1. AS SOCIOLOGY
EXPLORING SOCIALISATION, CULTURE & IDENTITY
Ethnic Identity

2. Scheme of Work
Week 13 1 ½ formal mock exam 3 – lads & laddettes Social Class Booklet
Test: Mock Exam 3 Homework 13
OCR Textbook
Students should be able to answer OCR Over Christmas it is your task to
AS Sociology examination style Mind map the main cultures in UK –
Dec 13th
questions under exam conditions Irish, Scottish, Pakistani, Afro-
2010
Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Chinese &
Students should be able to provide Indian – New eastern European
evidence that they have learnt key Immigrants
sociological concepts, studies, methods,
theory & contemporary examples from I would like a detailed & developed
Unit 1: Exploring socialization, culture account of their whole way of life
& identity
Students should be able to recognize
the value of peer review to analyse &
evaluate the success of their progress
test
Power Point – Introduction to ethnic Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities
identities
OCR Textbook
Students should be able to outline &
Define key concepts: ethnicity, ethnic
assess the influence of structure (i.e.
identity, nationality, race, hybridity &
agents of socialisation) & agency (i.e.
globalization
individual choice) in the creation &
reinforcement of ethnic identities
Immigration & the different cultures that
make up the contemporary UK’s 8%
Students should be able to outline &
ethnically diverse population
explain the concepts of ethnicity,
nationality, race, hybridity &
Link to homework/research that all students
globalization in relation to ethnic
must complete over Christmas
identity socialization

3. Power Point – A History of Conflict
Ethnic Identities
Formal & informal Racism Ethnicity Booklet
The Windrush & African Caribbean’s OCR Textbook
Theory? Conflict or Consensus
Christmas Break
Week 14 Introduce agents & discuss cultures Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities Homework 14
Power Point – OCR Textbook
Students should be able to outline & Mock Exam: Jacobson (1998) –
explain how the family & media as Islam in Transition: Religion and
Jan 5th Family & Media Identity Among British Pakistani
agents of socialisation create &
2010 Youth: Routledge
reinforce ethnic identities
Prepare a response to the d)
question in Mock Exam 3
Power Point – Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities
Education & Peer group OCR Textbook
Students should be able to outline &
explain how education & peer group as
agents of socialisation create &
reinforce ethnic identities
Power Point – Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities
Religion & Workplace OCR Textbook
Students should be able to outline &
explain how religion & the workplace
as agents of socialisation create &

4. reinforce ethnic identities
Week 15
Ethnic Identities Power Point – Potential Change Ethnicity Booklet Homework 15
Postmodernism – Hybridity – Globalization - OCR Textbook Mind map all of the key concepts
Dual Identities and studies that are related to
Jan 10th
ethnic identities in the
2010
contemporary UK
Power Point – The continuing influence of Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities
tradition
OCR Textbook
G671 - The Formation & Meaning of Ethnic Ethnicity Booklet
Ethnic Identities Identities: 1 ½ hours – 100 marks
a) Define the concept of cultural values. OCR Textbook
Illustrate your answer with examples (8
Test: Mock exam 3 marks)
b) Outline and explain two ways in which
an individual may express an ethnic
identity (16 marks)
c) Explain and briefly evaluate why ethnic
minority youth in the UK may adopt
dual identities (24 marks)
d) Using the prerelease material and your
wider sociological knowledge, explain
the use of observations and interviews
to research the identity of young British
Pakistanis (52 marks)

5. Key Concepts
Ethnicity White Mask Ethnocentric
Ethnic Minority Black Mask Exclusion
Ethnic Identity Functionalism ‘Other’
Race Marxism Moral Panic
Nationality Postmodernism Scapegoat
Nationalism Multiculturalism Labelling
National Identity Cultural diversity Cultural Disonance
Racism Conflict Immigrant Host Model
Cultural Resistance Consensus Integration
Prejudice Anomie/normlessness Hidden Curriculum
Discrimination Globalisation Formal Curriculum
Institutional Racism Code Switching Ghetto/Gangster Culture
Generational Conflict Assimilation Covert/Overt Racism
Dual Identity Anglicisation Social Closure
1st Generation Immigrants Formal/Informal Racism Code Switching
2nd Generation Immigrants Direct/Indirect Racism
3rd Generation Immigrants Islamophobia
Hybridity (Culture/Identities) Diversity

6. Race
The idea of race is an increasingly outdated concept. It originated with attempts made by early scientists
to classify human beings into types (e.g. Negroid, Caucasoid, mongoloid) and was sometimes used to
justify domination and abuse of one ethnic group by another. However, the science of genetics has
subsequently shown that the genetic differences between racial groups are actually very small. The
differences between individuals are far more significant than the variations between 'racial types'. The
human genome project showed that humans share a very large proportion of their genetic material. Rose
(1998) points out that, despite this, skin colour has been used as a basis for differentiating between one
group and another in a variety of cultures. In Western culture, the reasons for this are bound up in
religious symbolism. For example, in medieval wall paintings the Devil was often painted as black. The
legacy of this is that the modern English language has itself become racist `'black' is used to describe
things that are unpleasant, for example, blackmail, black look, black-hearted. Racism has become part of
many cultures and is often at its most obvious in jokes and humour that are based on cultural
stereotyping.
Early scientists were keen to categorise human 'types' by measuring distinctive features of their faces
and build. This developed into the now discredited 'science' of eugenics that was used by the Nazis to
identify Jews.
Ethnicity
Ethnicity is a far more useful concept than race and means being part of a group of people who share a
culture that consists of particular traditions and beliefs. Every individual has an ethnicity, a sense of
belonging to a particular group. People are more likely to be aware of their sense of ethnicity when they
are in a foreign country than when they are at home. This culture differentiates them from other groups.
People who share an ethnicity feel included and part of a larger social group. Their ethnicity group often
gives people a sense of pride and identity. They will emphasise their differences and signal them to
others.
Ethnicity is also significant because it marks out as 'other' those who do not share that particular
ethnicity, and these people are excluded. Ethnicity is a far more useful concept to sociologists than race
because people who consider themselves as sharing an ethnicity may not in fact be very different from
those whom they consider as 'other'. Consider the case of the Scots and English; it would be difficult for a
non-European to recognise the cultural difference between these ethnicities, but to a Scottish person,
these differences may be very important. Sometimes these ethnic differences may include longstanding
religious and political disputes that have resulted in bloodshed. Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants
recognise subtle cultural differences that would not be obvious to an outsider.
There are a variety of ethnicities present within the British population. These ethnicities have languages
that pre-date modern English, e.g. Welsh and Scottish Gaelic. Minority ethnic groups found in Britain
include Chinese, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Somalis, Jews, and various West Indian groups, as well as
Poles, Greeks and Australians. The non-white British population is mostly derived from those migrating
to Britain from the Caribbean, South Asia and East and West Africa since the mid-1950s. Modood (1997)
points out that the majority of non-white people currently living in Britain were born in the UK and
consider themselves to be British.

7. a) Define these key concepts. Illustrate your answer with examples (8 marks)
Ethnicity
Ethnic Identity/culture

8. Nationality
Race - http://www.rewind.org.uk/

9. Ethnic Cultures in the Contemporary UK
- The UK Population by Ethnic Group 2001
Ethnic Group Total pop. 2001 count Total pop. 2001 Minority Ethnic pop. 2001
White 54,153,898 92.1 n/a
Mixed 677,117 1.2 14.6
Asian or Asian British
Indian 1,053,411 1.8 22.7
Pakistani 747,285 1.3 16.1
Bangladeshi 283,063 0.5 6.1
Other Asians 247,664 0.4 5.3
Black or Black British
Black Caribbean 565,876 1.0 12.2
Black African 485,277 0.8 10.5
Black Other 97,585 0.2 2.1
Chinese 247,403 0.4 5.3
Other 230,615 0.4 5.0
All minority ethnic pop. 4,635,296 7.9 100
All pop. 58,789,194 100 n/a
Office for National Statistics (2003)
Britain is a multicultural society. According to the 2001 census} where people were given the chance to
describe their ethnic origin} 8 per cent of the British population described themselves as belonging to a
non-white ethnic minority group. This amounts to about 4.6 million people out of a total population of
about 60 million. Indians are the largest of these groups (1. 8 per cent of the population), followed by
Pakistanis (1.3 per cent), those of mixed ethnic background (1.2 per cent), black Caribbean’s (1.0 per
cent), black Africans (0.8 per cent), Bangladeshis (0.5 per cent) and Chinese (0.4 per cent).
The census also showed that Britain’s ethnic minority population is not evenly distributed throughout
the country, with London being the most multicultural. Other multicultural areas include Yorkshire,
especially cities like Bradford, and the West Midlands, particularly Birmingham.
Population: by ethnic group1 and age, Percentage
20082 - Great Britain -
Under 16 16–64 65 and over All people
White
White British 18 65 17 100
White Irish 7 68 25 100
Other White 14 75 12 100
Mixed 51 47 2 100
Asian or Asian British
Indian 20 72 8 100
Pakistani 34 62 4 100
Bangladeshi 36 61 4 100
Other Asian 23 73 5 100
Black or Black British
Black Caribbean 20 66 13 100
Black African 33 64 2 100
Other Black 37 57 6 100
Chinese 12 83 5 100
Other ethnic group 20 75 4 100
All ethnic groups 19 65 16 100
Source: Annual Population Survey, Office for National Statistics

