1. CORRIDOS AND THEIR HEROES
A Report of a Senior Study
by
Megan Jilka
Major: Spanish
Maryville College
Spring, 2016
Date approved ____________________, by ______________________________
Faculty Supervisor
Date approved ____________________, by ______________________________
Division Chair

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Abstract
The corrido has flourished in Mexico since its evolution from Spanish ballad
tradition, brought to Latin America by the conquistadores in the 16th century. Starting out
as a continuation of Spain’s romance tradition, the people of Mexico quickly began
making their own ballads, and the romance developed into its own, very Mexican genre –
the corrido. Using a patterned narrative and often employing a hero protagonist, the
corrido sings of Mexican problems, both domestic and international. Its lyrics address
conflict, spanning from Mexican independence to immigrant experiences. Its musical
style diversified from using a lone guitar to boasting varying band-like accompaniments.
More recently, themes center on the War on Drugs, a perpetuating conflict with the
United States. The continuing conflict gives rise to another phenomenon: the
narcocorrido. Narcocorridos review conflict surrounding the drug trade and serve to
entertain. Today, the contemporary, shorter renditions of corridos and narcocorridos
dominate the Mexican commercial recording industry and also hail a growing following
in the United States.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Introduction 1
Chapter I
The Corrido 4
Chapter II
The Search for a Hero 21
Chapter III
Narcocorridos 37
Conclusion 51
Notes 54
Works Cited 56

5. 1
INTRODUCTION
The diverse history of corridos begins in Spain hundreds of years ago. At that
time, juglares or jongleurs, which are entertainers similar to minstrels, went from town to
town singing of heroes, ballads, and love. The ballads were not only entertaining, but
informative as well; a form of collective literature and oral history. Later, the literary
movement joined with the muwashaha, combining Islamic and Spanish traditions to
create the hybrid literary and cultural concept known as the jarcha. The evolution did not
end there and instead continues since conquistadores brought the ballad tradition with
them to the New World. The Spanish ballad evolved into the corrido, a provocative but
popular type of folk song that reflects social conflict and incites controversy. Today, the
ballad lives on in the corridos of Mexico, where the evolved oral tradition continues. The
corrido could also be a continuation of another Spanish tradition, very similar to the
ballad: the epopeya, or epic poem, which usually tells the story of a hero and the events
around him. Conquistadores brought these customs to Latin America, and Mexico readily
embraced the traditions. Now, the Mexican-adapted ballad, known as the corrido,
provides an extensive discourse of the history of Mexican independence, the Mexican
revolution, and continuing current events. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the
evolution of the Mexican corrido, its subject categories, and its role in Mexico today.

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Chapter I reviews the history of the corrido, beginning with its introduction by the
Spanish conquistadores. It focuses on Mexico, the place where the Spanish ballad took
root, flourished, and evolved into its own distinct sound and lyric tradition, the corrido.
Chapter I compares and contrasts the corrido and the Spanish ballad, noting surprising
similarities and differences. While many of the core stylistic elements are still similar,
many other aspects are now almost unrecognizable. Themes changed from imported
Spanish stories to grassroots concerns. Musical style has diversified to include a vast
array of instruments. In the first chapter, the reader will learn in depth about the many
changes that now distinguish the corrido from its Spanish predecessor.
One of the themes that the Mexican corrido still shares with the Spanish ballad is
that of the hero. Chapter II analyzes this key topic of both the Spanish ballad and the
Mexican corrido. The hero takes on many roles, including a great warrior, a defender of
the weak, or someone who has risen out of oppression. While many aspects of the
Mexican corrido are different from the Spanish ballad, the hero subject stands the test of
time. It is a theme present in Indigenous folklore, Spanish romance, the Mexican corrido,
and its recent subgenre, the narcocorrido. The reader can observe these heroic traits and
the role of the hero in Mexican corridos in Chapter II.
The narcocorrido appears in Chapter III, which evaluates the changes that have
recently taken place in the corrido. These modifications include deviations from the
traditional musical structure and emphasis on new subjects, including contraband. While
some of these changes reflect commercial interest, many of these changes continue the
tradition of the corrido as a discourse of conflict. These narcocorridos reflect the
continuing struggle for Mexican and Latino people in the border area and beyond.

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Tension between the United States and Mexico, including the War on Drugs, ensures the
continuation of the genre which has become the leitmotif for the Mexican and Mexican-
American people. A closer look at the corrido shows that it not only describes historic
events but also shows how the common people view and make sense of these events. The
corrido continues to be not only an oral history, but also communicates the effects and
impact of historic events on the Mexican people.

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CHAPTER I
THE CORRIDO
While the corrido today is found in many places, it is currently most prominent in
Mexico and is inarguably part of Mexican culture. However, what exactly is a corrido
and where did the genre originate? It is commonly held that the Spanish conquistadores
brought the corrido from Spain in the form of a ballad, the romance. Latin America
accepted the ballad with varying degrees of acceptance and its Mexican affiliation today
is feasibly the strongest and most recognized, boasting a vast variety of sounds and
themes in a new category completely distinct from its Spanish cousin. The Spanish ballad
evolved into a provocative but popular type of folk song that reflects social conflict and
incites controversy – the corrrido. Even today, the corrido evolves to address issues of
concern to the Mexican people, issues which can be glorified or ignored by the media.
The corrido even parallels indigenous belief, making it the ideal Mexican leitmotif.
In agreement with most experts including Merle E. Simmons, John McDowell,
and Vicente Mendoza, the Bloomsbury Encyclopedia of Popular Music of the World

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notes that “historically, the corrido is a Mexican folk ballad that, like the Spanish
broadside ballad, stems from the Spanish romance, a ballad tradition that flourished in
Renaissance Spain” (“Corrido”). In line with this tradition, it is “un género épico-lírico-
narrativo” ‘an epic-lyric-narrative genre’ that evolved to its present day mix of story and
sound (Mendoza ix)1. Unfortunately, however, the history of the corrido is largely
undocumented. This is partially by nature, since the corrido has been an oral folk music
tradition for much of its past. Another contributing factor is the lack of importance given
to such songs. Scholastic value was not seen or ascribed to corridos until the early 20th
century (Paredes Folklore and Culture... 129). Since that time, most notably John
McDowell, Vicente Mendoza, and Americo Paredes carried out and continued research.
Today they are considered the foremost experts in the field of corridos.
These experts conclude that since its migration from Spain, the romance
underwent changes in evolution, adapting to Mexican problems while retaining some
elements of its predecessor that continue to speak to the largely mestizo Mexican
population of middle and lower socioeconomic classes. Paredes notes that the corrido
movement “assimilates the romance survivals that had come from Spain” but does not
seek to imitate them (With His Pistol…149). Hernandez describes four styles of corridos
which are in line with romance tradition. The “yo soy” or “I am” form, which feature a
self-asserting, hero type protagonist who sings of himself; another, the third person form
of a “Heroic Protagonist” who is “With a Pistol in His Hand,” in modern times, rather
than a sword or lance common to the Spanish romance (Hernandez 68). A third category
comprises of a hero on a horse, which is often a honey or sorrel colored horse in modern
times. And finally, “The on the verge of tears (como queriendo llorar) formula” which

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portrays a “traitor…cowardly enemy or the clown” or the defeat of the enemy (70). Many
of these archetypes continue in revolutionary and current corridos.
Other factors may have contributed to the development of Mexican corridos from
the Spanish ballad. The seemingly foreign ballad tradition may have grafted roots in Pre-
Columbian traditions. Oral history and even hymn is found in many Mesoamerican
cultures. Phillips points out that “the Aztecs and other Mesoamericans often took a
creative approach to history, blending fact and narratives of the past in a way designed to
establish political and religious points in the present” (235). In accord with contemporary
local customs, “much of Mesoamerican mythology and history was transmitted orally
from generation to generation and never written down” (15). This was also a feature of
Spanish ballads, which featured exaggeration and blending of stories. Through time, the
corrido may reflect the mixing of Spanish ballad and indigenous legends, and the
blending of Mexican and aboriginal blood, into a mestizo population with a
corresponding musical style. The corrido reflects the growing bond between the two
cultures, a continuation of what Valbuena describes as “el incosciente del hombre
modern acuña sus simbolos como lo hacia en el pasado…en ese proceso artistico de
curacion del alma colectiva” ‘the subconscious of the modern man cradles his symbols
like he has in the past…in that artistic process of curing of the collective soul’ (222).
Thus, the exact age of the Mexican-adapted corrido is unknown, but likely dates back to
around the time of the Spanish settlement. In the 1960s, Cuauhtémoc Esparza Sánchez
uncovered some of the oldest corridos from Zacatecas (Hernandez 66). These date as far
back as the 1700s and document grassroots movements. They also meet Paredes’
requisite of being a “living tradition” by changing with the people (66). In the

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introduction to Folklore and Culture on the Texas-Mexican Border, Richard Bauman
reiterates that “while the corrido as a form is descended largely from romance…, the
emergence of a full-blown corrido tradition cannot be explained in terms of continuities
with the romance” (Paredes xvii). Hernandez emphasizes compelling similarities, such as
the link between the use of swords or lances in romance and the corrido’s use of pistols,
the modern weapon of choice (68). However, he agrees that the stories told in the corrido
are quite different than those in romances (68).
Mendoza notes that Mexico has been cultivating the corrido for over a century
and a half, with a leap in popularity in the 1880s (vii, xxvii). Despite its long history, the
previously described corrido was only recently been defined and characterized circa the
mid-nineteenth century, after scholastic study on the matter began in the 1920s (Paredes
With His Pistol… 129, Folklore and Culture... 129). Before this, a corrido was known
instead as a “romance, historia, narración, ejemplo, tragedia, mañanitas, recuerdos,
versos y coplas;” terms which “…were used synonymously with, or in addition to, the
term corrido” (Mendoza ix-x, “Corrido”). Effectively, they were corridos by another
name and represent the wide variety of subjects or themes of which folk ballads sing.
After its adoption in Mexico, the ballad has evolved over time to its historical,
distinct form, the corrido. While the corrido retains the storytelling characteristics of its
predecessor, from there the corrido has undergone various changes. The style, subject,
lyrical styles, and instrumentation all are different and evolving diversely in the corrido.
As locals adapt the ballad to address their own diverse concerns and subject matter, its
own style develops. The corrido is able to answer to local concerns and serve as a form
of entertainment, in which regions may have their own themes and instruments of choice.

