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MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Understanding masculinities
Dr Matt Maycock
Gender and Health Team, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health
Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow
29th January 2015
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Session overview
• Theories of masculinity
• Hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995)
• Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009)
• Examples of the application of these theories
• Masculinities and bonded labour in Nepal (PhD)
• Masculinity within Scottish prisons (post-doc)
• Practical application of theories of masculinity to a
health promotion resource
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Hegemonic Masculinity
• “hegemonic masculinity” - a form of masculinity that is
dominant in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what
it is to be a man, silences other masculinities, and
combats alternative visions of masculinity.
• Hegemonic masculinity’ is a concept that draws upon the
ideas of Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process
which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant
position of men and the subordination of women.
• hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men
are the same
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Hegemonic Masculinity Cont…
• a change from the concept of masculinity to the concept
of masculinities
• allows meaningful distinction between different
collective constructions of masculinity and identification
of power inequalities among these constructions.
Masculinities:
• Are actively constructed (not biologically determined)
• Are dynamic- change over time
• Have negative impacts- be tough don’t cry, can lead to
disengagement, health problems, aggression, overwork and
lack of emotional responsiveness.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Criticisms (V. Seidler)
• Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallenged
• Leaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional
lives of men ignored.
• “There is a danger of creating a fixed category of ‘abusing men,’
rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved
emotional feelings in men”
• Is often applied to research quite uncritically
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Inclusive Masculinity
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Criticisms
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
‘Ethnographic turn’ in masculinity studies
“…men do masculinity according to the social situation in which they find
themselves.” (Messerschmidt, 1993, 84)
In Masculinities (1995, 2005), Raewyn Connell talks about a ethnographic turn
in masculinity studies, what does she mean by this?
Ethnographic studies of masculinity tend to:
• Assume masculinities are multiple (both locally and globally).
• Unpack the ways in which masculinities are socially and culturally constructed and performed.
• Examine how masculinities impact on each other.
• Examine the ways in which masculinity is constructed in relation to subordinate women and
femininities.
• Be ‘micro’ level in focus.
• Undertaken in both urban and rural contexts.
• Consider ‘positive’ masculinities and subvert the idea of men as a [or the] problem.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Ethnographic studies of masculinity have:
• Illustrated the cross-cultural variance in performances and modes of masculinity.
• Proven that there is no single masculinity.
• Showed that masculinities can and do change.
This was important in overcoming the tendency in the mass media and popular culture to treat ‘men’ as a
homogenous group ‘masculinity’ as a fixed, ahistorical entity.
• Identified the importance of intersectionality of gender with class, caste, race, ethnicity, sexuality, age
etc…
• Consolidated men and masculinities as a world-wide field of knowledge.
• A significant amount of the research at the beginnings of this turn focused on discourses
of hegemonic and subordinate masculinities (following Connell).
• More recently a number of studies have focused more on intricate studies of social
practice, with a focus on ambiguity and context specific performances of masculinity.
• Collections of micro-research and applied studies of masculinity exist for practically
every continent or culture-area.
Consequences of the ‘Ethnographic Turn’ in
Masculinity Studies
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Until relatively recently masculinity has not received significant explicit attention,
despite the gender ‘awareness’ of the NGO and academic sectors. For example,
in South Asia:
“For a long time, South Asian men have been treated as universally
given, ungendered objects and have rarely been examined as
gendered.” (Sharma, 2007a: 33)
There is an unresolved tension between [western] theories of masculinity and
local performances I have studied.
I am still unclear of the utility of of hegemonic masculinity within ethnographic
research on masculinity.
How has this shaped my research?
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Example 1 - PhD research far-west Nepal
Masculinity, Modernity and Bonded Labour: Continuity and Change
amongst the Kamaiya of Kailali District, far-west Nepal (School of
International Development, UEA, Norwich)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
PhD fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009
Yearlong fieldwork in Nepal:
• Three month language training and key informant
interviews
• Nine months in two fieldsites
My thesis addressed the the following research questions:
• How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya
masculinities changed following freedom?
• How are working patterns changing following freedom, and
what implications does this have for Kamaiya masculinities?
• What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya
masculinities in family settings?
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Methods
• Household survey
• Life History interviews
• Participant observation
• I wore clothes similar to my research participants and made a
conscious effort not to display conspicuous signs of consumption.
• I tried to behave like the men of my age at both fieldwork sites as
far as possible. On occasion this involved doing the work that the
men in Kampur were involved in, although this did not include
driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found the idea ridiculous.