10. The history of migration to the UK
Britain has a long history of immigration. Throughout the years there have been Romans from Italy,
Saxons from Germany, Vikings from Denmark and Normans from France. In the 16th and 17th centuries
England accepted many people from France and Holland who were escaping religious persecution, and in
the 19th century many left Ireland to escape starvation and poverty. After the Second World War many
refugees came to Britain from Europe, especially Poland. The biggest groups of immigrants to Britain
since then have been from Asia and the Caribbean. Many of the early immigrants were recruited to do
low-paid and relatively low-status work which employers could not fill with white British workers.
London Transport, for example, recruited thousands of workers from Barbados, and many more ethnic
minorities got jobs in the NHS and service sector. More recently changes in the European Union have
allowed many eastern Europeans to work in the UK, and many have come from Poland. Estimates vary on
the actual number of eastern Europeans in the UK, with figures ranging from half to two million.
- People of Afro-Caribbean origins: The majority came to Britain during the 1950s and early
1960s, when they were recruited by British companies to fill job vacancies, when there was a
severe shortage of labour.
Although the majority of the original migrants came from Jamaica, almost half came from a range
of islands such as Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados, and also from Guyana on the South
American mainland.
The cultural background of the migrants who came here was English and local 'Creole' dialects of
it, and they were educated in English language, in schools based on the British system. The
religion of the Caribbean islands and Guyana is Christianity. The British colonialists had
maintained the fiction that Britain was the home or motherland, and it was with considerable
shock and hurt that the original migrants to Britain encountered the racist,' hostile reactions to
their arrivals. The first generation tried hard to integrate, but successive sociology surveys have
demonstrated that those of Afro-Caribbean origin are one of the groups in Britain with the lowest
'life chances' in education, employment, housing and law enforcement.
- East African Asians: A fifth of Asians are of East African origin. Most had originally gone tQ East
Africa, with British encouragement, from north India and Pakistan, where they formed the
commercial and administrative middle class, usually highly educated and fluent in English. They
are generally Muslims and Hindus.
After independence a policy of Africanisation took place in Kenya, Uganda and Malawi, so many
were forced to give up their positions and businesses and settle in the UK. Because of their high
levels of education and business acumen, they have been outstandingly successful. The highest
achievers in the state education system come from this type of background.
- Pakistan: Migrants came from Kashmir and Punjab from the 1960s onward. There is a major
division between urban Pakistanis, who are generally well educated, and rural Pakistanis who
may have more traditional customs and be less literate.
Most Pakistanis live in Yorkshire, Manchester, Lancashire, West Midlands, Glasgow and Cardiff.
The pattern of migration was usually through kinship networks, such that entire families
gradually migrated here, and therefore a fairly close set of communities has developed.
Many Pakistani communities are encapsulated from much of the wider society by religious
difference, racism and the fact that they are concentrated in low paid jobs, living in inner city
areas.
- India: People of Indian origin originally came to Britain in the 1950s and 1960s. There are two
distinct groups:

11.  Sikhs from the Punjab, who settled in Leeds, West London, the West Midlands and Glasgow.
 People from Gujarat. These are mainly Hindus, speaking Gujarati, who live in North and South
London, Leicester, Coventry and Manchester.
- Bangladesh: Bangladesh is the poorest of the Indian sub-continent nations. Originally, the males
came to Britain from the 1950s to the 1970s for low skilled, low paid jobs. Most came from the
rural Sylhet district. They tend to have settled in East London.
- Other migrant groups: Britain has always had a history of immigrant groups arriving here
including Chinese from Hong Kong, Poles who came after the Second World War, Jews who have
settled here over one hundred years, Italians who came in the 1950s to Bedfordshire and
Glasgow. However, the single biggest 'immigrant' group in Britain is the Irish.
Issues surrounding migration
Migration is a complex and sometimes controversial area} and this section will simply highlight some of
the issues that have arisen in recent years:
1. One area that has already been discussed is how ethnicity can influence family structure. Asian
families are more likely than other groups to be extended, and one reason for this is that it reflects
family patterns in countries such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh where the extended family is
more common.
2. Migration is often a 'hot political issue. Many Conservative politicians, especially in the past, have
spoken out against immigration. One famous (or infamous) politician was Enoch Powell who in
1968 gave his 'rivers of blood speech' in which he spoke out against unchecked immigration and
implied that the British way of life was under threat. Other far-right political parties like the
British National Party (BNP) have also argued against immigration, and have even won a limited
number of seats on some local councils.
3. Integration and issues of cultural are of interest to sociologists. To what extent should minority
groups that have migrated to another country integrate or 'fit in'? To what extent should your
ethnic identity, be it Indian, Irish or Polish, or your religion, take priority over your identity as
'British'. This raises further questions as to what being 'British' actually means!
Emigration
Emigration refers to people leaving their county of birth and moving to another country to live there.
People have obviously been emigrating since transport made it possible, but in recent years emigration
from the UK has become more popular than ever before. It has been estimated that since the millennium
(AD 2000) about 1.1 million British citizens have left the UK and moved abroad, and about 600,000
others have returned from abroad. This is a loss of about half a million British citizens. The number of
British citizens who emigrate each year has gone up by more than a third since the mid-1990s. The most
popular destinations in Europe are France and Spain. Half a million Britons live in the US and more than
600,000 people in Australia hold UK passports. Reasons given for leaving normally include to have a
better 'quality of life', a higher standard of living, less crime and better weather! The high numbers of
people returning, though, shows that sometimes the new life does not work out as planned.

12. Long-term international migration into and out of the UK1
Thousands
Inflow Outflow
1991–92 304 300
1992–93 257 270
1993–94 294 253
1994–95 309 235
1995–96 318 249
1996–97 307 255
1997–98 355 281
1998–99 430 273
1999–2000 459 299
2000–01 498 311
2001–02 488 336
2002–03 505 357
2003–04 526 353
2004–05 593 334
2005–06 561 387
2006–07 595 388
2007–08 554 371
An international long-term migrant is defined as a person who moves to a country other than that of
his or her usual residence for a period of at least 12 months.
Source: Office for National Statistics
Ethnic Identity/Culture Research Task
 Look the tables above and discuss what the data reveals?
 What percentage of the UK population is non-white?
 What is the largest ethnic minority group in the UK?
 What ethnic category you would place yourself in?
 Describe the history of migration to the UK!
 Explore the issues surrounding migration?
 What is meant by the term 'integration'?
 Why do people emigrate and sometimes return back to the UK?
 Write a list of the ways in which you might feel different/distinct/diverse from people in the other
categories! Compare that list to others in the class!
 Individually create a poster illustrating the culture (‘way of life’) of a British ethnic group (i.e.
language, clothing, artifacts, religion, tradition, values, norms, roles, status, music etc…):
 English
 Irish
 Scottish
 Indian
 Pakistani
 Bangladeshi
 Afro Caribbean
 African
 Chinese
 Eastern European (pick one)