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Chew Sánchez adds that corrido themes and styles can be very specific to a locale (35).
However, because the corrido began as largely an oral tradition, there is little evidence of
the in-between stages of the old corrido and the modern version which Wald calls
“Mexican country music” (Wald 1). Beyond this, the oral tradition in itself gave rise to
spontaneous interpretational, local, and artistic evolutionary elements that are largely
missing from contemporary documented songs (Hernandez 73).
Still, there is sufficient evidence to conclude that subjects have changed from the
imported concerns of the romance to grassroots events and concerns: a folk ballad. As a
folk ballad, the story focuses on the people, and had to be simple and easy to understand
to be widely appealing. Paredes’ states that the name corrido comes “from correr which
means ‘to run’ or ‘to flow,’ for the corrido tells a story simply and swiftly, without
embellishments” (Paredes With His Pistol… xi). The story is meant to be fast paced and
intriguing, appealing to many people and easily relatable.
The requirements of a corrido have also been debated, but the general consensus
is that it has a general pattern for structure and flow. Though each listed element does not
always need to be used in a single song, a song that can claim to be a corrido should have
several of the following traits:
(1) a formal opening that contains the initial call of the balladeer to the
public; (2) the stating of the place, time and name of the protagonist of the
ballad; (3) the arguments of the protagonist; (4) the message; (5) the
farewell of the protagonist; and (6) the farewell of the balladeer.
(“Corrido”)

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McDowell has a similar view that excludes part four, and Vicente Mendoza, one of few
people to analyze the musical elements of corridos, recognizes only four parts (Alviso
59-60, Mendoza ix). To conclude, the singer may add a call to action after the conclusion
of the corrido (Alviso 60). Wald notes, however, that this is a scholarly definition and in
reality the listeners with which he is familiar with, natives from Mexico and the border
area, are unconcerned with such a definition and do not actually have such requirements
(307).
The story is sung to a pattern of meter and verse. The corrido uses four-line
stanzas of eight syllables, usually with an alternating rhyming scheme or an abcb rhyme
scheme (Hernandez 67). Most versions of the corrido use eight lines per stanza, or octets,
but some have as few as four or as many as ten (Alviso 70). Those with ten, or décimas,
usually use a rhyme scheme of abbaaccddc (Paredes Folklore and Culture… 134).
Sometimes, the lines can be split into four-syllable subsections (118).
In the traditional corrido, the paired quatrains or stanzas are used to tell each part
of the story, generally the introduction, the scene, the action, and the despedida (Paredes
Folklore…119). These are often written in a binary style, a fairly universal component of
folk poetry, in which the stanzas or even the lines complement or contrast each other
(120). For example, if not X, not Y either or if A, then also B (120). Chapter 5 in
Paredes’ Folklore and Culture on the Texas-Mexican Border goes in depth on elements
of European influence and universal aspects of folk poetry (115-127).
Lyrically, the verses generally do not repeat or use repetition, and while
captivating to hear, stylistically corridos can appear plain and “monotonous” to the eye
because of their design (Paredes Folklore and Culture… 118). This has a purpose,

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however. The prescribed structure and design actually makes the corrido easier to write,
and as Paredes notes, “fundamentally appealing to the folk poet to guide his creation”
(118). That is to say, an artist can look to the style of corridos for inspiration or as a
guide to his or thoughts; a characteristic that assists the proliferation of the ballad. The
style of the corrido achieves several purposes: it is simple, easy, and economic. The
overall style renders corridos simple and easy to write, play, set up, sing, spread, and
even remember. A large, cumbersome ensemble is not needed. Alviso elaborates that this
simple style allows the singer to concentrate on the details of the story and made it
economically easier for the common people to participate, either as performers
themselves or in the audience (62).
Despite its impact on the common people, there is some conflict on whether folk
poetry, such as that of corridos, qualifies as literature. It is generally not accepted as such
by the academic community, but those who study corridos are convinced that they are
exactly that (Paredes Folklore and Culture… 113). Mendoza states that corridos will one
day be recognized as a great example of genuine Mexican literature (viii). Paredes uses
the analogy of an “On Top of Old Smoky” parody to show that folk verse, like the
corrido, “is meant to be useful rather than beautiful” (Folklore and Culture… 113-114).
The common “folk” are not looking for a beautiful work of scholarly literature; they are
looking for a good and relevant story, albeit an imaginary one in many cases (114).
Corridos, in embodying the struggles and experiences of the Mexican people, have
answered the call and developed into “una historia por y para el pueblo” ‘a history by and
for the village’ (Mendoza ix). It lives to tell the histories and experiences of the common
people, an aspect often overlooked by the media itself.

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While the lyrics and the story of a corrido change often, Alviso has found that the
music generally has a common denominator. Musically, “within the corrido tradition,
there are five elements— form, meter, instrumentation, dynamics, and vocal timbre—that
do not vary considerably” (62). The use of off-pitch vocals is quite acceptable, an
example of Paredes description of corridos as “useful rather than beautiful,” since it
conveys the ups and downs and roughness of outlaw life and used by artists including Los
Tigres del Norte (Paredes 114, Alviso 68-69). In the music, “melody and harmony” are
the dynamic factors within the music (63). The songs are usually strophic or binary,
starting with a certain melody and repeating the same music pattern but using different
lyrics and accompanying harmonies throughout the song (62).
Most commonly, the corrido uses one of two tempos: a waltz (3/4 or triple) time
signature or a polka (2/4 or duple) time signature, or may rarely employ 6/4 time
(“Corrido,” Alviso (62-63). The triple meter can be found more commonly in traditional
and rural music while duple meter is more common in contemporary and urban settings
(66). The fast tempo serves several purposes, including to “provide a rhythmic basis for
the story, to engage the listener or dancer, and help the singer recall the text” (Alviso 65).
Once it is set, it is consistent other than the employment of long, dramatic pauses by the
performer (65).
While these upbeat tracks today employ a variety of instruments, corridos began
with a modest accompaniment that consists of a guitar along with another guitar or some
other instrument, and just one or two singers. The simplicity of the arrangement allows
small groups to travel easily and be set up quickly (Alviso 62-63). Judith Reyes, for
example, traveled alone with her guitar. To add to the simplicity, Alviso notes that

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minimal chords are necessary in each corrido and some require as few as two, making
them easy to play and spread (63). The loud, nasally vocal timbre employed by the
singers was meant to reach a wide audience and be heard over a crowd before the times
of microphones (63). Even now, despite electronic and technological advances, along
with the addition of other instruments, this tradition has held fast for the most part. Alviso
notes a few recent extensions, including a vocal roughness, which he attributes to the
rough life in Mexico surrounding the drug trade (63-64). Instruments have increased from
just the guitar to include orchestra instruments in the 20s and 30s, the addition of
“accordion, bajo sexto, and bass” in the 40s and 50s, and today’s banda style in the 1990s
(66-67). Despite the inclusion of various instruments, including bass and accordion, and
the expansion of style to mariachi or conjuntos norteños, it is still the changing melody
and use of harmonics that carry the distinguishing characteristics of each corrido (63).
On the other hand, corridos saw a large rise in popularity due to advancements in
technology. Songs which once could only be heard locally became national anthems on
mainstream commercial radio. However, in the process of becoming mainstream,
alterations have been inevitable. The typical listener shifted from rural to urban through
radio play, while the corrido artist now has a larger listening area to accommodate.
Technological advancement also has had a hand in shortening corridos. The stories of
events, crimes and heroes used to be much longer than the three minute songs on
commercial radio today, hence the term epic ballad. In the 1920s, the approximately eight
minute, two sided record already cramped the style of many corrodistas (Alviso 71).
However, by the 1950s, radio station norms abbreviated the songs even more and “the
number of verses in corridos shrank from twenty to six” (71). Recording for radio also

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caused a shift in preference from strophic to binary form and from a 3/4 time to the faster
polka beat to please its listeners (71). Lately, the upbeat tempo has also allowed the
introduction of dancing (65). This could also be another sign of the shift from rural to
urban listeners.
Time itself has had a very big role in the changing corrido. The relationship
between conflict and change in the corrido is clearly illuminated by Mexico’s history and
could be the reason why Mexico has been the greatest incubator of the modern day
corrido. Whenever Mexico undergoes political conflict and corruption, internally and
externally, the corrido follows in theme and evolution. Burgos Dávila notes that the
corrido “…es una tradición que ha sufrido cambios y que se ha ido adaptando a las
diferentes realidades sociales de México” ‘…is a tradition that has suffered changes and
that has been adapting to the different social realities of Mexico’ (158). Change happens
when a corrido is no longer immediately relevant to the people, and new songs about new
events prevale. Its evolutionary categories are grouped around events like the Mexican
Revolution of the early 20th century and later conflict with the United States, a catalyst
for continual change. Enrique France, Corrido composer for a popular group that began
in the late 1960s, Los Tigres del Norte, describes how the subject of the corrido changes:
En cuanto al corrido no había mucho de qué hablar porque lo de
la revolución se iba quedando en el olvido y ni modo de seguirle cantando
a Pancho Villa. Cambian los personajes.
When the corrido didn’t have much to talk about because they were
forgetting the revolution so there was no use to keep singing about Pancho
Villa. The characters change. (Ramírez-Pimienta and Pimienta 44)

