Unit 23 trade union movement

UNIT 23 TRADE UNION MOVEMENT

Structure

Objectives
Introduction
View Points of the Trade Union Tlleorists
Behaviou ral Theory
23.3.1 Critics of Bel~tlviouralTlieory
Anarchist Syndicalist Theory
23.4.1 Tlie Sytidic:llists
Marsist Leninist Theory
23.5.1 Dil'lre~icc I3ct.ccn Atii~rcliis~ii Marxism
and
3 . 2 Letiin on Trade IJl~io~i
Movcniclit
New Left Tllcories
23.6.1 I,c~ii~i's
Criticism ol' Kc,isioliists
23.6.2 'flic Nc I,cll
Specifics of Tradc Union Mo~cmcntin Dc#cloping Countries
Trade Union Molcnicnt in Diffcrcnt Countries
23.8.1 Trade Union Movcnicnt in U.S.A
23.8.2 Trade Unior~ Movcmcnt in U.K.
23.8.3 Trade U~iiol~
Movement in Soci;~listSt21tc
23.9 Trade Union Movenlent in India
23.10 Let Us Sum Up
23.11 Key Words
23.12 So~neUsehl Books
23.13 Answers to Check Your Progress Escrciscs

23.0 OBJECTIVES
Tlle objective of tliis unit is to give !.ou a bricf account of dclclopnicnt of tradc
union movcmalt. different theories of tradc union movcmcnt and the fi~~ictio~iing
of trade unions in different countries. Aficr going througli this unit !.OLI .ill be
able to understand:
Various theories of Tradc UII~OII Movcmcnt:
Differences betleen Liberal. Marsist and Allarchist Theories:
Developnlent and Nature of Trade Unio~lMovc~ncntin different countries: &and
Origin and D e v e l o p ~ ~ ~of~Trade Union Movenlc~ltin India
c it

Human Social life depends on h ~ ~ m a n work. Tlic nature of vork clla~lgcsfro111
time to time and place to place. Thcrc arc different catcgoricq of workers and
plethora of relationships. In the ~iiodcnitimes. .ith tllc dc:clopmcnt of industries
a category of workers 'is called industrial .orkcr. vhich constitl~tcsbulk of
working class. Tllc scliolars harc' dcvclopcd man!* theories and tlicrc arc
contro~crsiesrelating to the co~lccptof class. Wliat co~istitutcs 'Working Class'
there are various tlicorics for that. Hovc,cr. vlicnc~crthe tcrlli 'vorking class' is
used, it galerally incans tllosc pcoplc .I10 car11 tlicir livclillood b. sclli~igtllcir
!
/ labour. This is also assumed that there arc so~ilc .Ilo bu!. their labour. Thc

Social h l u v c m e ~ ~ t s working class can enhance their bargaining power by joining hands witli each
other. Their corning together is called trade i~nionism.

A cursory look at tlie developrne~ltof trade unionism in modern times brings out
tlie fact tliat, the trade uriiori movement, industrial working class arid capitalism
emerged on tlie world scene simultaneously. The working class could assert itself
against tlie mighty capitalist class, helped by tlie state, only when it organised
itself. True, tlie capitalist class never welcomed the unionisation of tlie workers.
Therefore, in the beginning unionisation of workers had to face tlie liostility of
tlie capitalists. They tried to crush any sort of organisation of workers. The
interest of tlie capitalist class could be served best by bargaining with an
individual worker, rather than witli tlie collective organisation of workers, while
workers experience taught them tliat tliey coi~ldnot withstand tlie power of tlie
capitalists alone and therefore have to bargain collectively.

Tlie capitalists started attacking workers'organisation from the very beginning.
The state also helped them by giving them support with state apparatus -
legislature, executive and judiciary. Legislations were passed to curb tlie
collectivisatiori of tlie workers.

"In Great Britain", writes G. D. H. Cole, "there were already, in the eighteenth
century a number of statutes forbidding workers' cornbinations in particular
trades." He adds tliat " The principal purpose of tlie cornbination Acts of 1799
arid 1800 was to make them niore so, both by declaring uriequivocally that
combinations were i~nlawful.Indeed, criminal conspiracies against the public
interests arid by providing simpler ways of proceeding against offenders". But
these combination of Acts of 1799 arid 1800 should not be co~istruedas an
i~itroductio~i new principle banning combinations. It was, in fact, tlie
of
culmination of a series of Combinations, acts passed by tlie Parliament beginning
right from the 1548 Bill of Conspiracies of Victuallers and Draftsmen- a
general statute against sucli cornbinatio~ito raise wage or reduce working hours.
Tlie trade unions were maligned and considered to be responsible for tlie
disri~ptionof industry, tlie decline of economy, and undermining of social rights
and privileges tliat traditionally have held togetlier tlie delicate fabric of society.

Tlie ideologues, against the unionisation of workers sanctioned ths right of state
to prohibit the workers to enter into any type of organisation by approaching tlie
"i~niversal right of individual freedom." Tliese pliilosopliers of capitalism, in tlie
name of individual freedom asserted tliat 'unionism' is the negation of tlie
sovereign right of individual freedom to enter into contract. The courts of law
had accepted the plea, and had shown growing tendency to outlaw all such
combinations on tlie ground tliat tlieir effect was to restrain trade by interfering
with tlie 'natural' liberty of all men to dispose of tlieir labour as tliey wished.
Tlie orthodox economists (tlie spokesmen of capitalist system) opposed
unionisation of tlie workers and held tliat "tlie share of wages in the product of
industry was determined by inexorable laws-based on tlie laws regulation, tlie
growth of population. Wages, it was said, could never rise more tlian, above
subsiste~icelevel because if they did, rnore children would be born, or rnore
survive so as to produce surplus labour".