13. White Culture: Prejudice and Racism
Ethnicity does not mean the same as 'race'. Members of an ethnic group may share racial origin but they
probably also share other cultural characteristics, e.g. history, religion, language, common geographical
origin, politics, etc. All these factors shape ethnic identities. Some ethnic groups may construct a common
identity and sense of community for themselves despite the fact that they are geographically dispersed,
e.g. Jews.
Miles (1989) notes that ethnicity is an important source of social identity. Membership of an ethnic
group can develop a strong sense of self and others. Individuals will often make stereotypical and
imagined assumptions about other ethnic groups. These function to reinforce assumptions about their
own cultural identity. If a group is powerful, these assumptions may be racist and result in prejudice and
discrimination.
Phil Cohen (1988) notes how different class sub-cultures express racism in different ways. The upper
class tend to stress their superior breeding whilst working-class people practice 'territorial racism' when
they see ethnic-minority culture as threatening their communities and jobs.
Ethnicity is a useful concept but it is over-simplistic to think that all ethnic minorities have the same
experiences. Racism may affect ethnic identity in a number of ways:
- Some Afro-Caribbean youth may subscribe to belief systems which are critical of white society,
e.g. both the Rastafarianism and the Black Muslim movements stress white oppression of black
people and black pride/power
- Gardner and Shukur note that young Bengalis are loyal to Islam because this provides a sense of
support and positive identity denied by white culture.
- Music, e.g. reggae, hip-hop and rap may provide positive points of identification and means of
criticism for young black people.
Prejudice - a judgement made in advance about a person or group of people.
Discrimination - action based on prejudice.
Overt racism - open and understood discrimination.
Covert racism - hidden and discreet discrimination.
Individual racism - person-to-person racist behaviour.
Institutional racism - where an institution or organisation has rules or traditions that discriminate
against particular ethnic groups, possibly unintentionally.
Social closure - where social groups restrict the access of unwanted groups to certain areas of life in
order to keep the benefits of membership to themselves. Racism
White Culture
The reaction of the white majority culture to ethnic minority culture is an important influence on
socialisation. Surveys suggest that one third of the British population admits to being racially prejudiced.
The ways in which ethnic minorities exert their identity may therefore be a reaction to prejudice and
discrimination. For example, Modood (1997) found that many African-Caribbeans stress their skin
colour as an important source of identity because of their experience of racism. Black pride and power
may be celebrated if black youth perceives itself to be excluded deliberately from jobs or stereotyped by
white people, especially by symbols of white authority such as teachers and the police.

14. Write a statement that explains any racism or prejudice that you have experienced
in the contemporary UK. Discuss each example!

15. The MV Empire Windrush
- Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MV_Empire_Windrush
- War To Windrush: http://www.throughmyeyes.org.uk/server/show/nav.22208
- The Passengers: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/windrush_01.shtml
- The Arrivals: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/arrival_01.shtml
- Ticket to a new Britain: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/112688.stm
- The passenger's perspective: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/116061.stm
- Windrush settlers:http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/museum/item.asp?item_id=50
- Black British Literature since: http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/british/modern/literature_01.shtml
- The Windrush generation: http://www.teachingenglish.org.uk/language-assistant/essential-
uk/windrush-generation
- Pogus Ceasar OOM Gallery: http://www.oomgallery.net./
Task:
1. What was the relationship between Britain and the West Indies/Caribbean before the Second
World War?
2. What was the attitude of British people towards West Indians during the War?
3. Why did West Indians immigrate to Britain after the war?
4. What surprised West Indians about Britain?
5. What was the attitude of British people to the new immigrants?
6. What difficulties did West Indians face?
7. How did West Indians try to cope in Britain?
8. How do West Indians think of their experience today?
Extension activity:
- Research into the reasons as to why other ethnic groups immigrated to Britain post WW2?
- What decade did these arrive in?
- What were/are their experiences of Britain?

16. Ethnicity and Race: Significant Government Reports
Source: Griffiths and Hope (2000) Access to Sociology: Stratification and Differentiation
THE SWANN REPORT, 1985
The Swann Report (1985), officially called Education for All, was a government report advocating a
multicultural education system for all schools, regardless of institutions, location, age-range or ethnicity
for staff/pupils. The report provided clear data on ethnicity and educational attainment, discovering that
racism had a causal effect on the educational experiences of black children in the UK.
The report’s recommendations found little support from central government, except for limited funding
for the in-service training of teachers, but it did provide a fulcrum for debate and conferences on
multicultural issues. The Education Reform Act (1988) ended the concept of ‘education for all’, based on
the assimilationist nature of the newly introduced National Curriculum, school-based financial
management and weakening of the Local Education Authorities. Multicultural educational initiatives had
no place within schools that now had to adopt a curriculum based on the concept that everyone was the
same.
THE MACPHERSON REPORT, 1999
Stephen Lawrence, a young black A Level student, was murder by a gang of white youths in 1993. He had
been waiting at a bus stop with a friend when the youths attacked him without provocation. The police
did not investigate the murder properly and the murderers did not get arrested.
The parents of Stephen Lawrence were outraged by the treatment their sons’ murder had received by the
police and demanded justice through an inquiry. 6 years later the MacPherson Report identified that
institutional racism existed within the Metropolitan Police Force and that this was the cause of the poor
treatment in relation to Stephen Lawrence’s murder inquiry. It also identified that poor relations
between the police and ethnic groups should be improved through improved racism awareness training
for officers. Sir Paul Condon, the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, acknowledged with a ‘sense of
shame’ that institutional racism existed within his force, but that it was unintentional, rather than
conscious in its application.
NB: The MacPherson Report also recommended that the National Curriculum in schools should be
adapted to reflect society by valuing cultural diversity. This was also a recommendation of the Swann
Report, 1985, which was made impotent by the Education Reform Act, 1988 Many of the answers are in
the passage, but some are not. You may need to revise topics.
1. What was the full name of the Swann Report?
2. What recommendation of the Swann Report was invalidated by the ERA 1988 and how did this
happen?
3. What was the main conclusion of the McPherson Report?
4. What implications did this have for educational provision?
5. Who was the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police at the time of the McPherson Report?
6. What is the difference between covert and overt racism?
7. What is institutional racism?
8. Suggest other institutions which might be racist in our society.
9. What insights does Marxism offer to the understanding of racism in our society?
10. What is the difference between Marxism and neo-Marxism?
11. What insights do post-modernists bring to the understanding of racism and ethnicity in our
society?
12. Evaluate the impact of the Swann Report on education for multi-culturalism in our society.

17. 'WE CAN'T ALL BE WHITE': RACIST VICTIMISATION IN THE UK
Kusminder Chahal & Louis Julienne (1999) - Joseph Rowntree Foundation: York
CONTEXT
The most common methods of studying racial harassment have produced quantitative data. The study
summarised here attempts to add the voices and experiences of the victims, providing qualitative data.
The first official recognition of the extent of racist violence in Britain was the Home Office Report, Racial
Attacks, in 1981. This report found that South Asians were 50 times more likely and African Caribbean’s
36 times more likely to be the victims of racially motivated attacks than white people.
At the time of this research (1997/8), the annual figure for actual incidents recorded by the police in
England and Wales was 13,878. This official figure is likely to be an underestimate because not all racist
incidents are reported to the police. Even when incidents are reported they may not be recorded as racist
incidents. The under-recording of racist incidents has been confirmed by a number of studies nationally
and locally. For example, Aye Maung and Mirrlees-Black's analysis of British Crime Survey findings
(1994) suggested that half of both African Caribbeans and South Asians were not reporting incidents to
the police. Among the reasons put forward for under-reporting have been:
- fear of reprisal or worsening harassment
- assumption by victims that the police or other agencies would be unsympathetic
- feeling that the police would not be able to do anything even if they were sympathetic
- feeling that the incident was too trivial to report
- believing that the police were 'part of the problem'.
There are two main sources of data on the level of racist victimisation: the British Crime Survey (BCS)
and the Policy Studies Institute's Fourth National Survey with minority ethnic groups. The BCS findings,
analysed by Aye Maung and Mirrlees-Black, suggested that there were about 89,000 racially motivated
incidents of crimes and threats against South Asian and 41,000 against African Caribbean people. This
represented 18% of all crimes (a total of 730,000) of which these groups were victims. About 45% of
these incidents were either violent assaults or vandalism and 40% were threats. About one in 16 was
reported to the police, suggesting significant under-reporting. Moreover, the BCS figures indicated about
50,000 racist incidents reported to the police, yet only 8,000 were recorded by the police as such.
Both local and national research has indicated that much racial harassment takes place close to victims'
homes or is aimed at their homes. For example, a household survey in Ipswich found that nearly 40% of
members of minority ethnic groups had experienced racial harassment at their home (Julienne 1997).
The outcome is that people have restricted choice of where to live and there are areas where they cannot
go. For those in local authority housing, there are problems with the extent to which housing officers take
racial harassment seriously and the length of time taken to deal with requests for transfers.
There is very little qualitative information on the consequences of racist victimisation on the everyday
lives of minority ethnic individuals and families. The impact of racially motivated crimes has sometimes
been acknowledged as higher (for example, rarely going out or not letting children play outside) than
other offences.
METH0DS
This research involved 74 people from four cities - Belfast, Cardiff, Glasgow and London (Hounslow).
These were chosen as the principal cities but also because they have different concentrations and
numbers of minority ethnic communities. Within each city there is a range of groups, from established