• I took part in various agricultural and hunting activities.
• I took part in the social life, which posed various difficulties for me.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Positionality
• As Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities
apart from those associated with being a researcher; mine include
being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male and, at the time, unmarried.
• My positionality through the various identities I brought to the
research – my gender, race, class etc. – influenced both how I
collected data and its interpretation (Mullings, 1999)
• My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West
(2003) found that being positioned as an ‘outsider’ brought certain
benefits in his research with victims of torture in Mozambique’s war
for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects to discuss
issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of
their community.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
My home for nine months…
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Participant Observation - Going ‘hunting’
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Migration in Nepal
• In 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77
per cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of
Statistics, 2002).
• Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those
who migrate are men
• Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million
Nepalis temporarily migrate to India.
• Data in South Asia is problematic – particularly between Nepal
and India due to the open border
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Masculinity and Mobility prior to 2000
• Movement severely restricted.
• Masculine references similarly constrained (cf.
Connell, masculinities being relational).
• Extremely clear occupier of the hegemonic position.
• Problematic labourer/landowner relationship.
• The system undermined the notion of a Kamaiya male
breadwinner and the ability of Kamaiya men to
protect their families.
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Experiences of Migration and
masculinity
• Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinity
• In the place where men migrate
• Also in villages when men return
• Potential for mimicry and the learning of new masculine styles
and performances
• Money
• Diversification of income
• Migration and ‘breadwinning’
• Certain aspects of (sexual) freedom
• Exciting and new
• Anonymity
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Problems associated with
migration• Frequent exploitation and mistreatment
• Isolating – often no or limited support network
• No group history of movement
• Low and instable pay
• Pressure of remittances
• Familial expectation to move as they were men
• ‘Success’ through migration difficult to achieve
• Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and
successful manliness amongst the Kamaiya
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
The example of Ram I use in my paper, highlights some of the joys and
difficulties of migrating as a man.
Freedom has corresponded with a increased diversity of Kamaiya masculinities.
I.e. there are more ways to be a Kamaiya man, but there are also more ways to
fail.
Migration is contradictory process in relation to Kamaiya masculinities
• Migration for Kamaiya men is both liberating and restrictive
Following freedom in 2000, migration has become an important marker of being
free as this is something that wasn’t possible previously.
Critically, moving is becoming a marker of being a (young) Kamaiya man.
Conclusions
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Example 2
Prison masculinities in Scotland
(post-doc)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Can FFIT be adapted to attract men to positive lifestyle change in a
prison?
Football Fans in Training (FFIT) has helped overweight and obese men
lose weight, improve diet, and increase physical activity (Hunt et al,
The Lancet, 2014)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
p-FFIT masculinity and prison sensitisation
Context
Prisons are largely
all-male
environments
p-FFIT delivered to
men-only groups
Content
Info about science of
weight-loss presented
simply
Role of alcohol in
weight management
FFIT logo branding
Delivery notes
adapted to take
account of prison
context
Style of delivery
PEIs have detailed
knowledge of
prison context
Participative and
peer-supported
learning
Encouraged male
banter to facilitate
discussion of
sensitive topics
Testing feasibility of delivering an adapted version of FFIT, p-FFIT was
delivered in two prison gyms over course of 12 and 15 weeks
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Methods
Prison A
Delivered to 18 prisoners by
prison Physical Education
Instructors (PEIs)
Data collection
Observations of all 15 sessions
Interviews with participants who
completed programme (n=9)
Interviews with participants who
did not complete (n=3)
Focus group with PEIs (n = 1)
Delivered to 21 prisoners by
community coaches from a
professional football club
Data collection
Observations of all 12 sessions
Interviews with participants who
completed programme (n=9)
Interviews with PEIs and staff
(n=3)
Prison B
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Health in prison contexts
Context-specific challenges to
prisoners’ mental and
physical well-being
The prevalence of overweight and
obesity among male prisoners in
the UK is ‘unacceptably high’
(Herbert et al, 2012)
Many prisoners do not take given opportunities to eat healthily and
exercise regularly and are less likely to achieve recommended
minimum PA guidelines (Herbert et al, 2012)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Prison masculinities
• In (largely male) prisons environments, there are specific performances of
masculinity that are structured in hierarchical ways in reference to both
orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinities
Inclusive
masculinity
Orthodox/
hegemonic
masculinity" inclusive form of masculinity
based on social equality for gay
men, respect for women, and
racial parity and one in which...