Thus, workers had struggled to assert tlieir right to organise themselves. They
formed secret societiev in many countries to carry forward tlieir struggle to
protect tlie fundaniental right of unity of the workers. "Tliese early trade unions,"
writes Cole, "had a hard struggle. Men who took the lead in organising them
were very apt to find tliernselves discharged from their ernploy~nentand to have
much difficulty in getting fresh jobs; and, over and above this many of them
were imprisoned when tliey organised strikes, or even simply for the offence of

forming Trade Unions and presenting collective demands." The workers faced Trade Union Movement
persecution and repression. Yet against all odds they were able to win their right
to unionise. I n Great Britain the laws forbidding combination o f workers were
repealed in 1824. This concession was not sufficient as there were many pitfalls
in the act. Needless to say tlie owners o f factories denied this right in one way
or the other. This became clear that tlie struggle for the riglits o f workers cannot
be isolated from the political struggles. Hence, workers fought tooth and nail for
the grant o f franchise and otlier political rights. The workers could achieve their
fundamental right to orga~iise themselves after paying a heavy price in their
sweat and blood.

Check Your Progress 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer. .

ii) Check your answer with answer given at tlie end o f the unit.
I) Why was any kind o f co~iibination f workers opposed by the employers?
o

..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
2) How did tlie workers achieve their right to organise themselves in trade
Unions?
..................................................................................................................................

23.2 ' VIEW POINTS OF TRADE UNION THEORISTS

By and large, workers' riglit o f union has been accepted in the capitalist society.
But tlie politicisation o f tlie unions has been frowned upon. Some scholars
predict that in fi~ture tliey will lose the status tliey have secured so far. Professor
Galbraitli has stated that unions in tlie future will " retreat more or less
permanently into tlie shadows. Those who hold that labour unions are part and
parcel o f the system and play a positive role in the society are not, however,
enthusiastic for their close linkages with the politics. Allan Flanders views union
as "mixture o f movement and 90rpisation." He accepts*that, "one o f the
principal purposes o f trade unions is collective bargaining a wide range o f other ,
issues pertaining to their members' jobs and working life. He admits'that " the
constant underlying social purpose o f trade unions i s then participation in job
regulation, but participation i s not an elid in itself; it is the means o f enabling
workers to gain more control over their working lives," R. F. Hoxie holds that
"while the trade union programme as a whole and as differentiated for each type
o f unionism i s mixed and incomplete, the economic programme has for all 3

unions a single, definite outstanding viewpoint. 'The economic viewpoint o f
unioniswis pGmarily a group viewpoint and its programme a group programme.
aim o f tlie union is primaiily to benefit tlie group o f workers concerned,
rather than the workers as a whole or society as a whole; its theories wh'ich
attempt to explain the determination o f wages, hours, conditions o f employment,
etc. are not general but primarily group theories. Jack Barbash who studied
American trade unions says, "Higher wages and shorter hours are obvious but

genuine incentives for joining a union. Hc holds that the workers join unions to
save tl~enisclvcsfro111 favouritism. to save thcmsclvcs from hugeness and
impersonality. Fred H. Blum studying the Hormal-Packing House workers'
esperime~itopined that the aim of unions is to organise the work process in such
a way as to give to human values a central significance. R.C. Roberts
highlighting the rolc of trade unions in free societies asserts. "trade i~nionsin frec
society are A11 expression of the fundamental right of men and women to organlsc
then~selvesin order to protect and proliiote their interests by collective action."
He writes "In a free society the right to organise implies the right to exercise
pocr that collective action carries vitliin the scope of liberal legal frailie work.
A democratic society is by definition. one in ,liich power is not concentrated
entirely or substantially in the hands of govcnimcnt: in niodern terms this liieans
pover is diffused through a multiplicit~of agencies in other voluntary
organisations. such 3s trndc unions. Aavc an i~ilportantrolc to pla).. they should.
thcrcforc cnjo! the frccdo~llncccssay to cscrcisc their fi~nctionsin industn and
to cscrt political prcssurc on tlic govcrnmcnt to legislate in their favour". "In a
frec socictj.." B. C. Roberts comments. "it is rccogniscd that the interests of
different groups ill inevitably conflict and it is of the essence of democracy that
these conflicts sllall be settled by an interplay of social and pol~ticalforces. It
follos fro111 the funda~iicntalass~~mptions tradc unions in a democratic
that
society must be independent of both cmploj~ersand state."

Note: i) Use the space given below for your ansvcrs.
ii) Clicck your ansvcrs it11 the model answer given at tlic end of tlie
unit.

1,) What is the purpose of trade union in a capitalist society?

2 ) What relationship do they have vitli politics in nlodcni developed societies'?

23.3 BEHAVIOURAL THEORY

Trade unions. in tlic beginning had to facc t11c rat11 of cstablis1~11~~1~t.
but they
survived and no arc accepted as a part and parcel of social life. Thcj, arc
considered as prcssurc groilps. and thus. it is asserted: -' from an opposition
niovc~iic~ittradc i~nio~lsliavc bcconic a rccogniscd institution deeply rooted in our
economic and political s~stc111." The rolc of tradc unions has vastlj. changed.

Earlier they yere considered to be in conflict with sjlstcnis. but now the
relationship beteen tradc u~lionsand societ!.. for csamplc. has undergone a
process of integration. Mark Vande Vall rcfi~tcsMarsist concepts of "classcs or
class conflict: and uses the tern1 used by Pete~Druckcr at tllc forty-seventh
a~u~ual ~iicetingof Anicrican ~uciologicalSociety. in Septeniber 1952- Tlie"

present society is status society and the past socict! as the class socict!,. Trade T ~ I ~ I U I I ~ ~ IA II~ I V C I I I ~ I I ~
C I
Unions as pressure groups arc co~isidcrcdto be part of the political s!.stcm. The
'political system' lias bccn conceived by bchalioi~ralistsas analogous to an
electronic conip~~ter vhicli processes and thcrc b. transfoniis -inp~~ts'
! into
'o~~tput'. While adjusting nicclianisnis allov for a feedback fro111tlic outputs on
the i ~ i p ~ nicchanisni. the ilip~~ts prcss~~rc all kinds vliich arc cscrciscd on
~ts arc of
the system. In tlie earl! phase of capitalism tradc ~~nions .ere looked at vith
suspicion. But niodeni political scientists now assume tliat they arc equal and
sometimes niore powerfill in prcssurising the s!stcm. t l i ~ ~ s
cstracti~igconcessions
for themselves. In an advanced socicty tlic polit!, is considered as a rcad!,madc
neutral niechanisni, whicli establishes equilibrium amongst various groups. "TO
say that politics is the autlioritativc allocation of valucs in a community",
according to Blondel, "is to say that sonic nicasurc of co~iflictcsists bctvcai
values and between the holder 'of these valucs. Tlic govcnimcnt lias to sol.c
these conflicts b vhatevcr mcnns arc at its disposal - the onl!. limitntion being

I
!
,
that in so doing it niust prevent tlic brcnk up of the polity.'' I

The behnvioural political scientists t l i ~ ~ s
admit that in advanced societies tlic tradc
- unions have been pla!.ing an important rolc. Nc,crthclcss. the!. den!. the
Marxists' and Socialists vie. tliat tradc ~~nions ~cliiclcsof class war. or they
arc
.have an!. political rolc in the cstablishmcnt of a socialist socict!.. For them tlic
trade unions arc not the organisation of oppressed .orking class. Tlicir
participation in politics means: tlicir rolc in prcss~~ring political s!rstc~ii
the
through various channels so tliat vorkcrs ma get niasimum benefits.