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International themes of wars or foreign influence, or national themes of government
abuse, cattle theft, alcohol during the prohibition, and now immigration and drugs are
consistently expressed in corridos. The continuously changing circumstances mean there
is always something to write a corrido about.
Due to this dynamic history of Mexico, the Mexican corrido has a special story to
tell. While telling a relatable and captivating story about a new hero or a new tragedy, the
songs are often functional as an “unofficial” newspaper in which a unique approach is
taken (Mendoza viii). In contrast to the official version, corridos emphasize local and
borderland heroes that could be even painted as criminals in the mainstream account
(viii). New events simultaneously prompt new corridos and their evolution. However, in
the telling epic lyrics of each history, the amount of truth is debatable. Los Tigres del
Norte, believes that corridos tell the truth while narcorridos are based in fantasy, but on
the other hand composer Teodoro Bello feels the opposite (Ramírez-Pimienta 22). In
cases when the government is strongly influencing the media to maintain a favorable
image, corridos can be more reliable sources of information. Hazel Marsh analyzed
several corridos from songwriter and artist Judith Reyes and concluded that her corridos
told the story of the Student Movement better than “official” news of the same event
(158).
The writers of corridos are traditionally family, victims or witnesses of events,
while others may use the press as a source (xxviii-xxix). In an interview, Franco, who
wrote for Los Tigres del Norte for over 15 years, insists that the historical element is vital
to the corrido: “Una canción es una historia de amor, de lo que sea. Un corrido es más
específico, de un lugar, una historia” ‘A song is a story of love, of anything. A corrido is

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more specific, of a place, a history’ (Ramírez-Pimienta and Pimienta 47). Alviso
documents just how often this entails conflict with the United States, observing that
border conflict “is one of the most common subjects” of corridos (60). Chapter III will
show how this conflict continues in contemporary corridos.
McDowell comments about the history of corridos, writing that the “anthology of
song harks back to precedents as remote in time as the Mexican War of Independence
(1810-1821)” (xiv). In this period the corrido can first be seen “speaking for the Mexican
rural folk, singing of victories and defeats in the struggle against the Spanish Crown”
(Paredes Folklore and Culture… 129). Other notable events include “the French
Intervention (1862-1867), and, more recently, the Mexican Revolution (1910-1921) and
its sequel, the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929)…”, events and social turmoil of the mid-
twentieth century, and later the struggle to enter the global economy and to gain “footing
in emerging social and political alignments” (xiv). After the war for Independence in
1821, the corrido could truly be seen as the voice of the people.
Soon after Independence, the Mexican government created a program that sought
to attract more settlers and, unintentionally, brought more conflict to the border area
(Valerio-Jiménez and Whalen 34). In Texas, the program worked too well and Anglo-
Americans quickly outnumbered the Tejanos, or natives of the area of Texas (34).
Despite the program’s end, the tension and culture clash that resulted would set the
volume for further relations and provide subject material for an outpouring of corridos
(34). Such events include the War of Texas Secession in which many Tejanos, alienated
by centralist policies of the Mexican government, fought alongside the Anglo-American
Texans, but were not rewarded for their loyalty to Texas (Ramos 46, 51, 52). Sadly,

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incoming Kentucky and Tennessee volunteers viewed the tejanos with suspicion simply
for their Mexican heritage, augmenting existing racial tension (52). Consequently, before
and after the Texas annexation of 1845, fewer and fewer natives of the region were
allowed positions of authority, especially in the Texas Republic (54). The changes in
authority and the justice system alienated Mexicans and imparted a negative connotation
on the term rinche or Texas Ranger. Paredes describes the expansion of the term and its
extension to include “border patrolmen, immigration officers, prison guards, and even to
Pershing’s soldiers” in pursuit of one of the first borderland heroes, Pancho Villa (With
His Pistol… 150).
In combination and coinciding with Texas’ annexation, disputes over the border
prompted the Mexican-American War, which ended in the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo
(Valerio-Jiménez and Whalen 34). While the treaty promised in letter to respect the
property currently owned by Mexicans, in application2 it resulted in the transition of
profitable land to Anglo-Americans and leveled Mexican social classes (Chávez-García
62). It also divided a country, separated relatives, and marked the beginning of the
incessant border struggle. This, in combination with the cultural struggle that is also still
present, has resulted in the explosion and evolution of the corrido based on the
experiences and feelings of the Mexican and Mexican-American people. Alviso notes
that the corrido today is just as apt of a reflection of border conflict today as it was in the
1800 and 1900s (61). These border-conflict centered corridos “comment not only on
political events, national affairs and natural disasters, but also on subjects such as crimes,
family feuds, horse races, romantic entanglements, immigration and, since the 1990s,

21. 17
drug trafficking” (“Corrido”). With a history so vivid, who needs fiction? Alviso points
out that
The subjects are often real life events, including stories about the
Revolution, bandits, horses, bullfighting, disasters, love affairs and
deceptions, political corruption, oppression and mistreatment of
farmworkers by rich ranchers, murders, and the general injustice faced by
Mexicans at the hands of Americans or their own government. (Alviso 60)
Paredes lists some of the crimes committed against Mexican-Americans, including cattle
theft, exploitation of workers, and forced sale of land (With His Pistol… 134-135). Many
of the themes are intertwined with the United States and also instigate the search for a
hero, which Chapter Two will address in more depth.
Alviso divides corridos into two approximate groups, the traditional corrido,
which is pre-1930s, and the modern corrido, which is post 1930s (61). Mendoza splits
them even further, into three categories which center on conflict (xv). The first category
Mendoza considers spans from 1878 to 1913, during the era of the dictator Porfirio Díaz,
and notes the emerging theme of bravery among protagonists like Juan Alvarado, ex-
governor of California involved in its defense against United States invasion, and Benito
Canales, who was famous for robbing the rich for the poor (xv). The second category has
some overlap but covers the revolutionary Francisco Madero, the overthrow of Porfirio,
various internal revolutions, and events of the followers of Emilio Zapato (xv-xvi).
Zapato was an activist for land redistribution and led the early Zapatista movement “con
su lema: ‘Tierra y Libertad’” ‘with their motto: “Land and Freedom”’ (xv-xvi). The third
category encompasses 1930 onward, which unfortunately was subject to scholarly and

22. 18
political deviations that threatened its status as the voice of the people (xvi). Ramírez-
Pimienta and Pimienta expand that many corridos are indeed forgotten, sometimes
because the lies they sing about have been uncovered (44). “Asi tambien con los corridos.
Hay unos biodegradables” ‘Likewise with the corridos. Some are biodegradable’ (44).
The artificiality is something Mendoza also points out as characteristic as the third and
present category of corridos that could cause their demise (xvi).
Mendoza’s third category, however, is debatably too broad. He has demonstrated
that while a decline in corrido production can be seen nationally after the 1930s and
lasting until the ‘70s, this decline is not apparent along the border region (qtd. in Alviso
59-60). The third category does not account for changes and events after the 1950s, and
abruptly concludes before events like the student uprising of 1968, the rise of bands like
Los Tigres del Norte, and the introduction of tougher immigration standards and quotas.
Picking up where Mendoza left off, Hazel Marsh writes about the corridos of
Judith Reyes, which narrate the grassroots movements against government hegemony
around the time of the student uprising. At this time, the government was ran by the PRI,
Partido Revolucionario Institucional or Institutional Revolutionary Party. The PRI has
dominated Mexican politics since 1929, using incentives and even repressive and violent
means to maintain control (Coerver). The PRI government hijacked the popularity of
corridos, limiting play to older songs focused on the revolution and those that could be
used as “vehicles of hegemonic PRI ideology” rather than the voice of the people (147).
Thus, the people turned temporarily to rock music. Rock music saw a rise around the 70s,
which was simultaneously caused by government censoring and prohibition and its
picking up of the corrido’s old occupation: to speak for the people (157, 150). However,

23. 19
emotion-driven rock told less specific stories than the narratives of corridos (158). One
can see looking back that the corridos of Judith Reyes better tell the “real” history, rather
than the official one, or the generalized rock songs that were merely inspired by how
these events affected the people (158).
Reyes is an example of how the corrido faltered but hasn’t floundered. Its
comeback, in part due to the work of Reyes and the popularity of groups like Los Tigres
del Norte, who have been widespread since the 1970s (Ramírez-Pimienta 21). Mendoza’s
prediction of the demise of the corrido was proven incorrect considering the popularity of
corridos today (xvi). As Franco mentions, the crimes are changing. The corrido has
resurfaced as the voice of the people on continuing political turmoil and conflict with the
United States, now centered on immigration and drug trafficking. In these more
contemporary corridos, the dominating theme is still border conflict and
the subjects of the corridos refer to larger issues and concerns faced by
poor Mexicans on an ongoing basis—personal struggles, discrimination,
oppression, and exploitation. The protagonists of these songs embody
values that are admired in the face of this unfair world, particularly
courage, pride, defiance, and honor. (Alviso 61)
Since its break off from the romance, the corrido continues to prove that it is its
own independent entity that is now itself spreading elsewhere. Simón Romero writes
about Colombian corridos, which are a descendant of Mexican corridos rather than the
Spanish ballad. Alviso contends that contemporaneously, “the influence of the [Mexican]
conjunto and corridos can also be strongly felt in Central and South America, particularly
in countries that have experienced recent social and political turmoil, such as Chile,

24. 20
Colombia, Cuba, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Venezuela” (Alviso
67). Many of these countries deal with issues similar to those faced by Mexico. For
example, a struggling economic status, political and economic involvement of the United
States, immigration and drug trafficking, are all common denominators to many Latin
American countries. Due to the geographic spread of the drug trade, these issues are
addressed in many contemporary songs, in a subgenre known as narcocorridos. In
Colombia, these songs are known as corridos prohibidos “prohibited corridos” and
themes have been altered to reflect local concerns, including violence stemming from the
coca trade and cultivation as well as Colombian civil war (Romero). The narcocorrido
phenomenon will be more closely analyzed in Chapter Three.
In conclusion, it can be assumed that for as long as there is national and
international conflict involving Mexico and Latin American countries, the corrido will
sing about it. Its pattern for artists and use as the voice of the people, along with its
adaptability and diversification ensure its continued existence. The corrido will continue
to speak about the experiences of the common folk and teach outsiders about the issues
faced by Mexicans and many Latino groups.