men bond over emotional
intimacy" (Anderson, 2008, 604)
"masculine performance labeled as
orthodox attempts to approximate
the hegemonic form of masculinity,
largely by devaluing women and
gay men." (Anderson, 2005, 338)
(Bourdieu, 1998) (Connell, 1995)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Prison masculinities
Prison is an ultramasculine world
where nobody talks about
masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3)
…a hegemonically defined
hypermasculine and
heteronormative environment with
an abundance of alpha males,
sexism, and violence. (Jenness and
Fenstermaker, 2013, 13)
…places of great humour and playfulness,
of friendship and camaraderie, of
educational enlightenment, of successful
therapeutic intervention. (Jewkes, 2013,
14).
in their mutual support and
encouragement, it was also possible to
discern sublimated forms of intimacy.
Certainly, the vivid and joyful ways in
which prisoners engaged in collective
exercise, and the sheer amount of physical
horseplay among younger prisoners,
pointed to submerged emotional
Inclusive masculinityOrthodox or hegemonic
masculinity
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Orthodox masculinities in the context of
the p-FFIT programme
I can understand aboot guys
being apprehensive an’ that,
ken I think when, especially
wi’ everybody else in the hall,
ken, an’ you’re goin’ and
they’re goin’ “aye, goin’ tae
fat club,” an’ a’ this carry on,
ken whit I mean? So I could
imagine people being
apprehensive aboot it, eh.
(Prison A - P2)
I was hammering everybody
fae the word go.I'm the sort o'
person, see once I get up there
I don't like anybody beating
me, you know? Determined an'
that, you know? (Prison B -
P11)Ken what I mean? I’ll par—ken, I’ll... I’ll
take—I’ll partake in anythin’ eh? And as
I say when, ken when I got there I was
like that, ‘right, fair enough.’ I mean
you’re only putting your view forward. I
mean we’re in a hostile situation here,
eh? And people dinnae want tae speak
forward in case the boy, two boys doon
does like that, “he’s a fucking idiot,”
excuse my French. (Prison A - P11)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Inclusive masculinity within the context
of the p-FFIT programme
I think it was a part of—it
was being a part of a group.
On the outside I’m a lone
person. I’m no’ part of any
group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’
people, and speaking to
people in the group that kept
me motivated as well. (Prison
A - P11)
it was important for me tae, for
me tae do my thing and for me
tae tell people that they was
doing good at their thing, and
encouraging them and pushing
them and stuff like that.
(Prison A - P3)
Well you’re having a laugh wi’ people
and it’s like yous are losing a wee bit o’
weight an’ you’re kinda like, it’s just
you’re no’ coming an’ you’re no’ like if
you’re coming tae the gym, it’s like
you’re no’ the fattest person in the gym.
So you’re here and yous are all kinda fat,
yous are all here for the same reason.
(Prison B - P3)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Embodied masculinity - The gym,
muscularity and weight
You’ve gottae get big, aye,
you’ve got a group, your
group o’ guys, that’s what
they’re intae, their
bodybuilding an’ they’re
strength things like that.
(Prison A - P8)
You want everybody tae go
intae a prison an' they all
want tae dae the weights,
they a’ want tae get big an'
strong. That's what they all
want tae dae. (Prison B P11)
I actually get people that go like that, “oh
how long did it take you to get that
[large] size?” And this is the first time
I’ve ever trained in my life! Know what I
mean? And I’ve just worked hard at it,
and worked hard, and I explain that to
guys. I just, know what I mean? Guys
were all wanting to get like me, and like
as big as me kinda thing. (Prison B-P1)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Changes to bodies and appearance
I think people in general do
take a lot more care of
themselves nowadays and it
happens more in prison. So
you're not automatically in
inverted commas 'a poof' if
you use face cream and keep
yourself clean and... yeah.
(Prison A - P4)
When I lost weight I kind o'... I
like tae keep my strength up
an’ I felt as if when I was
losing my weight that I was
losing my strength as well,
that my strength was falling
away. (Prison B - P11)
Some people don't care
aboot themselves 'cause
they're in the jail, they've
hit rock bottom.
(Prison A - P7)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity -
Group dynamics
I think it was a part of—it
was being a part of a group.