23.3.1 Critics of Behavioural Theory

The state. according to traditionalists, liberal and niodcni bcliaviouralists is a non
-partisan. neutral and inipartial institution vliicli nicdiatcs bet~ccnthe conflicting
interests without any bias. The capital and labour arc at par in rclation to tlic
state: and their claims arc ad-iustcd in a mechanical lay. The!. lie) socicty as a
mechanical process. and there arc 110 nidc mutations and revolutionan. changes.
Working class is an ordinaq scgnicnt of this s!stcm. The various scliools of tlic
socialist tliouglit do not accept statc as an ~~iipart~al and bclicvc that the
bod!
vorking class has to pla!. a diffcrcnt and rcolutionarl rolc i.c. the
transformation of the socletjf. Tho~~gli thcrc is a idc range of differences
regarding tlic rolc of state in bringing a nc soc~als!.stcm. ct the> agrcc that
the statc is an instn~mcntof csploitatio~iin tlic hands of n ~ l i ~ i g
class. State
socialists hope that statc could be i~scdas an instn~mcnt.graduall!. in
tra~isfoniiingthe socicty in a pcacefil .a!,. Tlic Marxists >antthe statc to play a
transiton role as the dictatorsliip of prolctariat. The dictatorship of tlic proletariat
will give way to the Co~nniunistsocial order of classless socict~rby eliminating
the class distinctions. the distinctive feature of all class socictics. The anarcliists
and syndicalists are suspicious of state: and want to kccp their hands off the
state. For tlieni the very nature of tlie state is opprcsslvc and it can never be an
instrunient of transfoniiing the socicty. The statc and Cli~~rch the
arc
paraplienlalia of the ruling classes atid scrvc tlicir interests.

Note: i) Use the space given belov for !.our ansvcrs.
ii) Check your ansvcrs .it11 tlic ~liodclansvcr given at the end of tlic
unit.
I ) What is the rolc of tradc ~lriionsill politics accordi~igto bclia~iouralists'?

Social hlovcrnrnts
23.4 ANARCHIST SYNDICALIST THEORY

Proudhon, the Anarchist lield that "property is theft" wliich is considered to be
tlie fundamental riglit of Inan by the propertied classes. Thus propertied classes
are thieves protected by state. The endeavour of the people sliould be to do away
with all tlie i~istitutio~is these propertied classes . A true Iii~mansociety will
of
not only be a classless but a stateless society. The ideal anarchist is "to organise
society in such a nianner that every individual man or woman sliould find, upon
entering life, approxiniately equal means for the development of his or her
diverse faculties and tlieir utilization in his or her work. To organise such a
society tliat renders impossible the exploitation of anyone's labour, will enable
every individual to enjoy tlie social wealth wliich in reality is only produced by
collective labour, but to enjoy it only in so far as lie contributes directly towards
tlie creation of tliat wealth.

For this, Bakunin ~dvocates," it is necessary to abolisli conipletely both in
principle and in fact, all tliat which is called political power; for so long as
political power exists, there will be ruler and ruled, Illaster and slaves, exploiter
and exploited. Once abolished political power sliould be replaced by an
organization of productive forces and economic service. He adds, not
withstanding tlie enornious development of modern states, a develop~iientwliich
in its ul:;~nte pliase is quite logically reducing tlie state to absurdity it is
becoming evident tliat tlie days of state and the state principle are numbered. The
contentiori of anarchists is that state protects the capitalist, system so tlie first
attack should be on tlie state itself and the otlier system would crumble down
automatically. They vehementliy criticize Marxist Communists, who want to
capture state power to crusli tlie bourgeoisie. Bakunin says, " only the
Communists. imagine that they can attain it (a classless social order) tliroi~gh
development and organization of political power of working classes, and clieaply
of the city proletariat, aided by bourgeoisie radicalism- whereas tlie revolutionary
socialists, the enenlies of all ambitious alliances, believe on the contrary, tliat this
common goal can be attained not througli tlie political but througli the social (and
therefore anti-political) organization and power of the working masses of tlie
cities and villages.. .."

Bakunin criticises com~nunists and says tliat "the communists believe that it is
necessary to organise tlie forces of the workers in order to take possession of the
political ~niglitof tlie state. Tlie revolutionary socialists organise with tlie view of
destroying, or, if yo11 prefer a more refined expression of liquidating the state.
Tlie commu~iists partisans of tlie principle and practice of authority, while
are
revolutionary socialists place their faith only in freedom". According to Bakunin-
" tlie source of its misfortune lies not in this or any otlier form of government
but in the principle and tlie very existence of the government, whatever its nature
!nay be." Bakunin exliorts, "On our banner, the social revolutionary banner- are
inscribed, in fiery and bloody letters, tlie destruction of all states, tlie annihilation
of bourgeoies civilisation ...." Thus, anarchists advocate, "before creating rather
aiding the people to create this new organisation, it is necessary to overtlirow
tliat wliich is. in order to be able to establish tliat which sliould be."