25. 21
CHAPTER II
THE SEARCH FOR A HERO
Considering Mexico’s dynamic history and the corrido’s historical theme of the
hero in its predecessor, the Spanish ballad, it seems only logical that the hero motif
continues to be a vital part of the corrido tradition. Briefly mentioned in Chapter I, this
theme is not simply a passing phase. Authors and composers continue to use the hero
theme since the Spanish romance, including in many corridos of all stages up to the
present, and it even parallels indigenous belief, making it the ideal Mexican leitmotif.
The corrido epitomizes an answer to the search for a hero, a role model or an inspiration.
The heroic prototypes of the protagonists in corridos are varied and many, but comprise
the largest single subject category. According to Hernández, “Epic ballads invariably
portray a protagonist representing ideal qualities” (68). This is true in indigenous legends,
Spanish ballads, and corridos. The hero theme is a ready component of indigenous
Mesoamerican legends, telling of the heroic deeds of gods and men. Hernández’s
archetypes, hailing back to the time of the Spanish romance3, are all laden with valiant
characteristics befitting a Mexican corrido (68-70). McDowell concludes that the largest

26. 22
group of corridos are tragedies, but may be called “de bravíos o de valientes” ‘of the
brave or of the valiant’ for the fearlessness of the protagonist (1). Alviso points out that
“…for most corridos, the function of the song is the celebration of heroism. We look up
to the characters in corridos because their actions raise them above the relatively common
lives of its listeners” (70). Vicente Mendoza also mentions that many of the themes of
corridos are types of heroes, breaking them down into categories of: (a) revolutionaries,
which include Pancho Villa; (b) social defense and its leaders, often featuring Emiliano
Zapata; (c) “políticos y de carácter lírico” ‘politicians and those of lyric character’; and
finally (d) the ‘golden ones’; and the valiant ones (xxxv-xxxvi). If one wishes to have this
highest honor bestowed on him, it seems only natural to seek out recognition in a corrido.
Juvencio Vargas, corrido interpreter of Costa Chica in Guerrero, regards the corrido as
“a place to display one’s honor” (McDowell 125). As mentioned, the stories can be
tragic, ending in the death of the protagonist. However, a courageous death is honored by
having one’s story told in a corrido. This tribute is one of the highest honors perceived by
the Mexican people, and death can be seen as the door to a sort of immortality in which
one will be remembered for years to come in the lyrics of a song. This leads some people
to aspire for a commemorative corrido by seeking out a heroic death (157). Valbuena
notes that the corrido makes the legend, wherein the lyrics
…hace de la tumba un sitio de peregrinaje y reflexión, al tiempo que
afirma que su espíritu solo podrá descansar en paz cuando se haya logrado
la Victoria en la guerra. En este dualismo de lo carnal / mortal y lo
spiritual / inmortal, se teje la leyenda heroica

27. 23
…make of the tomb a site of pilgrimage and reflection, while affirming
that his spirit can only rest in peace when he has achieved victory in war.
In this dualism of the carnal / mortal and the spiritual / immortal, the
heroic legend is woven. (231)
When weaving legends that make corridos, the composers usually base a hero on a real
person, especially in Mexico, but make the protagonist larger than life, exaggerating his
good points and bringing him or her to perfection in the lyrics of the corrido. This
legendary person is often the protagonist or narrative voice of the story, be it a twenty
stanza traditional corrido or a two minute narcocorrido. Author Martha I. Chew Sanchez
points out that the corrido still describes the struggle of Mexicans in the United States “to
be acknowledged and…seen as entitled to their space” (10). This continuing struggle
keeps the corrido singing on and the search for a hero continues with new versions.
Arguably, the most memorable corridos are those made by the people to
commemorate the heroic actions of those brave enough to take action against injustice.
Chew Sánchez, who immigrated to the United States as a child, writes about her
experience when Lucío Cabañas, leader of the Party of the Poor based in the Mexican
state of Guerrero, died. Her mother learned of the death from a corrido that had played
only 12 hours after the tragic event (xii). Sanchez notes that seeing the emotional
response to the death of Lucío Cabañas, despite not knowing who he was, “made me
think he had been an important man to them [the community]” (xi). In this fashion,
individuals important to a national or local identity, and perceived to be helping it, are in
turn honored by the local people. These are the everyday heroes who are working for
their pueblo, standing up to corruption, or defying laws perceived as marginalizing.

28. 24
Others, however, earn recognition a different way: by paying for their corrido.
These corridos may be sponsored by the “hero” and his or her family (McDowell 135).
More commonly in recent times, driven by their commercial success and iconic status,
corridos can be commissioned. With the right amount of money, one can “literally pay
for a self-fashioned portrait of their liking to be made into a ballad that will in turn serve
as memory for those who will follow in their footsteps” (Villalobos 130). Alongside
songs that sing of gentlemen defending their rights, Wald notes some corrido composers
“write commissioned paeans to some very nasty characters, vicious thugs who buy
corridos as status symbols alongside big cars and beauty queens” (6). These songs also
have the side effect of glorifying a life of crime for reasons that will be analyzed in the
following chapter but in the big picture still stem from ongoing conflict with the United
States of America.
Commissions aside, it is apparent that not everyone gets to be in a corrido. What
makes a “hero,” especially one that gets honored by a corrido? McDowell notes that
there are “models for heroic behavior” (McDowell xiii). Carlos Valbuena suggests that
heroes come out of conflict as a way to maintain the integrity of one’s identity (221). The
hero in a corrido exemplifies and protects this identity. In Mexico, the corrido has
maintained this identity for the Mexican people throughout the Mexican-American war
and conflict with the ruling class. Even today, one can expect that many Mexican heroes
would arise out of the current abundance of violence and turmoil in Mexico and Chapter
III argues that that is exactly what is taking place. Valbuena describes the methodology
for a hero figure to arise from conflict:

29. 25
Cuando el horror y la crueldad se hacen cotidianos y amenazan con
destruir la integridad psicológica (la identidad) individual y colectiva, la
psique colectiva produce sus propias representaciones de heroicidad y
aparece (o reaparece) la figura del Héroe
When horror and cruelty become commonplace and threaten to destroy the
individual and the collective psychological integrity (the identity), the
collective psyche produces its own representations of heroism and the
figure of the Hero appears (or reappears). (221)
The hero figure rises and falls throughout Mexican history, and a similar phenomenon
can be found throughout Latin America, as Valbuena makes clear in many of his works
studying Colombia and the corrido outside of Mexico.
Notwithstanding, the corrido movement is strongest in Mexico and many of the
most recognizable heroes are decisively Mexican. One of the most prolific times of the
corrido was during the Porfiriato and the Mexican-American war. Much of the style
developed in this period and the tradition continues to the present. According to Paredes,
a host of corridos along the Mexican-American border sing of borderland heroes, who
are peaceful Mexican people defending their rights against Anglo Americans (With His
Pistol… 150). His other book echoes that: “The hero is always a Mexican whose rights or
self-respect are trampled upon by North American authority” (Paredes Folklore and
Culture…14). Much of the surrounding conflict has been outlined in Chapter I, including
land grabs and movements of settlers “west,” and the subsequent marginalization of
Mexican or Texican peoples by the generally white, Anglo government. The continuing
drama and conflict along the border area and within Mexico itself, in which Mexican

30. 26
loyalty may be questioned due to ties with the United States or vice versa, cause a search
for a hero. The ideal hero retains and defends the identity of the Mexican, especially
when marginalized by those in power. Evoking pride for being Mexican is of the utmost
importance in a corrido hero, but a Mexican hero requires other important characteristics
as well, and he or she must be willing to take action. Often, this comprises actively
standing up for his or her family and friends (Paredes With His Pistol…150). Beyond
that, these heroes must possess or be ascribed with a “heroic ethos…an elaborate code of
honor that requires defending one’s self, kin, and allies and avenging any harm
perpetrated against them” (McDowell 3). As in the example of Gregorio Cortez that
follows, a hero stands up against injustice, even when risking punishment. Although
those in power are supposed to be the upholders of justice, in the history of western
expansion, they have often been the perpetrators. Enter Mexican heroes who are resilient
and show “resistance to external schemes and powers” (McDowell xiii). The protagonists
of these songs embody values that are admired in the face of this unfair world,
particularly courage, pride, defiance, and honor (Alivso 60). They are willing to defend
themselves and their family against perceived harm, even against the law and its
enforcers when the side of power is marginalizing the hero and his or her culture.
Valbuena has compiled his own list of heroic characteristics which include: being an
“hombre de(l) pueblo” ‘man of the people’, having a nickname, displaying virtues,
having enemies and allies, being unbeaten, and making the transition from history to
legend (Valbuena 224-230). He also mentions the “inicio del imagen solar y apogeo ‘start
of a universal image and apogee’, but does not clarify if this is directly because of the
hero’s actions or because of subsequent recognition in a popular corrido (Valbuena 227).