On the outside I’m a lone
person. I’m no’ part of any
group. So see learning in a
group, and interacting wi’
people, and speaking to
people in the group that kept
me motivated as well. I mean
I enjoyed the group. It’s one
of the biggest things I’ll take
away fae it has been involved
in the group. (Prison A - P11)
...you dinnae want tae be yourself,
‘cause you just single yoursel’ oot,
ken whit I mean? As I say you
can put yourself the gither as a
team an’ you take it on as a team,
ken whit I mean? An’ you support
each other through it. (Prison A -
P2)
Yeah, there was two lads in particular that
were like really taking the piss an’ I
didn’t enjoy that bit. No-one had control
over them. D’you know what I mean?
But other than that everything went
really, really well. (Prison B - P5)
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
p-FFIT Conclusions
• Masculinity has
• An approach to men's health similar to that taken by FFIT has the potential to be
successfully adapted for secure settings.
• A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential
to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to reach and disadvantaged men
in a secure setting.
• Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity
were evident amongst men who took part in the p-FFIT programme.
• Programmes such as p-FFIT have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms
of masculinity.
• There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part
in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing.
• The embodiment of masculinity within secure institutions necessitates a careful
consideration of the sorts of bodies that are seen as desirable in prison, when
developing health interventions in this context.
• The p-FFIT programme was successful in attracting some men to positive lifestyle change, but there
are important barriers to making and sustaining change in within secure institutions
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Practical exercise
In twos think about a health promotion resource in the
form of a leaflet that will communicate men or boys about
health.
• Consider how the theory/s of masculinity you
• Consider how you will design the leaflet
• Consider about what subjects you will cover
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
Masculinity and health – the Haynes Man Manuals
Men&Work
Warning:
Reading this may
seriously improve
your health
MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
matthew.maycock@glasgow.ac.uk
www.matthewmaycock.com
Contacts

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Matt maycock understanding masculinity 27th jan 2014

  • 1. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Understanding masculinities Dr Matt Maycock Gender and Health Team, MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow 29th January 2015
  • 2. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Session overview • Theories of masculinity • Hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1995) • Inclusive masculinity (Anderson, 2009) • Examples of the application of these theories • Masculinities and bonded labour in Nepal (PhD) • Masculinity within Scottish prisons (post-doc) • Practical application of theories of masculinity to a health promotion resource
  • 3. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Hegemonic Masculinity • “hegemonic masculinity” - a form of masculinity that is dominant in society, establishes the cultural ideal for what it is to be a man, silences other masculinities, and combats alternative visions of masculinity. • Hegemonic masculinity’ is a concept that draws upon the ideas of Gramsci. It refers to the dynamic cultural process which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. • hegemonic masculinity - rejection of the idea that all men are the same
  • 4. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Hegemonic Masculinity Cont… • a change from the concept of masculinity to the concept of masculinities • allows meaningful distinction between different collective constructions of masculinity and identification of power inequalities among these constructions. Masculinities: • Are actively constructed (not biologically determined) • Are dynamic- change over time • Have negative impacts- be tough don’t cry, can lead to disengagement, health problems, aggression, overwork and lack of emotional responsiveness.
  • 5. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Criticisms (V. Seidler) • Leaves gender roles, and in particular patriarchy unchallenged • Leaves out personal and emotional perspectives- emotional lives of men ignored. • “There is a danger of creating a fixed category of ‘abusing men,’ rather than learning how pregnancy invokes unresolved emotional feelings in men” • Is often applied to research quite uncritically
  • 6. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Inclusive Masculinity
  • 7. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Criticisms
  • 8. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. ‘Ethnographic turn’ in masculinity studies “…men do masculinity according to the social situation in which they find themselves.” (Messerschmidt, 1993, 84) In Masculinities (1995, 2005), Raewyn Connell talks about a ethnographic turn in masculinity studies, what does she mean by this? Ethnographic studies of masculinity tend to: • Assume masculinities are multiple (both locally and globally). • Unpack the ways in which masculinities are socially and culturally constructed and performed. • Examine how masculinities impact on each other. • Examine the ways in which masculinity is constructed in relation to subordinate women and femininities. • Be ‘micro’ level in focus. • Undertaken in both urban and rural contexts. • Consider ‘positive’ masculinities and subvert the idea of men as a [or the] problem.