23.4.1 The Syndicalists

The syndicalists share with anarchists their abhorrance of the word 'state '. Any
linkage of the working class with tlie state power would mean the defeat of the
very aim. Tlie very character of state is such that it can never be used as an
instrument of revolutionary change, is the firm faith of syndicalists. Therefore, an
ideal soceity for synclicalists will be an organisation of working class syndicates,

where there is no pace of state power. The workers' syndicates will attack Trade LJnion Movement
capitalist system as well as state power, wliicli needless to say, is the protector of
the system. Sorel, tlie philosopher and spokesman of syndicalists philosophy was
an n<locate of tlie creed of violence. He admires and eillogizes violence and
~ioIentmethod as the only method of overthrowing tlie present system. The
~ i ~ e t l i o d ~ workers should use to terrorise the capitalist class is general strike.
the
orel In liis "Reflections on violence" writes "Revolutionary Syndicalism keeps
alivc 111 tlie minds of niasses tlie desire to strike, arid tliat only prospers when
important strikes accompanied by violence take place." The 'strikes' liave a
sentimental purpose. They are not only a bargaining instrument but also play an
eriiotional and educative role. Sorel was a supporter of anti-rationalism. He
writes," Syndicalists believe in spontaneity and tliat tlie're is no process by which
fittitre can be predicted scientifically." Tlii~s,he advocated tliat through myth the
spirit of strike slioi~ldbe included amongst the workers. He writes, "..use must be
made of a body of iriiages wliicli, by intuition alone and before any considered
arialysis is made, is capable of evoking as an undivided whole tlie mass of
sentiments wliicli corresponds to tlie different manifestations of tlie war
undertaken by socialism against riiodeni society." Sorel elaborates, "General
strike is a niyt11 i n wliicli socialisni has coriiprised, i.e. a body of iniages capable
of evoking instinctively all tlie sentiments which correspo~idto the different
manifestations of the work undertaken against ~iiodernsociety: strikes liave
endangered in tlie proletariat tlie noblest, deepest and most moving sentiments
tliat they possess, the general strike groi~pall in a coordit~atedpicture and by
bringing tliem together, gives to each one of tliem its maximum of intensity,
appealing to their painful n~en~ories particular conflict.. .. " thus syndicalists'
of
strike has a psycliological purpose and accompanied witli violence create tlie
revolutionary consciousness amongst tlie workers. The methods of syndicalists are
propagation of mytlis, violence, strike. general strike and sabotage.

Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers witli the niodel answer given at tlie end of the
unit.
I) Discilss Anarchist and Syndicalist view of trade union moveme~it.
What are the points of agreenient and disagreement between the two?

23.5 MARXIST LENINIST THEORY
Marx was very critical of anarclio-syndicalists. He fought bitter struggle against
Pro~~dlionism Bakunism as well as Lassalleis~nin the First International. For
and
Marx, Proildl~oriwas the type of petty bourgeois socialist wl~osebold wars were
confined to reactionary theories. He was a "talented publicist, a representative of
sentimental delinquent socialism," "from head to ~fnot, pliilosoplier, an
a
economist of the petty bourgeoisie", who upbraded the bourgeoisie wit11 the
glaring accusatory formula ownership is theft. Proudlion considered himself as a
theoretician of tlie working classes" and boldly began to come out witli
theoretical argilriierits on the philosopliy of the poverty. Marx made sharp
criticism of Proi~dhoi~n's philosophy of poverty in liis " Poverty of Pliilosopliy".
Proudlion, as an anarchist, did not give any value to strikes. and economic

Social Movements struggle of workers. While Marx considered tliese struggles very important as
part of class struggle througli which the proletariat will capture tlie state
machinery. Bakunin who followed anarchists tradition and also rejected 'politics'
wanted workers to adhere exclusively to ecoliomic character. Lozovosky brings
out the distinction between Bakunin arid Marx. He writes, "here we see tliat
Bakunin refers to purely economic agitation." He speaks about the creation of
resistance fund societies for purely economic struggle, says the workers are
ignorant and, therefore, must not occupy themselves with too difficult problems,
etc. The most that Bakunin permits is a federation of a resistance fund societies.
This shows although Bakunin went further than Proudlion, he yet remained on
one and tlie same path with him. He did not realise that trade unions are centres
for organisation of tlie massess, that they are the one which prepare tlie message
for tlie struggle of tlie dictatorship of proletariat. He failed to see just what Marx
saw in the very steps of tlie trade unions.

Marxist as against anarcho-syndicalist advocated that the workers should capture
the state to establish a classless society. Thus the role of the economic struggle
in general class struggk of tlie proletariat is clearly arid co~iciselydefined. Tlie
trade unions must be a 'lever ' in the hands of the working class for tlie struggle
against the political power of its exploiter. Tlie political liiovelnent of tlie
working class naturally has as its final aim tlie conquest of political power.

23.5.1 Efference between Anarchism and Marxism

Tlie dictatorsliip of the proletariat rests on tlie international unity of tlie workers.
Marx's role in international working men's Association and the first International
corresponded to liis belief that workers of the world have to unite to loose their
chains. All working class movements, tlius be directed to the establishment of the
unity of the workers. For Marx the interests of tlie working class are tlie same,
and tliere is no antagonism and conflict of the workers of tlie varioils countries.

The trade union philosophy of Marx is different from anarcho-syndicalist
philosophy, who want to keep off political struggle from working class struggles
while Marx attributes immense importance to the day to day struggles of tlie
working class. " Marx writes about concrete strikes and gives dozens of
examples of workers' actions, describes what influence tliese had on working .
hours, wages, labour legislation, etc. . Bakunin is not interested in factory laws
for he does not see tlie connection between partial de~nands and tlie filial goal.
He thinks that every strike may develop into a revolution. Marx is interested in
the scope within which tlie trade unions can act." "It means", su~iis up
Lozovosky, "the revolutionary Marxists have their own strike tactics- different
radically from tlie strike tactics of the anarchists and reformists."