31. 27
Wald notes that “many of the earliest corrido heroes had been border outlaws”
(4). While they were “outlaws” in terms of the law, their actions focused on liberating the
Mexican people are what make them famous. Along with Cortina and Cortez, one such
border hero is Pancho Villa, described as “the greatest corrido hero of them all” (Wald
26). Wald sums up Villa’s story as seen by the average Mexican: he was poor and
illiterate, and began his life as an outlaw, taking justice into his own hands by killing the
man that tried to rape his sister (27). He later broke out of prison and may have settled
down before joining the Revolution, helping oust the dictator Porfirio Díaz and assisting
with the invasion of Columbus, New Mexico (27). In this most famous raid which
escalated into the Battle of Colombus, Villa’s troops were not victorious and retreated
back into Mexico. However, Major Tompkins broke the rules of engagement and pursued
Villa in Mexican territory. Later, General Pershing led a separate but equally futile
operation to capture Villa. Although the battle was not a success, Villa escaped his
pursuers and his bravery was applauded. He is remembered as one of the greatest
Mexican revolutionary generals. Since then, Wald notes that hundreds of corridos have
been written about him, even though many of them are no longer popular (26). He had
many heroic characteristics in his favor: he was a good horseman, a good general, and
“an astute tactician” but was also “a bloodthirsty bandit” who defied the law (26-27). He
is described by Wald as “heroic, self-sacrificing, and patriotic”–necessary qualities for a
hero–and also relatable to the average Mexican, combining “immense power with…
normality” (27-28). The combination of heroic action and relatability gives Villa a kind
of immortality. He became a model hero to which other heroes and corrido writers aspire

32. 28
to. Despite his assassination in 1923, corridos are still written about or inspired by Villa,
including a couple of tracks recorded by Los Tigres del Norte on their 1999 album (26).
Juan Cortino may be the first of the post-revolutionary heroes, arising out of the
Border patriots, who fought for social equality for the Mexican-American people (Dickey
13). However, the most memorable of the region and time period is likely the corrido of
Gregorio Cortez. Cortez is a great example of a hero with all the necessary qualities of
bravery, resilience, and the willingness to take defensive action for his family and by
doing so also protecting the Mexican identity. Dickey describes him as “the epitome of
the Border corrido hero,” and Paredes wrote an entire book that studies the body of work
inspired by Cortez (13-14). The story line describes the fugitive protagonist’s drawn out
evasion from flawed Texas law enforcement after avenging the unjust murder of his
brother.
While the corrido focuses on his flight from the Texas Rangers, it is noteworthy
that his fugitive status reflects the discriminatory justice system of the time rather than a
crime. When Cortez’s brother was accused of cattle theft, the Rangers rode in with only
hearsay and held no trial, typical for accused tejanos of the period. After the cop shot his
brother, it was too much for Cortez. He avenged his brother by retaliating fire. He stood
up for himself and made a statement for all Mexican-Americans who were and are
marginalized by the law. Paredes’ book contains as many of the different versions of the
corrido he could find. They are from almost all across the country, though in varying
lengths. The songs differ slightly in some of the variations, but for the purposes of this
paper the differences are insignificant. In “Variant A”, as well as others, the protagonist
proclaims: “I don’t regret that I killed him; / I regret my brother’s death” (159). The

33. 29
corridos that celebrate him also celebrate his mockery of the law, which became
increasingly biased against Mexican-Americans.
Gregorio Cortez also embodies the Mexican identity by standing up to the biased
laws of the time. By avenging his brother, he supports the Mexican identity and “has
honored his flag”; he stands up for his family, and bravely confronts the opposing, in this
case Anglo-Texan, authority (151). If one displays the noble traits of self-defense,
vengeance of wrong, and is relatable to Mexican identity, even if he or she is not perfect,
the corrido will probably exaggerate the good qualities the protagonist possesses and
whatever noble action he or she has taken. In the corrido of Gregorio Cortez, for
example, it is noteworthy that it took numerous Texas Rangers so long to track down just
one Tejano (native Texan). In the corrido lyrics, he says “Don’t run you cowardly
rangers, / From just one Mexican” (160). José Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha is a Colombian
drug lord with a similar story and the additional element of contraband. He is known as
“El Mexicano” and remembered in Mexican corridos as well (Valbuena 223).
Since the Revolution of the 20th century, some would argue that there has been a
decline in the corrido. This includes a number of educated Mexicans who consider only
traditional corridos, from before and during the Mexican Independence War era,
authentic, “bemoaning the decline of a once noble form” (Wald 4). This may stem from
the loss of control that was formerly held by the social elite before corridos were
mainstream. Previously composed and sung by the poor, Sanchez points out that prior to
media exposure, propelled by evolving technology, those in power could at least
academically determine “the quality and authenticity of the corridos” (32). Since that
period, technological advancements have streamlined documentation and production.

34. 30
Corridos are now more widespread than ever, circumventing any cultural or media elite
that would restrict the songs or the subjects.
Even so, Dickey believes that since the 1930s, heroes and corrido subjects have
often only been preserved or altered, subdued by musical changes rather than content
(20). The average Mexican, however, disagrees (Wald 3). Dickey suggests that despite
the perceived lackadaisical focus on musical style rather than cultural content, the corrido
can be revisited and invoked to reflect “Mexican-Americans’ sentiments and ideals…as
the situation and emotional climate demands” (20-21). Among the retellings of older
border ballads, new heroes emerge, but making an authentic, new folk corrido often takes
a “tragic or newsworthy event to spawn” (23). The retelling of old corridos represents a
lack of conflict, a time of relative peace, rather than the end of the corrido as folklore.
Among the heroes of more recent Mexican corridos, one can find an American president,
journalists pinpointing corruption, and the continuing outlaw theme in the philanthropic
actions of drug traffickers. These modern day heroes strive to combat marginalization
and often support the Mexican identity, even when it puts them at odds with the law.
John F. Kennedy is hailed by many Mexican-Americans as one of the first to
attempt to break down social barriers between Mexican-Americans and Anglo-Americans
and implement social programs benefiting the minorities. Following the assassination of
Kennedy in 1963, a host of corridos followed that embody many Mexican-Americans’
emotional response to Kennedy’s death (23). A composer told Dickey in an interview
how he felt. He perceived Kennedy as one of the first to attempt to help break
“stereotypes of Mexicans as not being capable of achievement” (Dickey 32). His actions
were not always fruitful, but were valued by those he intended to help. When Dickey

35. 31
interviewed one of the composers, the composer commented that “writing a corrido to
him seemed the best tribute he could offer” (30). The vast spread of the recordings, which
were made in Califorinia, Florida, New Mexico, Texas, and possibly even Mexico, shows
how much impact the former president had on the Mexican-American community (24,
34). The many corridos written in his honor show how much his actions meant to the
Mexican-American population and how much they appreciated his effort.
As an example of a hero within Mexico, “El ‘Gato’ Félix,” or Felix the Cat, is a
corrido from Los Tigres del Norte, released in 1989, that shows the continuation of “real”
heroes. It tells of the bravery of Félix el Gato, the pen name of Héctor Félix Miranda, a
reporter who exposed Mexican government corruption and criticized the PRI, leading to
his assassination in 1988. According to the corrido, “el gobierno hizo temblar /…con una
pluma valiente, / señaló la corrupción” ‘he made the government tremble / …with his
brave pen / that pointed out corruption’ (Los Tigres del Norte “El ‘Gato’ Félix” 17, 21-
22). In the despedida, the artist laments that Félix “será uno más en la lista / de valientes
periodistas / que así han querido callar” ‘will be one more in the list / of brave journalists
/ that they have wanted to quiet like that’ (33-35). While his enemies were able to quiet
him with his death, his ideals live on in the corridos he now stars in.
The concept of the hero continues to today’s narcocorridos, a subgenre to be
discussed more fully in the next chapter. While many of these types of corridos are self-
patronizing and paid for, there are other cases in which narcos have taken on the hero
role and financed more social programs for poor cities than the government. While at first
glance these drug traffickers and “Robin Hood” figures may seem completely
unjustifiable, there are reasons some look up to them as heroic. Often, those marginalized

36. 32
by the ruling classes feel more loyalty to their benefactors than their governors and may
write or sing corridos as tribute. Carlos Valbuena has done extensive research in
Colombia, but there are numerous examples in Mexico as well in which a “Robin Hood”
mentality seems to be an acceptable and even favorable quality for a hero. In these cases,
a criminal is more helpful to someone than their own government that repeatedly
perpetuates marginalization.
Paredes notes that songs about outlaws who rob the rich for the benefit of the poor
“are sung and enjoyed” in various ballads (With His Pistol… 150). Pancho Villa is also
referred to as a Mexican Robin Hood (Wald 27). More recently, the capture of Joaquín
Archivaldo Guzmán Loera, perhaps better known as El Chapo, provokes conflicting
reactions. Rolling Stone writer Sean Penn secured a personal interview with Chapo
alongside Mexican actress Kate del Castillo. Penn remarks that his “soldiers” more
resembled university students than intimidating combatants, though it may be due only to
the presence of Castillo (50). Previously, Castillo used social media to call Chapo to
action by providing food and medical assistance, stating that she had more faith in him
than the Mexican government and that he “would be the hero of heroes” for such acts
(47). Many others consider Chapo the president of Mexico. Looking at his deeds, one
notes that on one hand, he may be responsible for supplying half or more of “the cocaine,
heroin, methamphetamine and marijuana” to the United States, but on the other hand, he
emerges “as a Robin Hood-like figure who provided much-needed services in the Sinaloa
mountains, funding everything from food and roads to medical relief” (45-46). As a man
who claims to get along well with his family, doesn’t use drugs, and always tells the
truth, Chapo resembles Pancho Villa in several aspects (52, 56-57). He has also overcome