  • 9. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Ethnographic studies of masculinity have: • Illustrated the cross-cultural variance in performances and modes of masculinity. • Proven that there is no single masculinity. • Showed that masculinities can and do change. This was important in overcoming the tendency in the mass media and popular culture to treat ‘men’ as a homogenous group ‘masculinity’ as a fixed, ahistorical entity. • Identified the importance of intersectionality of gender with class, caste, race, ethnicity, sexuality, age etc… • Consolidated men and masculinities as a world-wide field of knowledge. • A significant amount of the research at the beginnings of this turn focused on discourses of hegemonic and subordinate masculinities (following Connell). • More recently a number of studies have focused more on intricate studies of social practice, with a focus on ambiguity and context specific performances of masculinity. • Collections of micro-research and applied studies of masculinity exist for practically every continent or culture-area. Consequences of the ‘Ethnographic Turn’ in Masculinity Studies
  • 10. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Until relatively recently masculinity has not received significant explicit attention, despite the gender ‘awareness’ of the NGO and academic sectors. For example, in South Asia: “For a long time, South Asian men have been treated as universally given, ungendered objects and have rarely been examined as gendered.” (Sharma, 2007a: 33) There is an unresolved tension between [western] theories of masculinity and local performances I have studied. I am still unclear of the utility of of hegemonic masculinity within ethnographic research on masculinity. How has this shaped my research?
  • 11. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Example 1 - PhD research far-west Nepal Masculinity, Modernity and Bonded Labour: Continuity and Change amongst the Kamaiya of Kailali District, far-west Nepal (School of International Development, UEA, Norwich)
  • 12. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. PhD fieldwork far-west Nepal 2009 Yearlong fieldwork in Nepal: • Three month language training and key informant interviews • Nine months in two fieldsites My thesis addressed the the following research questions: • How have the links between Kamaiya bodies and Kamaiya masculinities changed following freedom? • How are working patterns changing following freedom, and what implications does this have for Kamaiya masculinities? • What are the Implications of modernity for Kamaiya masculinities in family settings?
  • 13. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Methods • Household survey • Life History interviews • Participant observation • I wore clothes similar to my research participants and made a conscious effort not to display conspicuous signs of consumption. • I tried to behave like the men of my age at both fieldwork sites as far as possible. On occasion this involved doing the work that the men in Kampur were involved in, although this did not include driving a rickshaw as the rickshaw drivers found the idea ridiculous. • I took part in various agricultural and hunting activities. • I took part in the social life, which posed various difficulties for me.
  • 14. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Positionality • As Reinharz (1997) indicates, researchers have multiple identities apart from those associated with being a researcher; mine include being white, Welsh, heterosexual, male and, at the time, unmarried. • My positionality through the various identities I brought to the research – my gender, race, class etc. – influenced both how I collected data and its interpretation (Mullings, 1999) • My position constituted both an advantage and a disadvantage. West (2003) found that being positioned as an ‘outsider’ brought certain benefits in his research with victims of torture in Mozambique’s war for independence. It allowed some of his research subjects to discuss issues that they found it difficult to speak about with members of their community.
  • 15. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. My home for nine months…
  • 16. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
  • 17. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Participant Observation - Going ‘hunting’
  • 18. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
  • 19. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
  • 20. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow.
  • 21. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Migration in Nepal • In 2001, 760,000 people had officially migrated out of Nepal, 77 per cent of whom had gone to India (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2002). • Migration is strongly gendered in Nepal, around 90% of those who migrate are men • Seddon et al (2000) estimate that between 0.5-1.3 million Nepalis temporarily migrate to India. • Data in South Asia is problematic – particularly between Nepal and India due to the open border
  • 22. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Masculinity and Mobility prior to 2000 • Movement severely restricted. • Masculine references similarly constrained (cf. Connell, masculinities being relational). • Extremely clear occupier of the hegemonic position. • Problematic labourer/landowner relationship. • The system undermined the notion of a Kamaiya male breadwinner and the ability of Kamaiya men to protect their families.