23.5.2 Lenin on Trade Union Movement

Lenin, following Marxist tradition of proletarian internationalism, class struggle
and dictatorship of tlie proletariat, developed his doctrine by focussing on tlie
close relationship of tlie working class with the working class party. Lenin's
"What is to be done" represents tlie essence of liis trade union philosophy. Here,
he elaborates the tactics to achieve Marxian goals of trade unionism. Lenin felt
tliat economic struggle of the workers can serve little purpose because, "Tlie
econo~nicstruggle merely 'impels' the workers to realise the government's
attitude towards the working class. Consequently, liowever lnucli we may try to
'lend tlie economic struggle itself a political character', we shall never be able to
develop the political consciousness of the workers to the level of social-
democratic political consciousness by keeping within tlie frame work of tlie
economic struggle, for, that framework is too narrow." Lenin held that "Class

political co~~sciousness be brought to the workers only from without, that is,
can Trade Union kluverne~~t
only from outside the economic struggle, f r o ~ n outside the sphere o f relations
between workers and employers." Lenin explains that, " The history o f all
countries shows that the working class exclusively by its own effort, is able to
develop only trade union consciousness, i.e. the conviction that i t is necessary to
combine unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel the goverument to
pass necessary labour legislation, etc. The theory o f socialism, however, grew out
o f tlie philosophic, historical and economic theories elaborated by educated
representatives o f the propertied classes, by intellectuals." Lenin thus emphasised
that tlie political co~~sciousnessf the workers is very essential for socialist
o
revolution: but if i t is confined to trade union activity i t would lead only to
'economism'. Working class conscious~~ess cannot be genuine political
consciousness unless the workers are trained to respond to all cases o f tyranny,
oppression, violence, and abuse. Lenin also warned that only theoretical and
bookish knowledge is not sufficient. The social democrats have to be in close
contact with tlie working class and their activities. He writes, "Tliose who
concentrate the attention, observation, and co~~sciousnessf the worki~rg
o class
exclusively, or even mainly, upon itself alone are not Social Democrats; for the
self knowledge o f tlie working class is indissolubily bound up, not solely with a
fully clear theoretical u~lderstanding rather not so much with the theoretical, as
or
with the practical u~ldersta~iding the relationships between all the various
of
classes o f modern society acquired througli the experience o f political life." "In
order to become a Social democrat," Lenin emphasised, "the worker must have a
clear picture in his mind o f economic nature and the social and political feature
o f the landlord and the priest, the high state official and the peasant,The student
and tlie vagabond...; lie must understand what interests are reflected by certain
institutions and how they are reflected. But this " clear picture" cannot be
obtained from any book. I t can be obtained only from living examples and from
exposures that follow close upon what is going on about us at a given moment,
etc. These comprehensive political exposures are an essential and fundamental
condition for training the masses in revolutionary activity."

Leniu opposed tooth and nail the revisionists' concept o f trade unionism; that
spontaneous trade union activities o f the workers w i l l lead them to political
consciousness, his view was that clear political understanding is necessary for
leading the working class struggles and this understanding could be developed
only through direct and active association with the working class struggles.

Note: i) Use tlle space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answer given at the end o f the
unit.

1) Explain Marx's views about trade unions as g@ssstruggles. a

2) How did Lenin support close linkages o f workipg class struggles with
working class party?

Social hlovements
23.6 REVISIONISM AND NEW LEFT THEORIES
The revisionists claimed to revise Marxism according to the changing natuF of
modern capitalism, which Marx could not foresee in his own time. The Mhrxists
concept of tlie dictatorsliip of proletariat has been given up by the modern Social
Democrats. They liold that orthodox Mamian had become out of date, therefore,
it must be re-examined, corrected and supplemented. For them, Marxism is
wanting 011 tlie followi~ig counts:
I) The theory of tlie class struggle, is itself correct; however, it loses its -
significance with tlie development of the trade union and the establishment
of democracy;
2) Revolution is an absolute conception, it corresponds to a lower level of
social development. Tlie democratic state precludes revolutions and the
revolutionary struggle;
3) Democracy assyl-es the working class the peaceful passing over from
capitalisni to socialism, and therefore tlie dictatorsliip of tlie proletariat is not
and cannot be tlie order of the day;
4) Tlie theory of tlie impoverishment held good at one time, but now it has
become obsolete;
5 ) During tlie epoch of Marx it was perhaps true that the leading role in the
trade unions belonged to the party, but today only party-political neutrality
can ensl~re effective development of the trade union move~iient;
tlie

6) During tlie epocli of Marx, strikes had to be considered as one of the most
important weapons of struggle, but native philosopliy of trade unions have
outgrown this.
This Marxiari alternative philosophy of trade unionism, or revisionism, has many
varieties like state socialism, evolutionary socialism, collectivism, guild socialism,
fabianism and democratic socialism, etc. They have minor differences on some
issues but they are based 011 tlie faith that democratic institutions, shoilld be used
by workers by participating in elections, forming labour, social democratic parties
arid pushing measures using governmental authorities for the benefit of tlie
workers. When out of power, as an opposition party it should pressurise the
governmelit to give concessiolis to the workers. Thus, socialism can be brought
about gradually, and capitalist state would give way to a socialist state
peacefully.

23.6.1 Lenin's Criticism of Revisionists
Needless to say tliat Lenin had serious disagreement over the 'supplementing' of
Marxism by the revisionists. He called these revisionists as opportunists and
stooges of tlie capitalists. Lenin held that the phenomenon of imperialism helped
the iniperialists to obtain immense profits from the exploitation of colonial
countries. The part of tlie profits, they amassed in their coffers, distributed as
cri~nibsto the so called working class leaders - the labour aristocracy. The
better conditions of the working class in advanced capitalist countries projected
by the spokesmen of social democracy is nothing but the reflection of the
opportunism of these labour leaders who are benefitted by collaborating with
imperialist exploitaion of tlie colonies.

23.6.2 The New Left

The New Left philosophers combat tlie Marxist-Leninist theory tliat the condition
of the working class will deteriorate with the advance of capitalism. They liold
/'

that in fact in advanced capitalism, working class power has increased and they Trade llnion Movement
are no more exploited, but through their united power dictate their terms to
e~nployersas well as political system. They are called as "New Men o f Power".

The New Left feels tliat in the advanced capitalist countries workers are no more
revolutionary and tliat they are bourgeoified and consunieris~nhas overtaken
them. This society, according to Marcuse, is based on an alliance between big
business and the working class whicli has been brain washed into chasing an ever
espa~idi~ig o f goods and inessential gadgets tliat their relative affluence
flow
enables them to purchase. Marcuse holds tliat working class is no more a
negation o f capitalism, but is i n c o l l u s i o ~ ~
with i t in protecting tlie present
system. According to lii~ii, "'Tl~e very classes wliicli were once the absolute
negation o f the capitalist system are now more and more integrated into it".