18. communities to recent arrivals. The researchers made contact with as many voluntary, community and
statutory agencies as they could, meeting police, housing department staff, Racial Equality Council
members and so on. These agencies helped them to locate potential respondents.
The researchers used two main methods: focus groups and in-depth interviews. There were eight focus
groups involving a total of 32 people. The focus group sessions involved discussion of experiences of
racism among people who had not necessarily reported incidents of which they had been victims, and
not all of whom defined themselves as victims. The purpose of the focus groups was to find out how
people made sense of racist experiences, how they understood them to be racist and the consequences of
these experiences. The sessions were recorded and transcribed.
The 34 in-depth interviews involved 42 respondents from the four different cities. The respondents had
been victims of incidents in or near their homes which they had reported, sometimes with their partners
(who in some cases were white). The researchers had difficulty getting some potential respondents to
agree to be interviewed, and in getting organisations and agencies to suggest people who might be
interviewed.
In order to analyse the interviews, themes in the data were identified and coded. This provided a
framework in which the data could be analysed.
KEY FINDINGS
The experience of racism has become part of the everyday life of people from minority ethnic groups. In
the focus groups all of the respondents were able to describe incidents. although some initially could not.
This may have been because of uncertainty in the group situation, or because they were not familiar with
the terms being used (such as 'racial harassment') but it was also because they accepted a degree of
harassment as everyday experience unworthy of mention. Such racism is sometimes described as 'low
level', but this underestimates its impact on the victims.
I think everybody has been here for such a long time that they have learnt to adapt to their
environment. You have been conditioned throughout your life to accept this as normal.
The most common form of harassment was verbal racist abuse.
As far as casual, unprovoked verbal racism is concerned, we just take it as part of living in
Glasgow. We do not accept it, it is just part of life.
Respondents talked about the many ways they were made to feel different. The main reference was to
skin colour. Other reasons people gave when asked why they thought they had been targeted were:
- cultural/religious identification
- children playing/making a noise
- neighbours falling out
- being the only black or Asian family in the area
- being new to the area
- having a white partner
- living in a house or flat next to the perpetrators
- gangs of young people hanging around
- using local spaces (such as shops, playgrounds and parks).
Children were often the perpetrators of abuse, often with the approval of their parents. Children and
young people were also often the victims. Because of harassment, parents worried about the safety of
their children and often would not let them play outside. They even restricted their freedom to play

19. indoors (for example. so that neighbours could not claim to have been provoked by noise). Children also
experienced racism at school and on their way to and from school.
We have a daughter and a son who are eleven and eight. When she was going to play it was
'you are a Paki bastard' and 'go and get yourself washed'. Every time she stepped out of the
door, I mean she would be going from here to her friends, they would be there. Now the
mother is just as bad and we were all 'Paki bastards'. I came in from work at night and my
daughter was in her bed crying. She asked me, 'why are they calling me names?' It was
getting to the stage that she didn't like who she was.
In deciding whether incidents were racist, people referred mainly to racist abuse as an indicator of racist
motivation. They also referred to racist graffiti and the extent to which white neighbours were also
experiencing trouble.
They agreed that verbal abuse alone was not worth reporting, but that actual or threatened violence
should be reported where the response of agencies was likely to be positive and the risk of recrimination
tolerable. Reporting was seen as an option only when the harassment reached a high level.
The people that victims were most likely to talk to about their experiences were family members and
friends. Talking to the partner or husband did not always help if they had been out at work and had not
experienced what had happened. There were family discussions about the problems but the victims had
very little other support. They felt ignored, unheard and unprotected. Continuing harassment made
things worse; for example, victims often felt they had to ask family and friends to stop visiting, or only to
visit at certain times. Harassment therefore had an impact not just on the immediate family but on wider
networks as well.
I don't have visitors hardly because most of my friends are mothers and they are not
prepared to come up here. Not even my relatives. People don't want to tell me 'I'm not coming
to visit you' but they don't.
Reporting to an agency was considered only in extreme cases, when people had experienced serious
property damage or physical attack. A quarter did not report to an agency until 18 months after the
harassment had started and in some cases incidents went on for four years before they were reported. It
did not help that agencies sometimes questioned whether racism was the motivation; this made victims
feel more isolated and unsupported.
The housing association, they thought it was a neighbour dispute. I feel very angry about this.
They put poo on the door, called my children names, burnt my garden, the children couldn't
go out.
The local GP was the most popular choice of outsider to report to, because doctors could:
- provide help, such as writing to the housing department to explain the effects of harassment on
the health of the victims
- prescribe medication, for example for depression or to help people sleep
- listen sympathetically.
She (GP) explained everything and listened to me. That was all I needed - someone there to listen
to me and she was there for me. She was the only one.
The victims adopted various measures to try to reduce the impact of harassment on their daily lives.
These included:
- improving security at home, for example, putting up higher fences or security lights

20. - changing routines
- planning within the family how to continue a normal life
- routine activities became things that needed to be planned and negotiated to avoid trouble. For
example, hanging out the washing or putting out the rubbish was done late at night to avoid
neighbours.
They used to sit in the back garden. We couldn't throw our rubbish out. We used to have our rubbish
bags in the flat for six days ... We had to say to our dad when he came home from work about three or
four o'clock in the morning to take the rubbish out. We had to have a look and make sure he didn't get
attacked and this is from one flight of stairs.
Overall, the fear and experience of victimisation had considerable effects on people's lives. Most had not
been physically attacked, but being victims of harassment had changed their lives for the worse. Many
suffered stress, depression and sleeplessness, and some women had miscarriages which they attributed
to the harassment. A few had actually given up their homes and chosen to become homeless. They used
all the resources at their disposal to try to continue a normal life. The strategies included approaching a
variety of agencies. Those most frequently contacted were the police and housing departments. Victims
often felt their complaints were not taken seriously. They were frequently not given information about
other agencies that could help. But this did not help make them feel less isolated or more supported.
Agencies failed to see how harassment appeared to the victims; they could not appreciate the
background of everyday racism.
IMPORTANCE
Racial harassment has been well researched in terms of its nature and extent. This research provides an
important new dimension by providing qualitative data on what the experience of victimisation means
for the everyday lives of the victims. Not only is racial harassment widespread and persistent. but it
forces its victims into negotiating everyday life as a series of threats and problems. The research shows
the inadequacy of official responses to the problems and the inability of even those who are sympathetic
when incidents are reported to understand the impact of the routine level of everyday racism.
Importantly, this research allows some of the victims to speak directly to us - essential because it is the
voices of the victims that are quickly lost in the way agencies respond to reported problems.
EVALUATION
The researchers had some difficulty finding respondents willing to talk about their experiences in the
interviews. The interview findings show many incidents of serious harassment and illustrate vividly the
impact of harassment on the everyday life of the victims. The respondents were known to have been
victims in or near their homes, and the researchers do not claim the findings to be representative of all
minority ethnic individuals. While some areas have become no-go areas, others, where there are more
people from minorities, provide a good chance of reduced harassment. The experiences of the victims
here are not, fortunately, the experiences of all members of minority groups.
The sample, while national, is not nationally representative. The researchers do not take the opportunity
to compare what happens in the four different cities; the only time the differences between cities is
apparent is in the discussion of the experiences of some of the Belfast sample. Belfast's sectarian divide
provides an additional complication.
I used to live with my aunty and we lived in a predominantly Protestant area. She was
Catholic and they were more or less intimidated out of their home. Predominantly, we were
intimidated because of our religion, but the Chinese thing was an extra thing. For example, if

21. there was graffiti on the walls, it wouldn't be 'taigs get out' but it would be 'chinky taigs get
out'.
The findings are presented in the form of a commentary illustrated by extensive quotation from the
interviews. As is inevitable with this method, the researchers have selected quotations which help to
reinforce points they wish to make. The people quoted are not identified, by name, ethnic group or city.
This ensures that the main findings. especially the impact of harassment on everyday life, can be
presented clearly as a problem that is not limited to one group or area. On the other hand. it means that it
is not possible to tell when the same person is being quoted again, or whether there are differences or
similarities between members of different ethnic groups or inhabitants of different cities.
Task
- Knowledge & Understanding
1. What is meant by a 'focus group'?
2. What was the difference between the respondents taking part in focus groups and those who
were interviewed individually?
3. What reasons were there for the choice of the four cities in this study?
4. Identify two ways in which racial harassment can affect the everyday lives of the victims
5. What factors were likely to lead to an incident being reported to an agency?
6. What types of support are G Ps able to offer to victims of racial harassment?
- Analysis
7. Examine some of the problems involved in defining and measuring 'racial harassment’.
8. Why has most research on racial harassment been designed to produce quantitative rather than
qualitative data? 9 In what ways can qualitative data increase our knowledge and understanding
of racial harassment?
9. Examine some of the reasons why official figures for racial harassment do not reflect its true
extent
References:
- Aye Maung, N. and Mirrlees-Black, C. (1994) Racially Motivated Crime: a British Crime Survey
Analysis, London. Home Office Research and Planning Unit
- Home Office (1981) Racial Attacks. London. HMSO
- Julienne. L. (1997) Housing Needs Survey of Black and Minority Ethnic Communities in Ipswich.
London, Presentations Housing Association Ltd