  • 23. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Experiences of Migration and masculinity • Facilitates new performances of (Indian) masculinity • In the place where men migrate • Also in villages when men return • Potential for mimicry and the learning of new masculine styles and performances • Money • Diversification of income • Migration and ‘breadwinning’ • Certain aspects of (sexual) freedom • Exciting and new • Anonymity
  • 24. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Problems associated with migration• Frequent exploitation and mistreatment • Isolating – often no or limited support network • No group history of movement • Low and instable pay • Pressure of remittances • Familial expectation to move as they were men • ‘Success’ through migration difficult to achieve • Migration has not questioned the link between hard work and successful manliness amongst the Kamaiya
  • 25. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. The example of Ram I use in my paper, highlights some of the joys and difficulties of migrating as a man. Freedom has corresponded with a increased diversity of Kamaiya masculinities. I.e. there are more ways to be a Kamaiya man, but there are also more ways to fail. Migration is contradictory process in relation to Kamaiya masculinities • Migration for Kamaiya men is both liberating and restrictive Following freedom in 2000, migration has become an important marker of being free as this is something that wasn’t possible previously. Critically, moving is becoming a marker of being a (young) Kamaiya man. Conclusions
  • 26. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Example 2 Prison masculinities in Scotland (post-doc)
  • 27. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Can FFIT be adapted to attract men to positive lifestyle change in a prison? Football Fans in Training (FFIT) has helped overweight and obese men lose weight, improve diet, and increase physical activity (Hunt et al, The Lancet, 2014)
  • 28. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. p-FFIT masculinity and prison sensitisation Context Prisons are largely all-male environments p-FFIT delivered to men-only groups Content Info about science of weight-loss presented simply Role of alcohol in weight management FFIT logo branding Delivery notes adapted to take account of prison context Style of delivery PEIs have detailed knowledge of prison context Participative and peer-supported learning Encouraged male banter to facilitate discussion of sensitive topics Testing feasibility of delivering an adapted version of FFIT, p-FFIT was delivered in two prison gyms over course of 12 and 15 weeks
  • 29. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Methods Prison A Delivered to 18 prisoners by prison Physical Education Instructors (PEIs) Data collection Observations of all 15 sessions Interviews with participants who completed programme (n=9) Interviews with participants who did not complete (n=3) Focus group with PEIs (n = 1) Delivered to 21 prisoners by community coaches from a professional football club Data collection Observations of all 12 sessions Interviews with participants who completed programme (n=9) Interviews with PEIs and staff (n=3) Prison B
  • 30. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Health in prison contexts Context-specific challenges to prisoners’ mental and physical well-being The prevalence of overweight and obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’ (Herbert et al, 2012) Many prisoners do not take given opportunities to eat healthily and exercise regularly and are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines (Herbert et al, 2012)
  • 31. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Prison masculinities • In (largely male) prisons environments, there are specific performances of masculinity that are structured in hierarchical ways in reference to both orthodox/hegemonic' and 'inclusive' masculinities Inclusive masculinity Orthodox/ hegemonic masculinity" inclusive form of masculinity based on social equality for gay men, respect for women, and racial parity and one in which... men bond over emotional intimacy" (Anderson, 2008, 604) "masculine performance labeled as orthodox attempts to approximate the hegemonic form of masculinity, largely by devaluing women and gay men." (Anderson, 2005, 338) (Bourdieu, 1998) (Connell, 1995)
  • 32. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Prison masculinities Prison is an ultramasculine world where nobody talks about masculinity. (Sabo et al 2001, 3) …a hegemonically defined hypermasculine and heteronormative environment with an abundance of alpha males, sexism, and violence. (Jenness and Fenstermaker, 2013, 13) …places of great humour and playfulness, of friendship and camaraderie, of educational enlightenment, of successful therapeutic intervention. (Jewkes, 2013, 14). in their mutual support and encouragement, it was also possible to discern sublimated forms of intimacy. Certainly, the vivid and joyful ways in which prisoners engaged in collective exercise, and the sheer amount of physical horseplay among younger prisoners, pointed to submerged emotional Inclusive masculinityOrthodox or hegemonic masculinity
  • 33. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Orthodox masculinities in the context of the p-FFIT programme I can understand aboot guys being apprehensive an’ that, ken I think when, especially wi’ everybody else in the hall, ken, an’ you’re goin’ and they’re goin’ “aye, goin’ tae fat club,” an’ a’ this carry on, ken whit I mean? So I could imagine people being apprehensive aboot it, eh. (Prison A - P2) I was hammering everybody fae the word go.I'm the sort o' person, see once I get up there I don't like anybody beating me, you know? Determined an' that, you know? (Prison B - P11)Ken what I mean? I’ll par—ken, I’ll... I’ll take—I’ll partake in anythin’ eh? And as I say when, ken when I got there I was like that, ‘right, fair enough.’ I mean you’re only putting your view forward. I mean we’re in a hostile situation here, eh? And people dinnae want tae speak forward in case the boy, two boys doon does like that, “he’s a fucking idiot,” excuse my French. (Prison A - P11)