What role SIIOLII~ t l ~ e trade unions play in politics? N o doubt, there is wide range
o f differences. The capitalist system has been compelled to allow trade unions to
exist, but there is always an emphasis, wliicli is reflected by tlie tlieorists, who
consider western democratic syste~n an ideal syste~nas well as inevitable, that
as
trade ~ ~ n i o n s only bargainers, and tlieir role in politics is confined to putting
are
pressure on tlie political systeni to gain benefits for the workers. On the otlier
side, Marxists are emphatic that workers sl~ould politicised, and trade unions
be
are not only an instrument to extract concessions for the workers but also they
have to t r a ~ ~ s f o r ~ i i capitalist systeni into a socialist system, and build a
the
socialist society. The world has been thus divided in tlie capitalist world, the
socialist world and the newly independent countries w l ~ i c l have overthrow11the
i
foreign yoke very recently. What role workers' ~ ~ n i o n s played in these
liave
countries? Are they contined to tlieir econo~nicrole and limited themselves to
putting pressure on tlie governliient to sliorten tlieir working hours, asking for
various facilities and wage increase? Nevertheless, tlie s i t ~ ~ a t i o n tliese colo~iial
in
countries had been very different. Working class also has to undergo immense
s ~ ~ f f e r ialong witli tlie other sections o f the society due to tlie ruthless
~ig
exploitation by the colonial rulers. Therefore, they also joined wit11 other ections
in tlieir struggle for freedom. Trade unions also are involved along with other 1
classes in tliese colonies witli the national liioveliierit as i n India; thus the most
remarkable feature o f trade ~ ~ n i o n s their linkage wit11 political movements.
is

ii) Check your answers witli the model answer given at the end o f the
unit. a

I) Exa~iiinerevisionism as an improvement on Marxist theory o f trade
~~nionism.

23.7 SPECIFICS OF TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN
DEVELOPING COUNTRIES .f

'The contradictio~isw i t l i i ~ iiniperialis~nconipelled the imperialism to allow the
industrialisation to take place i n these colonies. In India, industrialisatio~~ take
did
/

Social hlouenict~ts place despite the discouragement by tlie colonial ruler. Reluctant, tardy, illleven
and limited it might be, imperialists had to start industry. Tlie railways industry
was started by the British bourgeoisie to appropriate raw materials and to liave
access to tlie markets. Why and how this took place had been explained by
Marx. "I know tliat tlie English millocracy intend to endow India witli railways
witli tlie exclusive view of extracting at diminished expenses tlie cotton and other
raw materials for tlieir manufactures. But when yoit liave introduced macliinery
into tlie locomotion of a country, then it becomes necessary to meet tlie
immediate and current wants to railway locomotion, and out of which there must
grow the application of machinery to those branches of industry not immediately
connected witli the railways." Tlii~s, "All that tlie English boi~rgeoisiemay be
forced to do will neither emancipate nor materially mend the social condition of
the mass of tlie people, depending not only on tlie development of the production
power but on tlieir appropriation by the people."

Tlii~s,tlie plienomenon of imperialism, its relationship witli tlie indigenous
emerging bourgeoisie, its attitude towards the working class, tlie attitude of
indigenous bourgeoisie towards working class and imperialists and tlie responses
of working class to indigenous bourgeoisie and i~nperialislnis very intricate and
coniplex. Tlie nature of trade i~nionismin India, therefore, reflects tlie complexity
of tlie socio-economic reality-of tlie erstwhile colonies. Nonetheless, political
factors exert a very important ilifluence on trade union movement. The
commentators on Indian trade illlion movement however, overlook the role of
i~iiperialistnin complicating tlie nature of trade ilnionism. Tliey take into account
tlie social backgrou~idof tlie workers, tlieir religion, caste, age, financial
condition, family size, etc, but not the socio-econolnic forces as the result of
complex condition "created by field of labour and social legislation", whicli in
turn were obviously determined by tlie political factors. I n advanced capitalist
countries, tlie non-Marxist western scliolars trace the links of trade i~nionswitli
'politics bnly as groilps concerned witli tlie econo~iiicpolicy of tlie government as
it affects tlieir interest. In colonial countries, the fact has been admitted tliat the
politician rnobilised the workers to form trade ilnions and these trade ilnions
played an important role in tlie national movement. Subrata Gliosli says "In the
beginning of tlie twenties, tlie trade i~nionsmovenient was stro~iglyinfluenced by
~iatio~ialists liumanists." "In fact, fro111our experience of trade i~nionsitilation
and
in tlie underdeveloped countries where trade ilnions are more recently born, we
tilay safely consider tliat it is more possible tliat trade i~~iionisrii originates
first
due to the impact of direct strains up011tlie workers, wliicli tend to ci~rtailtlieir
already low standard of living, rather than tlieir desire to participate in tlie nlle-
making process." Gliosli refutes Kerr and Siegel's view tliat trade unions are
formed by tlie workers " to participate in tlie rille making process in the
country." This may be true in developed countries but not in the developing
countries. Scholars, wlio looked at societies as orily 'free societies' or 'totali!arian
societies", liave not paid attention to the vast society wliicli was very recently
under tlie dominance of imperialist powers. Tliey talk of trade ilnions in a free
society and assert that tliey are an expression of the fundamental right of men
and wollien to organise tlieniselves in order to protect and promote tlieir interests
by collective action. It cannot be assumed, however, on tlie basis of tilere
existence of trade i~nions that tlie societies of botli riglit and left liave made use
of trade il~iiolisto acliieve tlieir ends.
-
Check Your Progrcss 7

Note: i) Use tlie space give11 below for your answers.
ii) Clieck yoilr answers witli tlie model answer given at tlie end of tlie
unit.

1) What are tlie specificities of trade union in developing countries? Trade Union Movement

..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................
..................................................................................................................................

23.8 TRADE UNIONISM IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES

"Trade Unionism" writes G. D. H. Cole "is shaped not only by the stage of
economic development but also by the general structure in which it has to act"
The dominant trade unionism in developed countries has different goals and
structures. They are considered as pressure groups and not part of state structure;
they are considered to be apolitical. The socialist coulitries empllasise the
political role of trade unions. Tliey are considered to be part of state structure,
atid are assigned to carry out tlie work of socialist transformation. The trade
union movement in tlie developing countries emerged and progressed in different
circuriistances and therefore are different in nature.