22. RACISM, GENDER IDENTITES AND YOUNG CHILDREN:
SOCIAL RELATIONS IN A MULTI-ETHNIC, INNER-CITY PRIMARY SCHOOL
Paul Connolly (1998) – Routledge: London
CONTEXT
One of the key words in Connolly's title is 'racism'. Racism, linked to a sense of nationality, grew in
Britain in the 1960s after the end of the 'long boom'. Connolly links this to economic decline and growing
unemployment. He traces racism through Enoch Powell's 'rivers of blood' speech in 1968 to Thatcher's
claim that the ordinary people of Britain (by which she meant white people) were afraid of being
'swamped' by an alien culture. The idea of race was used to define a national identity for white British
people while excluding, and blaming for national decline, black and Asian people.
Inner-city areas went through dramatic changes in the period of economic decline, with traditional
communities relocated and those who remained experiencing a rise in a range of social problems
including crime and unemployment. The moral panic over 'mugging', described by Hall et al. (1978)
made these problems racial, because the stereotypical 'mugger', as portrayed in the media, was black and
an outsider, menacing the community. Connolly argues that inner-city problems became understood as
racial even when the racial element was not made explicit. The people of the inner-city area where the
children in Connolly's research lived had available to them political discourses which explained the
problems they faced - crime, unemployment, educational standards - in racial terms.
Connolly uses a theoretical framework based on four main concepts including 'discourse'. The concept of
discourse is taken from Michel Foucault. and is used, in this case, to show how racism is not just a set of
ideas or structures, but also a force that shapes the identities of individuals, Racist discourses become
part of the way children think about themselves and the world.
METHODS
Connolly used ethnographic methods. These were chosen because they were appropriate to what he
wanted to explore: how young children perceive their social worlds. They were also appropriate for
studying the complex nature of racism and its role in children's experiences. He discusses the
shortcomings of psychological approaches which treat racism as something fixed and measurable and
also ethnographic approaches which do not value fully what children actually say. Connolly's methods
allow him to concentrate on the voices of the children themselves.
Connolly argues that within the sociology of education, little attention has been paid to young children's
own experiences and concerns, and that, where these have been considered, it is usually in relation to
how teaching is affected. Such research has also rarely been about the youngest children in school. For
example, he comments of the study widely seen as the classic study of infant classes.
It was clear from King's research that the young children in his study were there to be seen
but not heard. There was little point ... in actually talking to or meaningfully engaging with
these children.
King tried to observe without interacting; for example, he avoided eye contact, tried to show no interest
in what the children were doing, and even hid in the Wendy House to conduct observations. Connolly
sees behind research like this a set of highly questionable assumptions about how to study the social
worlds of young children. Twenty years after King, he says, there is still very little research on the
subjective experiences of young children.

23. With regard to racism in children's lives, most of the research is psychological rather than sociological.
One typical strategy involved giving children the choice of a black or white doll and drawing conclusions
from their decisions (an attitudinal test): another was to ask children to name their best friends and
draw conclusions from the ethnic background of the respondent and the children chosen (a socio-metric
analysis). Such approaches assume that racism is an unchanging set of beliefs, and that once a child has
internalised racist attitudes they will always act in accordance with them. It is assumed, for example, that
the child who chooses a white doll rather than a black one is racially prejudiced and will always avoid or
exclude minority ethnic children. Connolly argues that, in reality, racism works in complex ways in
children's lives.
There have been some more sociological recent attempts to understand racism and young children using
ethnographic methods. An example is Holmes (1995). Connolly sees such research as an improvement
because children are observed and interviewed in 'natural' settings. However, he says, researchers
appear not to listen well to children even when interviewing them.
Connolly's respondents were five- and six-year-old children in reception and year 1 classes in an English
multi-ethnic, inner-city primary school which Connolly calls 'East Avenue Primary School'. The children
lived on the' Manor Park' estate in the city of 'Workingham'. He spent a year and a half there, from
January 1992 to June 1993, spending three days a week on average. He followed classes around the
school and observed and interviewed children. He made over 3000 pages of notes and read many files
and documents including reports, letters and minutes of meetings.
He carried out 73 group interviews with young children, usually with three children: one child was
chosen, and then asked to choose two others from the same class. Each child was interviewed at least
twice over the period of the research. The interviews were largely unstructured. Children were given the
opportunity to talk about their own experiences and concerns, with Connolly asking very general
questions, such as what they did in the playground and what they liked to do at home, and occasionally
encouraging them to elaborate.
Connolly also conducted 81 interviews with school staff, parents, governors and community
representatives and professionals.
KEY FINDINGS
The ways that children make sense of the world around them can only be understood through
appreciating the social organisation of their school and local community. Connolly therefore includes
description of these.
The Manor Park estate had been seen as a pleasant, modern place to live when first built in the 1960s,
but by the 1990s had become identified with a range of inner-city problems. Over half the male
population was under 30, and over two thirds of those aged 20 to 29 were unemployed. Old full-time
occupations for men had been replaced by part-time and temporary work favouring women, so many of
the men had no realistic hope of ever working. Masculinity in this situation cannot involve the traditional
breadwinner role. Some of the men survived through activities such as theft, drugs and pimping. Because
of the estate's high crime rate and violent reputation, men and boys learned to be prepared.
For women, feeling isolated was a major problem. There were few community activities and most did not
encourage the kind of interaction that might lead to informal support networks. The playgroup, for
example, was seen as a valuable resource, but it was a place where mothers dropped off and later
collected their children rather than a place to meet other mothers. Young mothers tried to give their
children cultural capital by providing them with fashionable clothes and styles, even when very young;

24. they also saw this as positive in showing how their children were maturing quickly. This was, however,
interpreted very differently by teachers.
Race was an integral part of the way people living on Manor Park understood their experiences. For the
white residents, an 'island mentality' - which had been present on the estate from its beginnings - fitted
in with the idea of being surrounded by an alien culture. The presence of Asian-owned shops and even
the way Asian mothers talked to each other in the playground, reinforced their feelings of isolation and of
being a community under threat. Asian people were blamed for a range of problems.
For Asians, racist abuse was a common experience: parents talked about racist attacks on their homes,
racist bullying and violence against their children and their fears of going out. The experience of black
people was very different. There were some friendships between black and white young men, helped by
the cultural capital of black cultural forms and ideas about black masculinity as physical and athletic.
However, there were cases of attacks on black men by gangs of white men who felt their masculinity
threatened.
Connolly establishes the discourses used by the Manor Park residents, and then shows how they re-
emerge, in different forms, among children. Throughout his discussion of different groups of children,
Connolly emphasises how the children are able to be active in the shaping of their gender and ethnic
identities within the framework set by the perceptions of teachers and peers.
BLACK BOYS
Connolly discusses at length a group of four boys he calls the 'Bad Boys'. Because they played together,
and sometimes with white girls, they were seen as a group of 'black boys'. When teachers, with the best
intentions, drew attention to their behaviour, it reinforced the image their white peers had of them as
'bad'. This, Connolly suggests, creates a situation where black boys are likely to be verbally and physically
attacked and drawn into fights and situations which confirm their reputations. He shows how racialised
discourses shaped the boys' sense of who they were and the reactions of their peers to them. On the
other hand, Wesley, a black boy who played in a group that. because it was otherwise white, was seen as
a group of 'boys' (seen in gender but not racial terms), was able to avoid being pulled into the racialised
processes that so affected the 'Bad Boys'.
SOUTH ASIAN BOYS
Connolly says that Asian boys tended to be seen by teachers as small, helpless, eager to please and
needing protection - as 'effeminate', allocated to a feminine role because they were seen as what boys are
not. White and black boys could assert their masculinity by attacking Asian boys, verbally or physically.
Asian boys were also excluded from games of football. Football was encouraged among boys at the
school. partly as a way of occupying and controlling the black boys who were seen as troublemakers, but
this ironically had the effect of denying Asian boys an area in which they could develop a more masculine
status. In justifying why they didn't allow Asian boys to play football with them, the white and black boys
had reasons they appeared to have developed themselves (for example, that Asians couldn't run fast) as
well as others learned from their families or older children. Some Asian boys responded to their
exclusion by forming their own friendship groups, providing a protected social space. Some tried to win
masculine status among the other boys, but this was a strategy that carried risks. Connolly's chapter on
Asian boys is titled, Invisible Masculinities.
BLACK GIRLS
Connolly comments that we know very little about black girls' experience of schooling, and adds a note of
warning to his own account. His own findings were inevitably based on conversations and observations

