubs, La-iad was instrumental in forming
then into a federation that is the present-day National Council of Women, which gives
the women more leverage in pushing for greater equality in Thai society. Her work in
this area won her the election to the presidency of the World Federation of United
Nations Association for two terms, thus putting Thailand on the world stage.
Legacy of Phibun’s policies on women
Women’s traditional role had always been that of mother and wife. But Phibun’s
policies widened that role by putting women on equal standing with men. Now
women are no longer just ignorant housewives – they have the opportunity to meet up
with other women, gain knowledge, engage in social work and work outside. And in
terms of work, Phibun has opened up the economic sphere for the women, who could
work only either as slaves or in the agricultural sector in the past. Now, they can get
high-paid government jobs or even join the army.
The most obvious and long-lasting impact that Phibun had on Thai women is
probably in terms of the Western styles for dressing. Except for hat-wearing, the dress
code was a resounding success. The government managed, within a very short period,
to transform the ‘exterior’ of Thai society through its modern dress campaign. Since
the war years, an average Thai citizen would sport a pair of trousers, a shirt, and shoes
when in public while his female compatriot would don a skirt or pha-nung, a blouse,
and shoes. The ‘irregularities’ of Thai dressing of the pre-dress code period became
the regular wear of the post-war Thai society. Gone forever from public view were the
21

24. pha chongaben, Chinese trousers, bare torso and undergarments. Phibun was
successful in inculcating a sense of pride among his compatriots over their public
appearance. The triumph of the new dress code alone enabled him to achieve a
complete break from the Siam of the absolute monarchy days.
Conclusion
Phibun’s policies on women, no matter how philanthropic, were never made in
isolation or a vacuum. The policies were always made to accommodate the concurrent
main policies, Westernisation, economic nationalism and the preparation for war. In
the preceding sections, we had seen how he encouraged women to work at the same
time that he was trying to loosen the Chinese grip on the economy. He extolled the
virtues of motherhood at the same time that he wanted to increase the Thai population.
He wanted women to wear hats at a time when he was pursuing his irredentist
ambitions, hence coining the slogan, “Hats will lead Thailand to greatness”.
Moreover, Phibun’s attitudes towards women and his ideas on how they should
dress and behave were not even new. The leaders before him – King Chulalongkorn
and King Vajiravudh – have long expressed similar sentiments. But where they
differed was that while the kings cajoled their subjects to adhere to the preferred
styles of dressing and behaviour, the prime minister opted for force. While he did not
originate new ideas, he used what was already present, took it to the extreme, and
imposed the policies on the entire populace so that everyone in Bangkok, and not just
the upper class, was affected by this particular form of Westernization/modernisation.
Were Phibun’s motives behind the women’s policies noble or self-serving? It
would be difficult to deduce an answer. To borrow a quote from famed Chinese leader
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25. Deng Xiaoping: “No matter if it is a white cat or a black, as long as it can catch mice,
it is a good cat.” Hence, in spite of the excessiveness of the efforts designed to raise
their status, Thai women do owe their social liberation to the draconian measures
launched by Phibun. His campaign had made it possible for them to participate in the
national, economic and social affairs of the nation.
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