23.8.1 Trade Union Movement in U.S.A.

The Trade Union Movement in tlie United States of America is today an
accepted arid permanent part of Aliierican social scene. After decades of intense
struggle, organised labour is now an admitted fact in economic, political and
social life.

With the growth of industries tlie U.S. workers and factory system workers have
realised that only tliro~;~li
collective action could they bargain on anything on
equal terms. They began to organise. Philadelphia printers appears to be the first
trade ~lnionwhich in 1786 went on a strike for a miriirnurn wage of $6 a week,
and after six years a kind of perrnanerit formation took place among shoemakers
of Quaker city. Tlie scattered unions were formed in two decades and only in
1827 a labour move~nentappeared and workers in different trades came to form
one central labour union - The Mechanics Union of Trade Association. After this
Central bodies sprang up in New York, Boston and other cities.

During Civil war new factories were established to supply the armies. There was
an expansion of markets froni one locality to tlie nation. The development of
national market compelled labour to organise increasingly on a national as well
as local scale. However, they did not survive long. In 1869 another national
labour organisation was forriied - tlie rights of labour. It became very irnportalit
but by 1894, its decline started, because of the emergence of another organisation
American Federation of Labour in 1886. Satnuel Go~npers was its president. In
1905 apart frorii American ~edeiationof Labour some other strong trade unions
also came LIPas Industrial workers of tlle world, wliicli espoused French
syndicalisni.

In 1935 Jolin L. Lewis organised industrial unions inside the A.F.L. named
Committee on Industrial Organisation-CIO. Bitter struggles followed after this
witli A.F.L. which resulted in the expulsion of these two leaders related to this
Cotnmittee of Industrial Organisation, and shortly, thereafter, the committee
changed its name to Congress of Industrial organisatiori C.I.O. The labour scene
at national level is do~niriatedby these two front organisations A.F.L. and C.1.0.
Tliey often try to come closer to each other. These trade union organisations are
not closely associated witli any specific political party of U.S.A., however at

Suciwl nlovcments times they are in forefront in declaring their choices for presidential candidates
and express opinions in favour or against the specific policies o f tlie state, arid
are affiliated to International Confederation o f Trade Unions.

28.8.2 Trade Union Movement in United Kingdom

The British Trade Union Movement is the oldest in the world. With tlie
emergence o f industrialisation and development o f capitalism, the workers
realised the fact that they could not witlistand tlie power o f tlie employer alorie
and have to bargain collectively. The employer did not like tlie workers to join
hands with eacli other and form a combination. The State helped them in tliis.
G.D.H. Cole writes "tliere were, already in tlie eigliteenth century a number o f
statutes forbidding workers. Tlie workers faced persecution and repression. Yet
against all odds they were able to win their right to unionise."

Interestingly tlie early manifestation o f ~~nionisation workers expressed itself in
of
a fear o f modern industry. Tlie workers feared that mechanisation in the
production process W O U result in the loss o f job o f the workers. Tliis led the
~ ~
workers to wreck tlie machine. This for111 o f protest was called Luddism, and was
severely dealt by the state. Llltimately the workers reconciled with the fact that
modern industries would stay and they have to adjust with them arid workers
entered another pliase o f unionism. Apart from figliting for economic betterment
in terms o f wages arid other facilities, the workers realised the importance o f
share in political power. Tlie national Association for tlie protection o f labour
establislied in 1830. Robert Owen founded the Grand National consolidated Trade
Union in 1834.

For the protection o f workers rights through political process a charter o f
demands was prepared. Tliis was called Chartist movement. During tliis period
industrial workers obtained the representation o f people's Acts o f 1867, and
1884. In 1868 tlie Trade Union Congress, a central organisation o f the Englisll
working class was formed.

At tlie present juncture British Trade Union Congress is the apex body o f the
workers o f Britian. Most unions are affiliated to it. I t separates itself from
political parties o f U.K. However generally labout. party draws bulk o f its support
froni trade unions. However, tliere are some unions whicli are staunch supporters
o f conservative party. By and large trade unionism in Britian i s mainly
'economic' like U.S.A.

28.8.3 The Trade Union Movement in Socialist State: Former Soviet
Union

Tlie role o f trade unions i s considered very different in socialist countries from a
capitali51 system, where they are considered as pressure groups. Tlie purpose o f
trade un?ons in socialist countries is to ensure workers' participation in socialist
production managenient. Therefore the workers associations were considered the
most important social force in tlie vast lalid o f Soviet Union. The Trade Unions
o f the U.S.S.R. enlisted the working people in coping with tasks connected with
tlie further development o f production, teacli the masses socialist discipline and
c o n i ~ n ~ ~ n i tattitude to work and public property, and instill in the industrial ar~d
ies
office workers a sense o f being masters o f their own country.

A brief sketch o f history o f trade union movement brings out the fact that prior
to Bolslievik revolution in Russia, Trade Unions had come LIP quite late.
Capitalisni got a very late start in tlie Russian Empire arid the protective
organisations o f the workers were correspondingly late in making tlieir

I appearance. Tlie first A l l Russian Trade Union Conferelice, composed chiefly o f 'l'rade Union hlovement
delegates from Moscow i ~ n i o n s was held in October 1905. Tliere was ruthless
suppression o f their activities b y the Russian authorities. As a consequence i t was
difficult to witlistand the ruthlessness o f Russian State power and b y tlie winter
o f 1916-1917 the membership o f unions dwindled to 1500. After March
Revolution a council o f trade i ~ n i o n s
was formed in Moscow and one i n
Petrogard. I n Petrogard, and Moscow and other cities i i ~ i i o workers carried out
~i
final seizure o f power which followed falnoi~sOctober revolution.

Tlie new role o f all Russian Congress o f trade u ~ i i o ~was discussed i n 1918 at
is
petrogard in its first congress. With the introduction o f N e w Economic Policy,
tlie unions became ecolioinic collaborators and advisers in the management o f
industry. Before October revolution tliere existed a large nu~iiber f small ilnions
o
that had sprung LIP lnostly after march days which were later united in a central
01-ganisation known as tlie A l l Union Central Council o f Trade Union/Central
C o i ~ n c i l f Trade Union ( A C C T U or simply CCTU).
o

Cl~cckYour PI-ogress 8
I

Note: i ) Use tlie space given below for your answers.

ii) Check your answers witli tlie ~nodel,a~iswer
given at tlie elid o f the
unit.