37. 33
childhood poverty and, behind his security forces and fugitive lifestyle, is quite human
and relatable; an icon of triumph to some Mexican people.
A singer-songwriter of the narcocorrido industry, Joel Vasquez of Twiins
Enterprises, notes that the tendency in narcocultura is to make “a hero out of somebody
that operates outside of the law” (Narco Cultura 28:22-26). In another example of
philanthropic work done by drug lords, Valbuena notes their heroic elements:
En pocos espacios geopolíticos la figura social del héroe guerrero alcanza
tanta preponderancia como en América Latina. Bajo esta luz heroica
pueden verse tanto la aparición de las guerrillas, con su promesa de acabar
militarmente con los monstruos causantes de la pobreza—corrupción,
entreguismo, tiranía de las oligarquías—como la posterior aparición de los
grupos de autodefensas para acabar, a su vez, con los monstruos desatados
por la Guerra de guerrillas: el secuestro, la extorsión, las minas
“quiebrapatas”, los bombardeos a civiles, las masacres.
In few geopolitical spaces the social figure of the warrior hero has
achieved so much preponderance as in Latin America. Under this heroic
light one can see the appearance of the guerillas, with their promise to end
militarily the monstrous causes of poverty—corruption, selling-out,
tyranny of the oligarchies—with the previous appearance of the self-
defense groups to end with the monsters unleashed by the war of
guerrillas: kidnapping, extortion, anti-personnel mines, civilian
bombardings, and massacres. (222)

38. 34
In these cases, and many others, those marginalized by the ruling class must be
wondering if the government is really in their best interest, and a relatable, seemingly
heroic figure may become their salvation and win their loyalty.
While the legendary quality of heroes in corridos is quite evident, whether or not
the story is even based in reality is sometimes debatable. Wald points out that when it
comes to corridos, “the facts are spare but the stories are endless” (55). The Pancho Villa
corridos morph between history and mythology, and most of the corridos about him that
are still popular are “more generalized and romantic” (26). Angel Gonzalez, a composer
who started writing as a boy around the 1960s, wrote almost entirely fiction, based on his
own assumptions and hearsay. However, he does not claim to be a corrido artist. He
invented his sole corrido, “Contrabando y traición”, only picking the names—not the
individuals—from his memory (19). His storytelling ability is so great, however, that this
one song became a sort of subgenre by itself. After he began the story, others attempted
to continue the story, writing songs that continue the life of the female protagonist,
Camelia, and imitate the style of Gonzalez (19-20).
On the other hand, corrido composer Paulino “insists that a good corridista must
also be a reporter” and does his best to find out what really transpired before writing a
corrido (Wald 35). Paulino says he researches, visits locations, and tries to write the
actual story, but, he adds, style is important (35). One of McDowell’s interviewees, José
Luís M. Ramírez, seems to have a similar opinion, and composes corridos with the
intention that “people will become aware of the injustice that is committed, usually, by
the government” (xiv). This also supports the theme of the outlaw hero, who is generally
seeking justice rather than purposefully causing chaos.

39. 35
The popularity of Mexican corridos may have other contributing factors. The
seemingly foreign Spanish ballad tradition may have grafted roots in Pre-Columbian
traditions. Oral history and even hymn is found in many Mesoamerican cultures. Phillips
points out that “the Aztecs and other Mesoamericans often took a creative approach to
history, blending fact and narratives of the past in a way designed to establish political
and religious points in the present” (235). In accord with contemporary local customs,
“much of Mesoamerican mythology and history was transmitted orally from generation
to generation and never written down” (15). This was also a feature of Spanish ballads,
which featured exaggeration and blending of stories. Numerous surviving indigenous
legends, many from the Popul Vuh collection, feature conflict and legendary figures or
gods4, including the Hero Twins, the Lord of the Skies, and a “cycle of legends” that
center on conflict (Phillips 240). The hero figure and exaggerative form of the Spanish
ballad may very well have been a familiar and somewhat comforting element to the
indigenous population, a rare moment in which the Spanish culture was readily relatable
to the indigenous culture among the slew of foreign customs imposed on them.
Among other indigenous beliefs, the Mesoamerican people simultaneously
believed in one and many gods (Phillips 175). In these early traditions, Phillips points out
that “just as the gods coexisted as ‘one’ and ‘many’, so each individual deity could take
many forms without losing his or her essential identity” (175). Similarly now, the
Mexican hero takes on many forms but is always Mexican. Heroism has many faces and
can take place as defense, standing up against wrongdoing, or at times even a fugitive
Robin Hood. The stories of these heroes are told through corridos. Regardless of how one
judges whether or not a corrido is true, the corrido serves its purpose as the voice of the

40. 36
people. It is speaks for the people, born of the Spanish ballad tradition, nourished by Pre-
Colombian traditions, continually evolving to glorify the mestizo Mexican nation and
defending the Mexican identity with all of its triumphs, struggles, and heroes. Although
division and marginalization still exist, the corrido serves to unite the mestizo population
now more than ever, evoking a nationalistic pride. Paredes notes that “one can see the
balladry of the Lower Border working toward a single type: toward one form, the
corrido; toward one theme, border conflict; toward one concept of the hero” (With His
Pistol… 149). The voice of the corrido continues to ground the Mexican abroad and to
sing of struggles in the fatherland, told through the narrative of a hero. Through the
corrido, every Mexican is a hero and every hero is proud to be Mexican.

41. 37
CHAPTER III
NARCOCORRIDOS
Despite many experts’ predictions that the corrido was declining, the genre is
actually flourishing. Simmons feared that literacy would be the cause of the corrido’s
demise (“Corrido”). Similarly, Mendoza perceived that falsification of events in corridos
and mediocrity of new writers, would lead to “la decadencia y próxima muerte de este
género como genuinamente popular” ‘the decline and following death of this genre as
genuinely popular’ (xvi). Ironically, the corrido has since boomed, feeding on a continual
stream of conflict on both sides of the Mexican-American border. The corrido started as
a rural movement but later became national, focusing on Revolutionary heroes and
criticism of power, and is now international, singing of the most controversial topic in
Mexican and American politics: the drug trade. These new corridos tell the stories or
myths of legendary drug lords, including Pablo Escobar, “El Chapo” Guzmán, the Lord
of the Skies, and countless smaller hopefuls. While narcocorridos were first
commissioned by narcos to tell their own stories, the unexpected consumer attraction for
the songs launched them into the tops of charts across the Americas and gave them a high

42. 38
degree of commercial appeal. Despite being largely fictitious in nature—Villalobos notes
that “the idea of truth is absent…[there are] drug lords that in some cases literally pay for
a self-fashioned portrait”—the narcocorrido does hold a connection with the original
corrido by continually speaking on conflict within Mexico and in the United States (130).
Not only that, but many precursors to narcocorridos exist which discourse the trade of
illegal items before narcotics. They are all very plausible continuations of the corrido
when one looks at the dynamic history of the corrido.
Today, corridos and narcocorridos exist simultaneously, though the narcocorrido
started later, developing its own subgenre based on its unique subject. Chapter I states
that corridos mirror conditions in the border area and conflicts with the United States.
Throughout history, amid the Revolution of 1810, the Texas annexation, and the
Mexican-American war, there was prohibition, which provoked smuggling and created a
black market long before narcotics were popular. Prohibition spurred a black market for
liquor, and import duties elicited a market for trafficked textiles and wax, among other
common products (Wald 13). When prohibition ended, some entrepreneurs switched to
harder black market fare, including marijuana and morphine (13-14). Enrique Franco
comments that “Hasta los delitos cambian. Ahora hay nuevos delitos. Así también con los
corridos...” ‘Even the crimes change. Now there are new crimes. It is also the same with
the corridos…’ (Ramírez-Pimienta and Pimienta 44). The corrido follows these changes
in smuggling. Another big change in Mexican-American politics is increasing border
security, and immigration is a subject of contention for the two neighbor countries. The
Bracero Program, an agreement between the United States and Mexico to provide the
U.S. with agricultural laborers, began in 1942. The experiences of bracero workers, often

43. 39
denied just pay for their labor, have been incorporated in the corrido narrative (Chew
Sánchez xiii). Today a human trafficking industry exists to supply the United States with
labor. This underground business is run in part by coyotes, people familiar with the
border terrain who help undocumented laborers cross the Mexican-American border into
the United States. In addition to facing the compensation problems of bracero workers,
these immigrants find themselves practically marooned in the United States, unwilling to
risk visiting relatives in Mexico due to the risk and cost involved in a return trip. For
those who are unable to visit home on the other side of the border, the corrido reminds
them of their homeland while expressing their plight and experience in crossing the
border. In terms of the corrido, these themes of drugs, trafficking, and immigration are
today’s border conflict. Contemporary corridos and narcocorridos follow the experiences
of smugglers, immigrants, and mojados (migrants who crossed the Rio Grande; literally,
wetbacks) while frequently employing all the characteristics of a traditional corrido:
storytelling, exaggeration, and even the hero theme. In the modern narcocorrido,
however, the purpose of the corrido to speak for the people clearly takes a backseat to the
narcorrido’s entertainment value. Even so, both objectives can be reached in a
narcocorrido.
The contemporary narcocorrido developed from a string of earlier songs about
smuggling. As stated earlier, liquor was one of the first completely illegal products to be
smuggled across the border. Afterwards came marijuana, opium, cocaine, and labor.
Opium was popular among Chinese immigrants until a surge in U.S. demand for
marijuana, previously considered unimportant and “bulky,” prompted greater exportation
(Wald 52). For some reason, past songs about contraband didn’t flourish like the modern

