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Consequential Courts JUDICIAL ROLES IN GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Edited by DIANA KAPISZEWSKI University of California, Irvine GORDON SILVERSTEIN Yale Law School ROBERT A. KAGAN University of California, Berkeley CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS xii Contributors Manoj Mate is Assistant Professor of Law, Whittier Law School, and Assistant Professor of Political Science (by courtesy), Whittier College. Amnon Reichman is Professor of Law, University ofHaifa (Israel). Druscilla L. Scribner is Associate Professor of Political Science, University ofWis- consin, Oshkosh. Martin Shapiro is James W. and Isabel Coffroth Professor of Law (Emeritus), Berkeley Law, University of California. Alexei Trochev is Associate Professor, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nazarbayev University (Kazakhstan). Introduction Diana Kapiszewski, Gordon Silverstein, and Robert A. Kagan* In early nineteenth-century America, Alexis de Tocqueville (1835) famously observed, "[Sjcarcely any political question arises...that is not resolved, sooner or later, into a judicial question." That may have been a considerable exaggeration at the time, but today, the dynamic Tocqueville highlighted marks many constitu- tional democracies in which independent courts are vested with powers of judicial review. In such countries, political actors, organizations, and ordinary individuals who become enmeshed in political conflicts have strong incentives to frame their desires as constitutional or statutory claims and ask courts to vindicate them. As a result, in the early twenty-first century, courts have become versatile actors in the governance of many constihitional democracies, and judges and justices play multiple roles in politics and policymaking. As many observers have noted/ politically consequential courts have emerged in new democracies from Korea to South Africa to Brazil and beyond; courts in more established democracies such as Canada and New Zealand have been given or have assumed more power to protect individual rights and invalidate government policies; and both the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) have taken on dramatic roles in European governance. However, the political power of courts has ebbed as well as flowed. In many Latin American countries, judges are not blazing the way to robust constitutional democracy in the way many hoped they might. The Hungarian Constitutional Court, once hailed as one of the most significant new constitutional courts (Zifcak 1996), had its wings clipped less than a decade after its creation (Scheppele 1999).2 * Respectively, Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of California, Irvine; Assistant Dean, Yale Law School; Professor Emeritus of Political Science and Law, University of California, Berkeley. 1 See, for example, Tate and Vallinder 1997, Stone Sweet 2000, Hirschl 2006. 2 After another brief period of judicial independence from 2002 to 20.
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This article aims to demonstrate that the Lula government is faced with two major challenges in its effort to promote Brazil's economic and social development. The first challenge, of an economic nature, is represented by the obstacles that exist with the spending cap policy, despite the flexibility provided by the fiscal framework and the existence of an independent Central Bank, which make the Brazilian government unable to coordinate its fiscal and monetary policies, make public investments in the expansion of the economy and obtain macroeconomic stability and, the second challenge, of a political nature, is represented by the obstacles existing in the National Congress due to the fact that it does not have a majority in parliament, which prevents the federal government from putting its national developmental project into practice and fully meet social demands. For Brazil's progressive forces to re-elect President Lula in the 2026 presidential elections and obtain a parliamentary majority in the National Congress committed to political, economic and social advances, the Lula government will have to be successful on the economic front, promoting the expansion of the economy, increasing significantly generating jobs and income, keeping inflation under control and meeting the maximum social demands that benefit, above all, the country's underserved populations. Brazil's progressive forces need to commit, starting from the 2024 municipal elections, towards to elect the maximum number of mayors and councilors committed to Brazil's political, economic and social advances. These are the conditions to prevent, in 2026, right-wing extremists from regaining the Presidency of the Republic, expanding their participation in state governments and the National Congress and putting their nefarious anti-social and anti-national project into practice.
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02052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdf
02052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdf
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Under the aegis of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Naidu's administration implemented a series of groundbreaking initiatives that propelled Andhra Pradesh into the forefront of technological advancements and knowledge-driven growth.
Transformative Leadership: N Chandrababu Naidu and TDP's Vision for Innovatio...
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Nara Chandrababu Naidu's Visionary Policies For Andhra Pradesh's Development
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Hi! I Live In Pa
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Hi! I live
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Executive Branch
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13 Circuits (11
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Circuit
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US Supreme Court
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JUDGES
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The Structure is
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