25. when he, an adult white male, was with the girls; he could not access their more private talk and
behaviour. Like the black boys, the girls were seen by teachers as having musical and athletic ability but
also as potentially disruptive. The reputation for getting into trouble tended to lead to their rejection by
the other girls. They reacted differently to this; for example, Annette was able to win acceptance among
the boys because she was seen as disruptive and sporty, while Charlene did not try to do this but instead
formed a close alliance with a white girl who was also seen as troublesome. One black girl from a middle-
class background, Whitney, was seen by her teachers as a model pupil - her class identity carried more
weight than her ethnic identity.
ASIAN GIRLS
Asian girls were seen as quiet, hard-working and obedient, and so tended not to be noticed by teachers.
Their good work didn't seem to count for much, because it was expected. But they were certainly noticed
by the other boys and girls, who developed their own sense of identity through perceived differences
between Asian girls and themselves. Connolly says they were given the position of 'the sexual other',
excluded from games of 'kiss chase' and discussions on love and marriage. The girls tried to find
alternative ways to develop their gender identities.
IMPORTANCE
This book focuses on a difficult and under-researched area of social life. It is difficult enough to study
very young children, but Connolly goes even further in focusing on the construction of identities and
foregrounding the difficult area of ethnic difference. He is able to demonstrate both how teachers'
assumptions shape children's experiences, in ways familiar from older research, and how even very
young children are constantly engaged in negotiating their own sense of identity. The social world of the
five year old is complex and ever changing. yet not somehow cut off from its wider context. Connolly
provides many fascinating insights into how children find their way, and how they can be active in doing
so.
EVALUATION
As with all ethnographic research, there are problems with generalising from this research. The
processes Connolly describes are located in a very specific time and place; this is why he describes the
estate in detail and not just what happens within the school. The findings cannot be taken as typical of
other areas or schools, although they do suggest potentially fruitful lines of inquiry for further research.
Research involving an adult spending time with very young children raises difficult methodological
questions. Connolly says that the girls, in particular, had private spaces and times together that he could
not be part of. The children were with him in public areas, conscious of him and sometimes clearly
raising adult themes and ideas as they interacted with him as an adult white man. He was able to witness
some of the ways they constructed their gender and ethnic identities, but much remained closed to him.
His position in the school was ambiguous. Adults in schools are usually teachers, other school staff or
parents. Connolly did not fit into these categories.
The book has chapters on black boys, black girls. Asian boys and Asian girls. The omission of white boys
and girls is obvious. Connolly says that, on one level, this is justified, because black and Asian .children
have been less researched; on the other hand, white children played a big part in' creating the social
environment in which the black and Asian children had to negotiate their ethnic and gender identities.
Class is also a theme that occasionally surfaces (as in the case of Whitney) but its role requires further
research. Another area which Connolly did not have time to consider in any detail is the significance of
the home. and, perhaps particularly for Asian children, religion within the home.

26. Task
- Knowledge & Understanding
1. What methods did Connolly use?
2. What concept developed by Foucault is used by Connolly? Why is it relevant to this study?
3. What conditions had undermined traditional masculine roles on the estate?
4. How did Wesley avoid being labelled in the same way as the 'Bad Boys'?
5. What was the difference between the black girls' and black boys' responses to school?
- Analysis
6. What criticisms would a sociologist make of the kind of psychological research on young children
and racism described above?
7. Why does Connolly describe in detail the estate and not just the school?
8. What methodological problems are involved in a researcher carrying out ethnographic research
with primary school age children?
9. To what other areas of social life can the idea that black cultural forms carry cultural capital be
applied?
10. What strategies could the school adopt to try to change the situation Connolly describes?
References:
- Hall. 5., Critcher, c., jefferson, T, Clarke, j. and Roberts, B. (1978) Policing The Crisis: Mugging, the
State and Law and Order, London, Macmillan
- Holmes, A. (1995) How Young Children Perceive Race, London, Sage
- King, R. (1978) All Things Bright and Beautiful: A Sociological Study of Infants' Classrooms,
Chichester, john Wiley and Sons

27. Marxism - Stuart Hall and Racism
Source: Griffiths and Hope (2000) Access to Sociology: Stratification and Differentiation
Stuart Hall (1980) in Policing the Crisis suggested that the racism of the British press in discussing the
street crime of mugging acted as a screen behind which the government could hide a deepening
economic and social crisis. However, there is a further debate within race analysis developed by neo-
Marxists within the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), which is whether race should be
considered as merely part of social class analysis or whether it has a significance that runs deeper. Neo-
Marxists came to two conclusions, creating two models within the theoretical approach:
1. Relative Autonomy Model (Hall, 1980) – suggests racism is a historical phenomenon and works
separately from social relations, but at the same time affects them. Consequently class and ‘race’
should be examined together.
2. Autonomy Model (Gabriel and Ben-Tovim, 1979) – racism is a product of contemporary and
historical conflict, arising independently of class and social relations. Therefore racism cannot be
reduced to class conflict, it exists as a consequence of ideological and political practices.
Solomos (1988) and Solomos and Back (1995) argue both of these Neo-Marxist approaches can be
unified if racism is seen as part of the structure of each society, but with the realisation that each historic
example should be studied separately.
Points of evaluation:
- Marxism offers an excellent starting point for the study of issues of racism because it is a conflict
model of analysis.
- Marxism offers an explanation for the exploitation of ethnic minorities, which is rooted in their
position in the workplace.
- Not all members of ethnic minorities are poor and exploited victims of social inequality. There are
some social groups who are in a position of some wealth and influence compared to their white
neighbours. A disproportionate number of doctors for instance are Hindu and originate from the
sub-continent.
Many of the answers are in the passage. Some are not. If you have difficulties, then return to these notes
and revise the topic more carefully:
1. With which book is Stuart Hall associated?
2. What does the acronym CCCS stand for?
3. How did the racism of the British press support the government?
4. Is the racial issue separate from the class issue in your opinion? Offer sociological
5. Support for your opinions. (This is one you may need to revise!)
6. Explain the Relative Autonomy Model in your own words.
7. Who suggested the Autonomy Model?
8. Explain the Autonomy Model in your own words.
9. Suggest two points in favour of the Marxist analysis of class.
10. Offer one rejection of the Marxist model of class.
11. What is the difference between race and ethnicity?
12. Sociologically evaluate the suggestion that racism is not an issue in modern Britain since the
arrival of equality legislation in the 1970s.

28. Functionalism & the Immigrant-Host Model
Robert E. Park (1950) – Race relations & Migration
The immigrant-host approach has usually adopted an optimistic view of 'race' relations. Sociologists
using this perspective have usually believed that eventually the immigrant group will adapt to the way of
life of the host society and will be assimilated into it. Conflict based on race' and ethnicity will tend to
decline or even disappear with the passage of time.
The immigrant-host model has sometimes been seen as similar to a functionalist view of society. Some
sociologists who have used it see the host society as characterized by a basic consensus and a shared
culture. The immigrant group is seen as temporarily disrupting the consensus and shared culture, before
the society gradually adapts to the newcomers and the immigrants adapt to the society. The emphasis is
usually on the second of these processes: the immigrants are expected to fit in with their new society
more than the society is expected to adapt to them. Thus, like functionalism, the immigrant-host model
emphasizes stability, shared moral values and slow evolutionary change involving a process of
adaptation. Furthermore, one of the pioneers of this general approach, Robert E. Park, followed
functionalists in using biological analogies in his work.
The nature of ‘race’ relations
Robert E. Park was a leading member of the Chicago School of Sociology, based at Chicago University,
which developed influential theories of social life during the 1920s and 1930s. At the time, Chicago was a
rapidly growing city and large numbers of people from diverse groups were migrating to Chicago, both
from within the USA and from other countries. The Chicago sociologists engaged in detailed empirical
research in their city, and it was in this context that Park developed his theory of 'race' relations. Park
describes 'race' relations as
“the relations existing between peoples distinguished by marks of racial descent, particularly
when these racial differences enter into the consciousness of the individuals and groups so
distinguished, and by doing so determine in each case the individual's conception of himself
as well as his status in the community”
'Race' relations only existed where people had a sense of belonging to different groups and there was
some conflict between them. Thus, according to Park, there were no 'race' relations in Brazil. Although
Europeans and Africans lived together in Brazil, there was almost no race consciousness and therefore
little potential for conflict.
Park believed that different 'races' originated with the dispersal of a once-concentrated population. The
great dispersion was partly stimulated by the search for a more abundant food supply, and it was, 'like
the migration of plants and animals, centrifugal'. Each dispersed human group then 'developed, by
natural selection and inbreeding, those special physical and cultural traits that characterize the different
racial stocks'.
Eventually the centrifugal dispersion of humans was replaced by a centripetal force that brought
people from the different 'racial stocks' together. European migration and conquest created 'race'
relations in many parts of the world, and the mixing of different groups in cities had the same effect.
Thus, Park says, 'It is obvious that race relations and all that they imply are generally, and on the whole,
the products of migration and conquest.'
,