  • 34. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Inclusive masculinity within the context of the p-FFIT programme I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m no’ part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi’ people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. (Prison A - P11) it was important for me tae, for me tae do my thing and for me tae tell people that they was doing good at their thing, and encouraging them and pushing them and stuff like that. (Prison A - P3) Well you’re having a laugh wi’ people and it’s like yous are losing a wee bit o’ weight an’ you’re kinda like, it’s just you’re no’ coming an’ you’re no’ like if you’re coming tae the gym, it’s like you’re no’ the fattest person in the gym. So you’re here and yous are all kinda fat, yous are all here for the same reason. (Prison B - P3)
  • 35. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Embodied masculinity - The gym, muscularity and weight You’ve gottae get big, aye, you’ve got a group, your group o’ guys, that’s what they’re intae, their bodybuilding an’ they’re strength things like that. (Prison A - P8) You want everybody tae go intae a prison an' they all want tae dae the weights, they a’ want tae get big an' strong. That's what they all want tae dae. (Prison B P11) I actually get people that go like that, “oh how long did it take you to get that [large] size?” And this is the first time I’ve ever trained in my life! Know what I mean? And I’ve just worked hard at it, and worked hard, and I explain that to guys. I just, know what I mean? Guys were all wanting to get like me, and like as big as me kinda thing. (Prison B-P1)
  • 36. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Changes to bodies and appearance I think people in general do take a lot more care of themselves nowadays and it happens more in prison. So you're not automatically in inverted commas 'a poof' if you use face cream and keep yourself clean and... yeah. (Prison A - P4) When I lost weight I kind o'... I like tae keep my strength up an’ I felt as if when I was losing my weight that I was losing my strength as well, that my strength was falling away. (Prison B - P11) Some people don't care aboot themselves 'cause they're in the jail, they've hit rock bottom. (Prison A - P7)
  • 37. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Orthodox to Inclusive masculinity - Group dynamics I think it was a part of—it was being a part of a group. On the outside I’m a lone person. I’m no’ part of any group. So see learning in a group, and interacting wi’ people, and speaking to people in the group that kept me motivated as well. I mean I enjoyed the group. It’s one of the biggest things I’ll take away fae it has been involved in the group. (Prison A - P11) ...you dinnae want tae be yourself, ‘cause you just single yoursel’ oot, ken whit I mean? As I say you can put yourself the gither as a team an’ you take it on as a team, ken whit I mean? An’ you support each other through it. (Prison A - P2) Yeah, there was two lads in particular that were like really taking the piss an’ I didn’t enjoy that bit. No-one had control over them. D’you know what I mean? But other than that everything went really, really well. (Prison B - P5)
  • 38. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. p-FFIT Conclusions • Masculinity has • An approach to men's health similar to that taken by FFIT has the potential to be successfully adapted for secure settings. • A gender and context sensitised health promotion intervention has the potential to facilitate engagement with a cohort of hard to reach and disadvantaged men in a secure setting. • Performances of both hegemonic/orthodox and inclusive forms of masculinity were evident amongst men who took part in the p-FFIT programme. • Programmes such as p-FFIT have the potential to enhance more inclusive forms of masculinity. • There are many, often contradictory implications for masculinities in taking part in programmes to enhance health and wellbeing. • The embodiment of masculinity within secure institutions necessitates a careful consideration of the sorts of bodies that are seen as desirable in prison, when developing health interventions in this context. • The p-FFIT programme was successful in attracting some men to positive lifestyle change, but there are important barriers to making and sustaining change in within secure institutions
  • 39. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Practical exercise In twos think about a health promotion resource in the form of a leaflet that will communicate men or boys about health. • Consider how the theory/s of masculinity you • Consider how you will design the leaflet • Consider about what subjects you will cover
  • 40. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. Masculinity and health – the Haynes Man Manuals Men&Work Warning: Reading this may seriously improve your health
  • 41. MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit, University of Glasgow. matthew.maycock@glasgow.ac.uk www.matthewmaycock.com Contacts

Notas do Editor

  1. 9
  2. 10
  3. A little background to migration in Nepal – there are a number of studies focusing on migration to the Gulf, but this wasn’t relevant in the fieldsites in which I worked. Despite this there is very little research that considers masculinity and migration.
  4. As Cornwall and Lindisfarne (1994) illustrate in each cultural context, the ways in which masculinity is associated with power varies significantly. In the context in which I was undertaking research caste and ethnic identities were extremely formative of masculinity. It was Kamaiya men who negotiated with landlords their position of exploitation – something that some of the men I spoke to about this found quite difficult. The last point was highlighted to me a number of times by NGOs focusing on the Kamaiya, who considered that the end of the Kamaiya system would equate with the re-emergence of the Kamaiya breadwinner. My research illustrates that this is only partially true.