44. 40
narcocorrido. National Public Radio’s John Burnett remarks that “it’s undeniable that the
popularity of narcocorridos has tracked the spiraling cartel violence in Mexico”
(“Narcocorridos”). The popularity of narcocorridos may not be due to a quality the older
songs lacked, but rather attributed to the many additions present in the modern corrido.
The narcocorrido phenomenon has come out of the collision of several dynamic factors:
conflict, artists, consumer interest, and technology
Conflict is a common factor in both the traditional corrido and the new subgenre
of the drug trade. The conflict that made revolutionary corridos popular parallels the new
struggle now narrated by narcocorridos. A member of the banda style corrido group, The
Twiins, which is part of an enterprise that includes other musical industry ventures,
comments, “If there wasn’t so much violence in Mexico, we wouldn’t have such badass
corridos” (Narco Cultura 26:44-51). Sinaloa’s infamy as the drug capital of the world is
likely due to the convergence of several factors, including the proximity to the U.S.
border, the mountainous terrain, and even a cultural predisposition to violence. While it is
common knowledge that Mexicans are the producers while most of the users are
American citizens, Wald adds that the drug trade began specifically because of North
American demand for drugs previously labeled pharmaceuticals, including heroin and
opium (49-51). Drug traffickers started out responding to the continuing demand even
after such substances were found to be harmful and declared illegal. But, as demand grew
instead of diminishing, the rugged terrain of the Sierra became an ideal hideout for drug
production and trafficking. There, illegal substances are paired with a habitable terrain
and a hardy people. Wald describes the mountain’s inhabitants, “sierrans,” as tough and
ready to fight (25). During a conversation Wald had with a Sinaloan resident, the latter

45. 41
noted that violence was not only due to drugs, but that sierrans tend to use violence to
“solve their problems” in all matters (52). Furthermore, this violence has defamed them
within Mexico, just as drug related violence has denigrated other border areas, and does
not generalize all of Mexico. In fact, Wald found that “in other Mexican states, most
people avoid even talking about the drug world and certainly would deny any close
familiarity with its workings” (55). However, the people of Sinaloa seem to embrace their
reputation, and the real violence makes good fodder for corridos that range in nature
from mostly true to completely fictitious.
The United States also contributes to the ongoing violence. The War on Drugs
perpetuates conflict with Mexico with invasive military presence and raids. Wald notes
that parts of the mountainous regions are subject to eradication programs that turn them
“into war zones” and cause significant consequential damage beyond the crop itself (26).
These raids usually only affect individual farmers without making a noticeable difference
in supply or affecting the leaders of the trade. Many narcocorrido artists are from these
mountainous areas, specifically Sinaloa, but Wald noticed that “no top writers or groups”
live there (53). Likely trying to keep out of harm’s way or seeking freedom from
censorship offered by the United States, a narcocorrido artist would be wise to avoid the
region.
Some of the first narcocorrido artists were just continuing the corrido tradition of
singing about events that impact the people. Themes of smuggling and immigration
emerge, along with the fight to retain a Mexican identity for those migrants who live
abroad. While many lesser known groups and singers exist, Los Tigres del Norte was the
first group to enjoy widespread success. Their first hit, “Contrabando y traición” also was

46. 42
the first example of a shortened corrido, in which the opening and despedida are omitted,
presumably to make the song shorter. Sauceda argues that taking out the first person
opening and closing served to avoid any inference that the band was acquainted with the
drug trade (429). While “Contrabando y traición” avoided familiarity with the drug
world, many later groups embraced the first person elements original to the corrido and
boasted about any experience in the trafficking industry with pride (428). This was likely
the golden age of the commissioned corrido. However, after President Nixon initiated the
War on Drugs in 1971, a return to vagueness took place in the narcocorrido. Being called
out by name for illegal activities in the lyrics of a corrido was no longer ideal, and the
demand for commissioned corridos decreased (428).
Even so, the demand for narcocorridos continues. Los Tigres del Norte stayed at
the forefront of the corrido until the 80s and 90s, when other groups sang more
authoritative, knowledgeable ballads of the trafficking industry derived from personal
familiarity (427-8). Today, commissioned corridos are still written with code names or
purposefully vague information, and sometimes the artist portrays him or herself as an
important individual spreading the news of the more important but unnamed
narcotraficante (430). Most contemporary artists employ a spectrum of subjects in their
corridos, drug trafficking being only one of them, but also the most profitable. National
Public Radio (NPR) interviewee Reynaldo “El Gallero” Martinez, who is still a corridista
at 71, regards narcocorridos as the only way to make a living (“Narcocorridos”). The
songs remain dangerous, however. NPR’s John Burnett translates Jose Jaime Zavala,
Martinez’s DJ, as saying “It’s dicey playing a type of corrido, for instance, that mentions
the name of a cartel of a particular trafficker. A rival cartel might take offense”

47. 43
(“Narcocorridos”). The danger extends from the songwriter, the artist, to even the radio
station making the selection. However, those in the music industry often find the profits
worth the risk inherent in associating themselves with narcocorridos. They may be
willing to take the risk to play a narcocorrido that addresses social problems or evils in
the drug trade itself. The popularity of the genre can be attributed to the corrido’s
adaptability and historic discourse on conflict. The corrido has once again evolved to fit
the circumstances faced by the Mexican people, filling a media void for those who are at
odds with the current justice system.
This ability of the corrido to adapt has maintained and even expanded its
popularity. Adolfo Venezuela of Twiins Enterprises asserts that their business was one of
few playing corridos [in clubs] until just a few years ago, and that now “there [are]
hundreds of clubs in the United States playing this kind of music” (Narco Cultura 27:47-
28:00). The songs also became more upbeat, inspiring a “dance craze” that started in the
United States (Ramírez-Pimienta and Pimienta 44). Franco notes that Texicans and
Mexicans in the southwest presumably got the phenomenon in full swing because
“…todo bailan…allá se festejan más” ‘…they dance to everything…there they party
more’ (44). The growing Mexican population in the area created an unmet demand for
danceable, relevant music. Los Tigres del Norte became the first to fill this void, and it is
noteworthy that the most popular songs of Los Tigres del Norte are narcocorridos (Wald
2). After Los Tigres del Norte began, other artists and industry participants recognized
the entertainment potential and joined the new musical trend that combines the action of a
life of crime with upbeat music. The reality of smuggling events can be easily
generalized and exaggerated, providing an almost endless base for countless

48. 44
narcocorridos. For this reason, one must be careful and consider that some narcorridos
should be taken at face value for the purpose of entertainment, while others are layered in
political and emotional trepidations. No matter what the song’s message is, the song is
likely to be at odds with some groups either for or against the drug trade both inside and
outside of Mexico.
In addition to the changing lyrical subjects, a divergent musical trend is in full
force and sets lyrics about the drug world and current events to many differing melodies.
Additional instruments, such as accordion, and beat changes were perhaps experimental
but resulted in the new sounds for a new generation of corridos. Even before Los Tigres
del Norte, Banda el Recodo explored brass and band sounds starting in 1937, although
the distinctive quality didn’t catch until much later (Wald 48). The founder, Don Cruz
Lizarraga, has since passed away, but his sons, Poncho and Joel, continue to keep the
band together. Don Cruz said, according to their website, “No descansaré hasta que la
música de la banda El Recodo sea escuchada en todos los rincones del mundo” ‘I will not
rest until the music of banda El Recodo is heard in all corners of the world’ (Banda el
Recodo). His dream came true and now the family-based band lives out their founder’s
dream. Author Martha Chew Sánchez also notes that conjunto norteño was pioneered by
groups including Los Alegres de Terán, Los Montañeses del Alamo and others, mostly
from the states Nuevo León and Tamaulipas. The change from the slow beat of the
original corrido evolved into many different acceptable tempos, including the faster
duplo or polka rhythm. Alviso notes that “The marriage of the corrido song form and
polka rhythm was a match made in heaven and one that perfectly suited the various
demands of commercial radio” (70). The various styles, which include banda,

49. 45
duranguense, and conjunto, straddle the line between old fashioned marching band and
modern pop. Any Latin radio station in the U.S. is certain to play a sampling of these
distinct songs, while Mexican radio stations are more likely to appease their region’s
more specific tastes as long as they comply with government regulations.
Briefly mentioned in Chapter II, technology is another asset that benefits the
modern corrido. Technology set the corrido free to flourish through modern recording
industry. The corrido became much more accessible in Mexico and internationally,
allowing artists to circumvent monitoring by a social elite who could previously censor
corridos because of their own socio-political agenda. However, technology also
consequently changed the audience, and thus the song, from a small local venue with
local concerns to a transnational anthem addressing international trepidations.
The Mexican government no longer permits narcocorridos, but technology
enables the diffusion of the voice of the people across borders vis-á-vis the corrido. Once
again, the voice of the people triumphs over the social elite’s attempts to suppress corrido
subjects. The unbridling of the corrido through technology began in the United States,
when Los Tigres del Norte started off their career with a recording in Texas in 1968.
Before technology, the group likely wouldn’t have reached their target audience
throughout Mexico and the southwestern United States5. Sauceda observes that “the very
ubiquity of drugs causes their disappearance” (433). Composers realized they can use
generic words like botella (bottle), carga (cargo), and negocio(s) (business), to comply
with regulations instead of openly mentioning contraband. These metaphorical lyrics can
reach the people directly or more explicit songs can circumvent Mexican regulations
through operations outside Mexican borders. Burnett mentions a Texas station, Radio

50. 46
Paplote, “one of the stations along the U.S. side of the border that broadcasts prohibited
corridos deep into Mexico” (“Narcocorridos”). The Internet is undoubtedly another ideal
medium for any sort of corrido a listener may want. Martinez’s guitarist, Agustin Llamas,
notes that the people ask for “a corrido about narcos with bullets and marijuana”
(“Narcocorridos”). Banning hasn’t thwarted the demand at all for these controversial
ballads.
In fact, with chart-topping songs in both Mexico and the Latin charts in the
United States, the popularity of narcocorrido artists with banda styles is evident. Llamas
notes that they have to sing narcocorridos “or they won’t make any money”
(“Narcocorridos”). Narcocorridos have polarized the industry, being a source of great
profit for artists that sing them, but putting local cantina artists out of jobs if they do not
follow the trend. Those in the industry today are optimistic about the future of
narcocorridos and banda style music. Joel Vazquez of Twiins Enterprises
enthusiastically observes: “Honestly, I think the sky’s the limit. I think we can be the next
hip hop” (Narco Cultura 28:29-32). The genre is already one of the most popular in
Mexico and among Latino listeners.
Due to its subject nature, the narcocorrido itself is a source of conflict. How can
wildly fictitious narratives of drug trafficking and violence convey the voice of the
people? Enrique Franco comments that
Aunque últimamente dicen “el disco es cultura”, eso es lo más alejado de
la realidad. Más bien el disco es negocio y el que venda, esa es la
“cultura” de la compañía.