29. Interracial adjustments
Park claimed that a complex process of interracial adjustments followed migration or conquests that
brought different 'races' into contact. This process involved 'racial competition, conflict, accommodation
and assimilation'.
Competition was a universal, biological phenomenon: the 'struggle for existence'. Just as plants might
struggle for sunlight, humans struggled for scarce and prized goods and, in particular, land. Failure in this
struggle could lead to extinction both in plant or animal species and in human 'races'. For example, the
native population of Tasmania ‘seems to have been hunted like wild animals by the European
immigrants, as were, at one time, the Indians in the USA'. Competition does not always take such an
extreme form as this, but it continues so long as there are different 'races' which have 'racial
consciousness'.
Competition is a struggle by groups and individuals in the ecological order; conflict is a struggle between
individuals in the social order. Park gives the example of conflict between 'negroes' and whites in the
southern states of the USA over 'jobs and places of relative security in the occupational organization of
the community in which they live'.
If competition and conflict divide 'races', then accommodation and assimilation bring them together.
Conflict ceases, at least temporarily, when the status and power of different 'races' have become fixed
and are generally accepted.
Accommodation allows people 'to live and work on friendly terms' but it does not ensure that relations
will remain harmonious. The groups with less power and status may eventually decide that their position
is unsatisfactory and they may seek to improve it through engaging m competition.
On the other hand, assimilation provides a permanent solution to the problems created by 'race'
relations. Assimilation can involve two processes:
1. 'A process that goes on in society by which individuals spontaneously acquire one another's
language, characteristic attitudes, habits and modes of behaviour'
2. 'A process by which individuals and groups of individuals are taken over and incorporated into
larger groups'
Park claimed that Italians, French and Germans had resulted from the assimilation of a variety of racial
groups, and that the USA had been able to assimilate a variety of groups with 'ease and rapidity'. He was
unclear about whether assimilation was inevitable or not. In one article he said, 'the race relations cycle
which takes the form, to state it abstractly, of contacts, competition, accommodation and eventual
assimilation, is apparently progressive and irreversible'.
However, Park recognized that, at the time he was writing, Japanese and 'negro' Americans had not
assimilated into American society. He suggested that this was because both groups had 'a distinctive
racial hallmark' in the form of physical differences from white Americans. The Irish, for example, could
become 'indistinguishable in the cosmopolitan mass', but for other groups the situation was different.
Park argues:
“Where races are distinguished by certain external marks these furnish a permanent
physical substratum upon which and around which the irritations and animosities, incidental
to al/ human intercourse, tend to accumulate and so to gain strength”

30. An evaluation of Park
The work of Park has undoubtedly been influential. For example, Sheila Patterson (1965) used the
immigrant-host model in a study of African-Caribbean immigrants in Brixton in the 1950s. She painted
an optimistic picture of gradual assimilation between the immigrants and the 'hosts'. Park too was
generally optimistic about race relations in the long run, although he seemed to believe that conflict
would not necessarily disappear between all racial groups. Unlike some sociologists who have used the
immigrant-host perspective, he did not believe that the migrants would necessarily adapt to the lifestyle
of the hosts. For example, he was well aware that in some societies immigrants from Europe had become
dominant, and in some cases had wiped out the indigenous population completely. Nevertheless in
several ways Park's work is open to criticisms that have been made of immigrant-host theories.
Task: Write a description of each theoretical position and compare them both:
Conflict (Marxism) Consensus (Functionalism)

31. Family
SOUTH ASIAN FAMILIES – Roger Ballard (1982)
- A negotiation of home (tradition) & outside the home (Westernized)
The South Asian population of Britain numbers more than a million people about half of whom were
born here. Migration began In the 1950s from three main areas - Punjab (about three-quarters came
from this region), GuJerat and Bengal. Most migrants came from peasant backgrounds. In Britain they
formed communities based on religion, area of origin, caste and most importantly kinship.
Traditional South Asian basic family units consist of a man, his sons, and grandsons together with their
wives and unmarried daughters. At marriage, daughters left their natal home and became members of
their husbands' family. Family members hold land or a business or the right to perform a craft (e.g.
weaving). They live and work together, sharing domestic, agricultural and other production tasks.
Family membership involves a series of binding obligations and duties. Relationships within the family
are hierarchical, with males having more power and status than females, the old having more power and
status than the young. Those at the top are expected to support and care for those lower down who in
turn are expected to obey and respect them. However few heads of households make important decisions
without consulting every member of their family, women as well as men. Males keep close control over
the female members of their families. For a woman to challenge her father's or husband's authority in
public shames his honour. Parents arrange marriages for both their sons and daughters.
Many migrants found their ideas of honour and family loyalty almost entirely absent In Britain. They
made great efforts to maintain the unity of their family and traditional family relationships.
Housing proved a problem. The large Victorian houses where many migrant’s first settled could
accommodate large families but they were often in poor, rundown areas. Moving up-market often meant
moving into smaller houses. Some bought adjoining houses and knocked through a connecting door.
Others split the family into several nearby dwellings and constant visiting, sharing meals and leisure
activities maintained the family unit.
Chapter 8 - In Rapoport, Fogarty and Rapoport (eds) Families In Britain London, Routledge and Kegan Paul,
1982 -
The family is the central source of identity for Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi people. Butler (1995)
observes that Asian newcomers to the UK in the 1960s and 1970s were concerned to maintain
traditional Asian culture. She notes that Muslim migrants sought to maintain close links with one another
in order to provide not only security and support, but also to safeguard traditional cultural values and
ethnic identity. The first generation was concerned that their children would not have a particularly
strong sense of ethnic identity and, as a result, might become westernized, and abandon both their
culture and religion.
Rosemary Hill (1987):
She found that family commitments lay at the heart of Asian communities in Leicester. She said that
some children learned ‘Western’ ideas about marriage, education, work and so on from white peers. Hill
though this led to generational conflict between parents and children from ethnic minorities.

32. Ghumann (1999):
She outlined some of the family or primary socialisation practices found in many 1st generation Asian
families:
- Children are brought up to be obedient, loyal to and respectful of their elders and community.
Social conformity was demanded and children learned to be interdependent rather than
individualistic, which was seen as a threat to the authority of the head of the family.
- The choice of education was to be left in the hands of their parents, who were thought to know
best the interests of their children and their future.
- Arranged marriage, based on negotiation with one's parents, is generally accepted by the majority
of young people. The choice of marriage partner was thought to be best left to parents, and
children were taught the drawbacks of dating and courting, the dangers of premarital and
promiscuous sex, and the perceived disadvantages of love marriages.
- Respect for religion is still considered to be important, particularly in Muslim families. Religious
training was considered to be very important because it reinforced the values described above
and stressed humility rather than self-pride and assertiveness.
- The mother tongue is seen as crucial in maintaining links between generations and in the
transmission of religious values. Children therefore tend to be bilingual, and are often able to use
the mother language (e.g. Urdu, Punjabi, Gujerati and Hindi) and English interchangeably.
Goffman (1969) pointed out that ethnic minority languages are often used in the home, whereas
English is the language of education and business
- There is a strong sense of obligation to the elderly and extended kin.
Many of these family socialization practices continued into the second generation of Asian immigrants.
For example, Anwar's research (1981) found that Asian families - regardless of whether they are Hindu,
Muslim or Sikh - socialize children into a pattern of obligation, loyalty and religious commitment, which,
in most cases, they accept. However, Ghuman notes that some Asian commentators have expressed
concern about the parenting practices of second-generation Asians and what is seen as a generation gap
opening up between parents and children, especially as the latter get caught 'between two cultures'.
Anwar (1981) identified three issues which were seen to be causing tensions between Pakistani parents
and children in regard to their cultural identity:
1. Western clothes, especially for girls
2. Arranged marriages
3. The question of freedom.
Anwar suggests that the family can be a site of conflict between grandparents, parents and children,
especially as the first generation often come from rural cultures which are very different to Western
culture. The younger generation has mixed with people with very different values and attitudes from
their own families, and this has resulted in the younger generation holding values and ideas which their
parents regard as alien. This is particularly the case in regard to young females. Muslim families tend to
stress the control of females because it is believed the future of the community depends on them
becoming wives and mothers and socializing the next generation into key Muslim values. There is also
some evidence of patriarchal values underpinning Pakistani and Bangladeshi culture and identity, in that
men are accorded more freedom because women are perceived as subordinate to men. Moreover,
reputation and honour are extremely important and, consequently, the reputation of daughters and
wives must be protected at all costs. Many parents may, therefore, come into conflict with their
daughters over issues such as continuing in education and the free mixing of the sexes, especially in
westernized contexts. The experience of school and college, and the peer relationships established with