  5. In this presentation and the paper on which it is based focuses experientially on the links between masculinity and migration, I don’t really consider in much detail the reasons for it. During my fieldwork I met many men who migrated at different stages in their lives and for a very wide range of reasons. Certainly straight after 2000, there was some migration, due in part to the fact that this group were suddenly able to migrate. But the type of length of migration was (and is) restricted by limited economic means. These men are going to India, so certain Indian masculinities are having a major influence on these men – Bollywood and associated products and marketing efforts are highly valued. As a consequence of migration men were able to project a certain vision of success through consumption. Osella Osella – consumption. This is despite the harsh realities of migration – something I consider shortly I was able to observe a number of men come back to the village – where goods, and particularly clothes from India were viewed with some reverence. Part of the appeal of migration for these men were that when in India they were no longer Kamaiya – they were simply poor Nepali men
  6. I talk about this at some length – I was told many stories of exploitation – non-payment etc… Many of the men talked of the pressure to sent certain amounts of money back, often a young man from a certain family was chosen as the person to migrate – this put a lot of pressure on him.
  7. The other major marker was owning land – something that not all Kamaiya families still do. What does migration men for those who were, or are bonded labourers? I have to go with Breman – in the sense that migration hasn’t really changed the structural position of men such as Ram within class and caste structures.
  8. The Football Fans in Training (FFIT) programme is a group-based, gender-sensitised weight management, physical activity and healthy lifestyle programme which is delivered through Scottish Professional Football League football clubs. In this community setting, FFIT has attracted overweight and obese men and helped them to lose weight, improve their diet and increase physical activity. Following expressions of interest from other stakeholders, we wanted to see if a) FFIT could be translated to other settings, without compromising the integrity of the programme, and b) could engage different target groups within these novel settings. In this paper, we’re asking whether FFIT can be adapted to attract men to positive lifestyle change in a prison?
  9. These borrow heavily on the main FFIT adaptations. Adapting FFIT for prisoners (p-FFIT) capitalises on the known appeal of football to this disadvantaged and excluded population, Context – Content – mention literacy issues This is quite different to the main FFIT study given that the p-FFIT participants supported quite a wide range of football clubs. Delivery – stress the impressive work of the PEIs
  10. 18 men were recruited to p-FFIT, a pilot version of FFIT adapted for the prison setting, by prison physical exercise instructors. P-FFIT was delivered in the prison gym by PEIs over the course of 15 weeks (including baseline measures and a graduation week). We evaluated p-FFIT to assess the programme’s potential to recruit prisoners to lose weight and become more active, improve health behaviours and deliver physical and mental health benefits. Data collection included: Collection of a number of objective, self-report and biomarker measures (at baseline, post-programme, and at 6, 9, and 12 months) Observations of all 15 sessions Interviews with participants who completed the programme Interviews with men who do not complete the programme A focus group with the PEIs There is significant movement of prisoners within the prison system, which makes measuring participants challenging. Ethical approval was gained from the College of Social Science, Glasgow University and NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde West of Scotland Research Ethics Board. Due to time restrictions, we won’t be reporting the results of the quantitative data or PEI focus group in this presentation.
  11. Men living within prisons experience many context-specific challenges to their mental and physical well-being, which are often compounded by lifetime disadvantage that makes the adoption of healthier practices particularly difficult. The prevalence of overweight/obesity among male prisoners in the UK is ‘unacceptably high’ (even though previous substance misuse can lower BMI for some prisoners). Despite being given opportunities to eat healthily and take part in PA, many prisoners choose not to do so, and they are less likely to achieve recommended minimum PA guidelines than non-incarcerated men. National recommendations suggest using prison settings to promote PA, healthy eating and wellbeing.
  12. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  13. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  14. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  15. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  16. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  17. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  18. Read through inclusion and exclusion criteria. Elevated BP = systolic≥160mmHg and/or diastolic≥100mmHg (I’ve taken off slide) This give a sense of the sorts of prisoners we were trying to attract to the programme, although participants did not have to meet all three inclusion criteria.
  19. *Towards the end of the programme fidelity declined noticeably (I have removed this as a bullet on slide but you could just say it instead) I have also taken out coaches from the 4th bullet as we haven’t mentioned anything about external coaches before this.
  20. with the majority of participants having maintained or put on weight between enrolment and session five