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Foreword
This is a blockbuster of a book.
Its essential theme is that the English example—theoretical and practical—was cr...
colonisation project had been authorised by Britain with the Balfour Declaration of 1917:
under British administration in ...
The word Teutons in the text is used in its narrow, rather than popular, sense: referring to
the English, Germans, Dutch a...
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Foreword 1 hitler's english inspirers emanuel sarkisyanz

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Foreword 1 hitler's english inspirers emanuel sarkisyanz

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Foreword 1 hitler's english inspirers emanuel sarkisyanz

  1. 1. Foreword This is a blockbuster of a book. Its essential theme is that the English example—theoretical and practical—was crucial in determining the nature of the counter-revolution in inter-war Germany. When the Nazi Party came to decide on a political orientation in the disrupted Germany of the early 1920s, Adolf Hitler won the debate over those who looked east to Russia, and to subjugated peoples for allies. Those defeated were losers; Hitler was determined to be a winner and to raise Germany from the misery and demoralisation caused by the unjust peace imposed by the injudicious victors of World War One and the political revolution they had irresponsibly promoted. Looking around the world for a model for winners, there was but one example to impress—that of the sole Super-Power, Britannia, the ruler of the waves. Britain was still expanding its Empire and its influence. After all, Greater Britain could not afford to stand still: the alternatives were ever greater power or decline. Hitler absorbed the lessons of British Imperial power and its ideology of ‘progress’. He espoused Social Darwinism—the ‘scientific’ doctrine underpinning the realpolitik of Might is Right—a doctrine which justified the elimination of ‘uncivilised’ peoples who stood in the way of ‘progress’. And he set out to teach his people the lessons of Imperial Statecraft, so that Germany could become an ally of Britain’s, exerting influence on the Continent. In this scheme, undoing the injustices of the Versailles diktat was the first step within a general strategy of building German hegemony eastwards, with a view, ultimately, of colonising the Western parts of the Soviet Union. These were Hitler’s strategic ambitions. But he had to work within the realm of the possible. His people were absolutely opposed to further warfare and the economy was shattered. Nazi Germany could thus easily have been contained by redressing glaring injustices of the Versailles Treaty and a firm approach on military adventures. But Britain applied the policy of containment, not to the Fascists of Germany, but to the Democrats—who had formed the governments for the first decade after accepting the terms of the Versailles Treaty against their better judgment. If a fraction of the concessions granted to a Nazi Germany had been bestowed upon democratic Germany, the course of European history would have been very different. But the National Labour-Milnerite Conservative Coalition, which ruled Britain for a decade before the Second World War, had a different agenda. Top of its concerns was maintaining the Empire: and the big threat here was the new Soviet Union, with its subversive support for self-determination and the rights of independence for subjugated peoples. Hitler was anti-Communist and needed Lebensraum, an area for colonisation which did not trespass on the ever-increasing scarlet area on the world map—the British Empire. Professor Sarkisyanz shows that so-called ‘appeasement’ was in fact British assistance to Hitler to pursue an objective they held in common: attacking the Soviet Union. Hitler’s colonisation plans for Russia were nothing strange at that time. In the 1930s colonising ventures by the ‘West’ were still commonplace. Australia was still peopling itself with carefully selected white immigrants, filling the space which had been cleared by genocide. Canada and the United States were doing likewise. Africa was still undergoing settler expansion in the directly-ruled colonies of Empire. And a totally new
  2. 2. colonisation project had been authorised by Britain with the Balfour Declaration of 1917: under British administration in Mandate Palestine, the gradual erosion of the 93% Arab population by immigrant settlers intent on establishing a Jewish State was underfoot. Professor Sarkisyanz in this book reviews both the theoretical and practical main-springs of Empire, rescuing from obscurity the work of mainstream thinkers of the time who created the Social-Darwinist intellectual milieu and developed Social -Imperialism, and showing how practical Statecraft for Empire-building was transmitted to new generations in Britain. He also demonstrates how Hitler, having taken an intelligent interest in these matters, went on to establish institutions in Germany to replicate the results. Many hundred sources—British and German—are used to prove his thesis, which does not make for easy reading, but is necessary in view of the way actual British thought and action have been covered over since 1945. Much of this historical material is not now generally available outside specialist libraries. This monumental work should have found a mainstream publisher in England. But the subject matter is not acceptable in Britain. Indeed, Athol Books recently learned of a University student who was reprimanded for suggesting in an essay that there was some common ground between British Governments in the 1930s and the Hitler administration. Ostensible democratic and liberal forms in fact cover discreet social control and censorship by an elite, which is all the more effective for being administered in a decentralised way, as opposed to the cruder and more obvious censorship in Communist Russia. (The position is no better in Germany, as is shown in a Postscript to this book, with reference to Heidelberg University, the Historische Zeitschrift (an academic magazine), and Der Spiegel, on the popular level.) Prof. Sarkisyanz therefore decided to seek a publisher in Ireland, which might have been thought a natural market for a book of this nature. However, a full page advertisement for a translator and publisher for his book in the premier publishing magazine, Books Ireland, produced just one reply: from Athol Books. Irish separation from Britain stimulated independent-mindedness over some decades, but the distinct Irish take on the world is being steadily undermined by a stranglehold on the media and academic institutions held by British institutions, the Universities having placed themselves under the supervision of Oxford, and the Irish Times being conducted in close consultation with Whitehall. The outcome is a generation of Irish intellectuals with a very simple-minded view of Britain’s role—past and present. In fact many hold an even less critical view than is found in Britain itself at this juncture. If this book helps to disabuse some of them of their illusions, the effort of publication will have been work well worth while. Angela Clifford March 2003 NOTES: I have undertaken the translation of this work in conjunction with the author, with the latter having final say on vocabulary, formulations and phrasing. He has also supplied some material in English. This might not always have produced the most readable of texts, but it reflects the author’s wishes.
  3. 3. The word Teutons in the text is used in its narrow, rather than popular, sense: referring to the English, Germans, Dutch and Scandinavians. Germanic is also often used in this way. FOOTNOTES The bold numbers incorporated in the footnotes refer to the number of the cited work in the English and Non-English Bibliographies. Non-English works are indicated with a ‘+’ sign. The author would have preferred no footnotes and continuous numbering of notes, with references at the back of the book in keeping with much academic practice.

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