33. their White or African-Caribbean peers may result in Pakistani and Bangladeshi girls challenging the
notion that they should playa a lesser role in their communities.
A good example of such conflict involves dating, which is disapproved of by the older Asian generation.
However, Drury, (1991) found that one fifth of girls in her Asian sample were secretly dating boys.
Moreover, some were going to pubs and drinking alcohol without the knowledge and consent of their
parents. Such practices can cause great anguish as the following quote from a Sikh girl indicates:
“I would like to have a boyfriend and I would like to have a love marriage, but the
consequences are too great. Gossip spreads and you can lose everything. Everyone in the
family can be hurt and nobody will want to marry my sister …I think that Sikh boys in
England are given too much freedom. They can go out with White girls yet they are expected
to marry an innocent Indian girl” (Drury 1991).
There is also evidence that Asian girls have strong feelings about the freedom given to their male siblings
and the fact that they are expected to take on domestic responsibilities, i.e. to help with housework and
childcare, when their brothers are not.
Artifacts: Shaun Hides (1995)
He studied the use of artifacts in ethnic minority homes. He was interested in the way that things like
furniture, pictures, ornaments and religious items helped reinforce ethnic identity. Hides found that the
wearing of traditional dress was a really important part of this. Women wore traditional dress more
often than men, and Hides concluded that women had the most important role in keeping ethnic identity
going
Joshi (2000): Ethnicity & Gender –
The most immediately obvious characteristic of the way in which ethnicity is made visible through
clothing in Indian communities is that it is expressed completely differently by men and women. In the
three largest communities, (Gujarati Hindu, Muslim and Punjabi Sikh) the use of clothing as an
expression of cultural identification is an overwhelmingly female feature. Almost all women, of all ages,
reported that they wore Indian-style clothing in some circumstances. There was little difference in
response between the different communities, although Hindu women appeared to wear such clothes less
often. In contrast, less than 20% of the men questioned said that they ever wore Indian style clothes.
Once again Hindu men were the least likely to wear such clothes. Interestingly, this extreme difference is
not repeated with women, saris are seen as appropriate for ceremonial occasions; and both men and
women are always buried in unstitched clothing.
Ideas about purity and pollution also extend to the type of fabric worn; silk is purer than cotton, for
example, and where ornaments are concerned, gold is purer than silver; which is in turn puree than
bronze. The idea of 'fashion' has specific reference to styles of western dress, and also co the unmarried
stare, before women undergo their ritual of purification. New technologies and markers have introduced
fabrics and textile patterns from abroad, but have made little impact on the traditional ensemble of sari,
blouse and petticoat. In Indian films, the 'good' girls wear saris; 'baddies' and 'vamps' have abandoned
this for western clothing. Joshi suggests that the wearing of traditional dress is seen as reinforcing social
norms; and he points out that women themselves feel that it encourages them to behave appropriately in
different social situations: ‘the sari encourages them … to move with dignity'. He concludes with a
popular saying: 'The burden of maintaining the Hindu religion is on women's shoulders.' In a sense, it
literally hangs from them.

34. Mary Douglas (1966) – Names as Ethnic Labels
Once the sex/gender label is applied, a complex process of labelling begins. The first part of this process
is the giving of a name. Naming something is a way of gaining control over it, by fixing it firmly into a
system of categories, a classification system. The names given to children tell us quite a lot about them,
including fixing them into a context, by religion, region and ethnic group. Mair and Eluned will be Welsh,
Maeve and Siobhan Irish, lshbel and Morag Scots, Montserrat from Catalonia and Raelene from Australia.
Bernadette was probably raised Catholic, Hagar in the Jewish faith, Shanti in a Hindu family, Khadija in a
Muslim one etc…
Ethnic identity is transmitted through processes of socialisation within the home through language,
custom, tradition and food traditions. Goffman (1969) pointed out that minority languages are often
used in the home, whereas English becomes the language of business and education.
Francis and Archer (2006) argue that the values held by the family may be related to ethnicity.
They show how educational achievement is valued by British Chinese families. The family plays a crucial
role in the educational success of their children, with families making considerable sacrifices to ensure
success for their children, often going without new consumer goods in order to pay private school fees.
However, this does not mean that children blindly follow the guidance of their family. It is likely that
young people conform to some expectations whilst rejecting others.
Modood et al. (1997) show how young South Asians are less likely than their elders to speak to
other family members using a southern Asian language. This may suggests a generational shift with
young South Asians identifying more with a British identity. However, caution should be exercised in
assuming that traditional values are disappearing. Cultural origins still play a key role in influencing the
behavior of Asians, particularly the older generation.
Dench et al. (2006) studied Bangladeshis living in Tower Hamlets in the East End of London, focusing
on whether they were a part of the new East End. Through interviewing white and Bangladeshi residents
they built up a picture of the new East End which showed the persistent strength of the extended family
for many if not all Bangladeshi families.
There are also structural differences between families from different ethnic groups. It is apparent that
some ethnic groups (i.e. mixed & Black Caribbean/African) are significantly more likely than others to be
headed by lone parents. Patterns such as this and research on family size show differences in family type
and structure and these are likely to impact on the number and type of role models within families
(Office for National Statistics 2001)
In contrast to the idea of hybrid identities is the idea that identity is not fixed (Back 1996). Young people
played with different cultural masks, and different styles. Inter-ethnic friendship and marriages mean
that groups borrow ideas from each other and this blurred the distinction between seemingly different
ethnic groups. Research by Johal and Bains (1998) focused on what they termed 'dual identities',
where, for example, British Asians (Brasians) have a number of different identities depending on who
they are with: friends, peers, or at school. Johal and Bains suggest that some of these young people can
'code switch'. This involves behaving one way when with their peers and another when with their
families. This code switching was often based around ethnic issues/conflicts in the home and can be seen
portrayed in films such as Bend it like Beckham and East is East.

35. ASIAN CHILDREN AT HOME AND AT SCHOOL
Ghazala Bhatti (1999)
CONTEXT
This book is a study of the experiences at home and at school of Asian children. The relationship between
these two areas of children's experience has been a subject of interest to sociologists as far back as
Douglas' The Home and The School (1964). However, recent ethnographic studies such as Mac an
Ghaill's Young, Gifted and Black (1988) have tended to focus on school experiences and on pupil-pupil
and pupil-teacher interaction. Bhatti wanted to widen this picture by focusing on the relationship
between home and school, rather than treating them as different spheres.
The research was carried out in the late 1980s, and is a study of the first generation of Asian children
educated in Britain. Asian communities had by this time been established in Britain for some 20 years.
Asian men had often arrived in Britain as economic migrants well before their wives and children joined
them. Many had little or no education.
There have been a number of anthropological studies of the cultural aspects of Asian migration, and
others have looked at the 'race relations' aspect of settlement. Such studies are often based on a
geographical area, such as Anwar's (1979) study in Rochdale and Shaw's (1988) in Oxford. From this
earlier research, Bhatti takes two concepts. She points out that previous studies have tended to portray
Asian communities as encapsulated, that is, that most of people's needs could be met within the
community. This meant that contact with wider society was limited. it also provided some protection
from racism and strengthened ties based on kinship, religion and language. However, 'encapsulation' is
clearly less of an option for the young generation, obliged to experience compulsory schooling in a
setting where their cultural differences are highly visible. The second concept is the myth of return.
Earlier researchers had noted that many migrants said they intended to return 'home', but that somehow
the date was postponed far into an indefinite future. This contributes to a sense of existing between two
worlds.
With regard to education, some Asian children, notably from Indian backgrounds, do better than the
national average, while others, especially Bangladeshi children, on average do worse. These statements
are based on quantitative, national data. Bhatti wanted to question this data and explore the meanings
behind it using the findings from her ethnographic research. In particular she wanted to see if the
reasons for differential achievement were related to factors other than ethnicity. For example, whether
the lower attainment of Bangladeshi children was due to their predominantly working-class
backgrounds?
METHODS
This is an ethnographic study. The children who formed the sample attended a mixed comprehensive
school in the south of England which Bhatti calls 'Cherrydale' School in 'Cherry town’. Bhatti had to
negotiate access to the school herself after being turned away by two other schools. Bhatti had been
living in Cherry town for two years and partly chose Cherrydale because of informal conversations with
parents whom she met through her part-time work in community education. She had a one hour
interview with the deputy head before being given permission to use the school in her study The fact that
she was a qualified teacher and had taught in a secondary school were decisive in the school's positive
response to her request.
Data was collected between 1987 and 1989, mainly through detailed interviews in schools supplemented
by participant observation in classrooms. Bhatti also collected data from white, African Caribbean and