I) What are tlie main national trade i~nionsin USA, U K and the foniier Soviet
Union?

I

I 23.9 TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES - INDIAN TRADE UNION
MOVEMENT
The Trade Union Movement in tlie developi~ig countries developed very
differently from the advanced capitalist countries and socialist countries. There
are some specifities i n the growth o f trade L I ion movenient i n these 11ost-colonial
~
societies.

One o f the features o f trade union movement is its belatedness. In real sense
trade union movement eiiierged o n national scene only after the first world war.
Because o f late development o f industries, tlie workers are new to the industrial
culture and dominated by rural moorings. Besides, there are strong political
linkages witli tlie trade i ~ n i o n
movelnent in tlie developing countries w i t l i national
movement. Generally during tlie colonial period tlie trade unions were in the
forefront o f freedom struggle, and therefore apart from trade union activities were
deeply involved in the politics o f the country.

Indian 'I rade Union Movement reflects tlie special nature o f the trade union
moveriient o f an erstvliile colonial country.
-.

Before first world war the trade unionism in l ~ i d i awas very negligible. Generally
there were some organisations which came up but they were very short-lived.
During tlie war some efforts were made to organise workers on' ~ n o d e r trade
l~

Sucinl hlovements union lines wliicli ulti~nately
culminated in an All India Trade Union
Organisation called All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) in 1920, so that
lndia could be represented at International Labour Organisat ion.

A.I.T.U.C. had close links witli the national movement. Many o f its presidents
were active in tlie national movement. Before Independence it was tlie front
organisation o f tlie workers, just like Indian National Congress whicli was an
umbrella for different shades o f opinions and ideologies. Silnilarly in A.I.T.U.C.
also there were different approaches to trade unionis~n that merged in one trade
i~nion organisation. At times there were splits also because of sharp differences in
view points. Apart fro111A.I.T.U.C. Gandlii also enunciated a trade union
movement based on his ideology o f Sarvodaya. Ahmedabad Textile Union or
Mazdur Mahajan Sablia was a trade union organisation wliicli represented
Gandhian philosophy o f industrial relations.

After independence tliere has bee11break up o f Indian National Congress in lnany
political parties as national movement got fragmented. Tlie trade union niovelnent
also broke up in riiailv trade union organisations. A.1.T.U.C has been split in
many trade union centres wliicli are strongly linked with one or the otlier
political party sucli as Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) linked
with tlie Endian National Congress. Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh, BMS with Bhartiya
Jariata Party, A l l India Trade Union Congress witli Colnlnunist Party o f India,
(AITLIC). Centre for India11Trade Union ClTU with Communist Party Marxist
Hilid MaL_:--r Pancliayat, (HMP) Hind Mazdoor Sablia witli socialists. Besides
these, there are soriie other trade union centres which are also affiliated witli one
or otlier political parties.

Thus tlie most important characteristic of lndian trade union movement in
developing countries i s its close political involvement.

ii) Check your answers witli the model answer given at tlie end o f the
unit.

1) How can tlie political nature of trade union movement in lndia be traced in
Indian National Movement?

23.10 LET US SUM UP
The working class organises itself in trade union organisations to protect their
interests. The workers waged a prolonged struggle to achieve their right to
organise themselves in an union. There are varied views regarding the goals o f
trade unilons, their relationsliip with politics and class consciousness; therefore
there are different theories of trade unions such as'Behavioural theory, Anarchist
Syndicalist theory, Marxist and Leninist theory, and New Left theories. Mostly
these tlieories reflect tlie social reality o f advanced developed countries or
socialist countries. Tlie trade union movement in developing countries i s
different. In India trade unions emerged out o f national ~novelnent and have close
links witli politics. There i s a lnultiplicity o f trade unions.

Trade Union Movement
23.11 KEY WORDS

Bourgeois : A term used by Marxist Socialists to denote proprietors
(other than agricultural), capitalists, manufacturers,
merchants, persons with a business of their own and
persons of liberal professions.

Class Conflict : Conflict between different classes, in the present
context particularly .between bourgeoisie and proletariat
for protection of their interests.

Anarchists : Believers in the doctrine that every form of government
', is evil and tyranny. Therefore state should be abolished

I Proletariat :
and instead free associati011of individuals without arms
be established.

The class of wage earners with little or no property of
their own who depend on the sale of their labour.

23.12 SOME USEFUL BOOKS

Ahmad, Mukhrar. TradeUnions and Labour Disputes in India, 1935.
Cllatterjee Rakahar i . Working Class and Nationalist Movement in India. The
Criticul Years, New Delhi 1984.
Clarke, Tom. Trade Unionism under Capitalism, New York 1977.
Cole, G. D. H. Introduction to Trade Union Movenient, London, 1962.
Crouch, Harold. Trade Unions and Politics in India, Bombay, 1966.
Galenson, Walter and Seymour Martin Lipset. Labour and Trade Unionism: An
I
Interdisciplinary Reader, New York, 1960.
Ghosh, Subrata. Trade Unionisim in Underdeveloped Countries, Calcutta, 1960.
Hoxie, R.F. Trade Unionisin in United States, New York, 1966.
Maximoff, G. P. New York, 1966. I

1
McCarthy, W. E. (ed.), 1972.
I
Raman, N. Pattabhi. Political Involvement o India's Trade Unions, New York,
f
i
I 1967.
Saxena, Kiran, National Movement and Trade Union Movement, New Delhi,
1990.

1 23.13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
I
r
1) Secc Section 23.1

i 2) Seec Section 23.1

Social hlovelnents Check Your Progress 2

2) Seec Section 23.2



1) Secc Sub-section 23.5.1

2) Seec Sub-section 23.5.2

I) Secc Section 23.6




Unit 23 trade union movement

Recomendados

Recomendados

Mais conteúdo relacionado

Destaque

Destaque (20)

Semelhante a Unit 23 trade union movement

Semelhante a Unit 23 trade union movement (15)

Último

Último (20)

Unit 23 trade union movement