51. 47
Even though lately they say “the album is culture”, that is the furthest
from reality. Really the album is business and the one that sells, that is the
“culture” of the company. (Ramírez-Pimienta and Pimienta 44)
Sauceda agrees, arguing that changes in the narcocorrido show a progressive evolution
towards lawlessness and the glorification of immorality. One can consider, however, that
the customers deciding what sells are by and large law-abiding Mexican people who are
caught up in undesirable circumstances. Thus, alternatively one may conclude that
narcocorridos function as a therapeutic digestion of the environment, even if they are
solely entertaining at face value. Chew Sánchez shows that the narcocorrido does in fact
carry out the corrido tradition, adding urban and migrant concerns to what was
previously a rural folk ballad (xiii). She observes that since Los Tigres del Norte, classic
corridos have been transformed from songs
about rural heroes, racehorses, and national caudillos into popular culture
artifacts that reflected the experiences of marginalized groups that were no
longer exclusively rural. Thus, the content of corridos came to reflect
issues of the urban proletariat, their migration to the United States, and
associated activities, such as drug smuggling. (xiii)
These corridos and narcocorrridos are now encompassing a wider range of issues faced
by a larger population while simultaneously being heard by a larger population. This is
problematic when saying the corrido is the voice of the people. The traditional corridos
were very local and presumably presented local causes. Now, the modern, technology-
enhanced corrido—which is national and even international—presents specific causes
that can be anything but local.

52. 48
Consequently, it is easy to assume, perhaps mistakenly, that the corrido is no
longer the voice of the people. This statement may be correct when the “people” means
the entire national population but that generally never was the case. The corrido presents
the voice of marginalized Mexican groups, and now some of these groups are urban
dwellers, immigrants, or even drug smugglers who have risen up from humble
beginnings. Chris Muniz explores how “the contemporary corrido operates as a narrative
form of geopolitic intervention, reflection and critique” (56). So, a corrido that a poor
man in Jalisco under threat by a cartel relates to will be different from corridos relatable
to a man from a rural town in Zacatecas. The expansion of the corrido and its themes
helps the genre as a whole. The corrido becomes the voices of the Mexican people rather
than one voice in the popular traditional corridos. As a result, when the themes of a
diverse people are scrutinized minutely by advocates for and against the drug trade and
drug cartels, or by populations of different locales, it is easy to infer that the corrido no
longer speaks for the people, but that is not entirely the case.
Each population has a distinct voice represented in the corrido or narcocorrido.
For example, songwriter Edgar Quintero feels he is telling the story as it is happening,
and that even generalizations in narcocorridos are simultaneously a call to action and a
way to experience the “glory” of a life of crime without getting involved (Narco
Cultura). In the narcocorrido, the voice of the people may be embellished with
linguistically artistic depictions of real life. Sauceda writes that “in the 21st-century
iteration of the genre…life imitates art” and thus narcocorridos portray the lifestyle,
including death, glory, and the triumph over poverty represented by narcos (439).
Quintero also comments that a new culture is being created from the mix of both

53. 49
Mexican and American culture, due to people coming from various places (Narco
Cultura 27:36-46). Muniz writes that the songs are part of the continuing fight for
perceived control of the border area (56). Mexicans are trying to retain control of the area
while Americans try to assume it through the War on Drugs.
Artists aiming to share a voice through narcocorridos put themselves and
everyone in the business at risk. Sauceda adds that “singers are no longer limited to
simply reporting ‘bad news’: they often must face the unfortunate possibility of becoming
it” (439). Even though most contemporary artists are not involved directly in the drug
industry, selling narcocorridos requires a convincing persona that conveys personal
experience in the drug trade, a feat that may cost artists their lives (439). Apparently, the
risk is worth the pay.
Although society’s opinion on narcocorridos is mixed, the wild success of
narcocorridos suggests that more are for the genre than against it. Arguably, this is
because the narcocorrido does in fact continue to speak for the people, but in a new way
as dictated by the changing conflict, developments by artists, and advancing technology.
The narcocorrido continues Chew Sánchez’s observation that
the corrido is a cultural lens that has helped focus on one mechanism of
communication created and recreated by Mexican migrants in the United
States, a medium that helps to humanize, dignify and make sense of their
often traumatic experiences. (xvii)
The genre continues to develop and unfold, and will continue to evolve as long as conflict
ensues within Mexico. Whether due to external forces causing family separation and the
international drug trade, or internal conditions causing marginalization, the corrido as

54. 50
well as the narcocorrido will be there to narrate, criticize, and make sense of the events
for the Mexican people.

55. 51
CONCLUSION
This thesis presents a brief history of the development of the Mexican corrido,
which started out as the Spanish ballad and developed over centuries to become
something very different: the corrido, which is now by and large a Mexican musical
tradition. In this tradition, the most historic events of Mexican history, as well as
countless local events, are depicted and analyzed in the lyrics of the corrido. The
histories are usually related to conflict and war, starting with Mexican independence and
currently narrating the War on Drugs through both glorification and criticism.
As Chapter I explains, the ballad has gone through many changes to become what
is known today as the corrido. As the subject matter has changed, the musical and lyrical
style have also evolved. Themes have moved from Mexican Independence and
Revolutionary heroes to controversial figures pointing out government corruption and
marginalization. Musical instruments have been added, mostly in the last century, and
now utilize many more sounds than the guitar alone. Lyrics have gotten shorter to
accommodate changing tastes. The songs were once long and descriptive stories that
lasted as long as twenty minutes but now are condensed synopsis or analysis that usually

56. 52
last only two to three minutes. Even so, experts only recently are willing to consider their
value as genuine Mexican literature worthy of analysis.
Chapter II investigates one of the most ubiquitous aspects of the ballad and the
corrido: the hero. The figure of the hero presents itself in the Spanish ballad and goes
back to pre-Columbian times in Latin America. It continues to be a prevalent feature of
the Mexican corrido in all stages. Independence and Revolutionary heroes like Pancho
Villa and Emiliano Zapata show the strength of the Mexican people, while later heroes
like Gergorio Cortez and John F. Kennedy illuminate the fight against marginalization. In
any narrative of a hero, the songwriter will likely exercise exaggeration and glorification
of the protagonist, creating a larger than life figure.
The final Chapter, Chapter III, analyzes the popular and controversial
contemporary rendition of the corrido, the narcocorrido, which continues the corrido’s
job of discoursing conflict and marginalization but faces a host of new and controversial
subjects, most prominently drug trafficking. Though the narcocorrido can be mistaken
for a completely new genre, Chapter III analyzes the history of the corrido to show that
most of its most basic themes endure in the narcocorrido. The narcocorrido faces not
only new controversial themes but also a wider audience due to increasing technology.
While commissioning and commercial radio can influence the narcocorrido, ultimately it
is the people choosing to listen to these songs that make them prosper. Many of the
prospering songs, including those by Los Tigres del Norte, continue addressing the
problems faced by the Mexican and Latino people.
Hopefully, this thesis complies with its purpose to inform and provoke thought
over a music tradition that exploded from history to contemporary pop. As previously

57. 53
stated, this is a very brief analysis of a complex and layered topic. Much remains to be
analyzed, such as the effect of commissioned corridos on the genre, the amount of truth
contained in corridos or narcocorridos, or even how the events in corridos are digested
to become the version rendered in the lyrics. Only further analysis of this example of
Mexican literature will tell. One could alternatively analyze the changes technology has
had on the music industry, literature, or pop culture as a whole.

58. 54
NOTES
Chapter I
1 All translations are mine unless otherwise noted.
2 The majority of land was lost trying to prove title for it or shortly after due to “Federal
legislation that violated the spirit of the treaty” (Chávez-García 55). As a result
landowners were forced to sell land or take out high-interest loans to pay for taxes and
legal representation, neither of which Mexicans were familiar with, throughout the
duration of the lengthy legal process (55). Squatters invaded ranchero lands and
complicated the process, which already had to be appealed and took as long as 10-20
years (56). In California, forty-six percent of successful claimants lost their property soon
after approval and many others were left with a fraction of the land they once had (58-
59). In that area, Anglo-Americans later reaped the benefits of rising land value starting
the late 1860s while approximately 80 percent of Mexicans from all social classes were
reduced to low-skill labor jobs (63).
Chapter II
3 See Chapter I, or “Yo soy”, heroic protagonist, hero on a horse, and “on the Verge of
Tears” in Hernández.

59. 55
4 For more information, see Phillips 152-155
Chapter III
5 One should recall that the southwestern states were at some point part of Mexico. The
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed at the end of the Mexican-American War, seceded
over 500,000 square miles of territory to the United States, including all or part of
Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming. Many people
in these parts retain native traditions and the Spanish language and could continue to
relate to the corrido tradition.

60. 56
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