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Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico

Cyber Security Analyst (CompTIA Sec+ certified) em FedChoice Federal Credit Union
8 de Dec de 2012
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
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Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
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Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico
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Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem (Cyber Security course wk) Netwars-Mexico

  1. Running head: Recommendation Memo Recommendation Memo Lillian Ekwosi-Egbulem University of Maryland University College, 2011 Mexico: Current political situation and how it developed from the 1990s netwar.
  2. 2 Recommendation Memo EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Background Mexico “is a far cry from tradition perception of it as a laid-back and uninspiring nation only considered part of North America by courtesy” (Klepak, 2008). Currently, Mexico is enjoying a relatively stable democracy since its first peaceful election in 2002. The current political situation has evolved from the 1990s netwars which saw the evolution of a different kind of activists. These activists recognized the importance and the effect of modern computer and utilized it well. This fight is not so much about trotting guns but about mobilizing people of common interests and concerns across the globe through the use of the Internet. Notable to mention is an article on “Emergence and Influence of the Zapatista Social Netwar” (Ronfeldt & Arquilla, 2001), that described how the 1990s netwar shaped the current political situation in Mexico. According to the article, on January 1, 1994 in the city of Chiapas in Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) publicly debuted as an indigenous insurgent group demanding for their indigenous human right and dignity. They fought with the Federal troops in San Cristobal and Ocosingo and somehow managed to take over these cities. Weeks later, the government dispatched more troops with fighter planes and helicopters, staging a clash that claimed the lives of the civilians, the Zapatistas and the government troops. The Zapatistas fled into the hills and from there waged a flea-like guerilla war. Simultaneously, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was being inaugurated and from the Zapatistas’ point of view, the trade agreement is a death certificate for the ethnic peoples of Mexico (Brown, n.a). The fear perceived by the Zapatistas that the agreement would bring in cheap products from the US and Canada and displace indigenous
  3. 3 Recommendation Memo producers contributed to the uprising. It is important to note that NAFTA did not actually cause the rebellion but was rather an aggravating factor. From the first day of the insurgency, the technology has been a fundamental medium through which the Zapatista voice was heard across the globe. It is also important to note that the power of the Internet allowed the information to flow horizontally, dissipating across the globe without passing through any form of central structure capable of filtering or censuring it. Many people through the Internet got to know what was happening in Chiapas. While the Zapatistas were waging their guerilla war as well as disseminating their human right declarations, some social activists and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were quickly mobilizing activists around the globe to support the EZLN movement. As a result, there began the rise of the influence of non-governmental organizations as activists intent on influencing political change and mobilizing activists around the world in support of the Zapatistas. After the 1994 insurgency, the Mexican government reached an agreement on greater autonomy for the indigenous Chiapas. Objective The objective of this memo is to use my position as a member of the IT strategic implementation team of New Technologies Software (NTS) and make a recommendation to NTS president describing the current political situation in Mexico. The memo will analyze how this political situation developed from 1990s netwar, and describe the role social activists and NGOs have in Mexico, as well as the impact they could have on the NTS mission and goals as the company considers moving its corporate headquarters to Mexico. Findings
  4. 4 Recommendation Memo Mexico has evolved into a democratic country after its first peaceful election in 2002. However, it is faced by two threats such as security problem and dependency on the United State that threatens its economic growth. The security problem is as a result of the drug war being waged constantly very close to its border with the US. Nonetheless, being considered the second biggest country and the second largest economy in Latin America shows that the relatively political stability it is currently enjoying makes it very attractive to investors. Prior to its present political situation, Mexico had been plagued with uprisings and insurgencies with that of the EZLN being the most influential that ushered in a significant political change. The Zapatista Movement netwar represents a hybrid of all the three eras (pre- modern, modern and postmodern) and provides a seemingly plethora of social netwars in the years ahead (Ronfeldt et al., 2001). Though, the characteristics surrounding these netwars are bound to be different depending on each country. What happened in Chiapas is almost similar to the events that took place in Burma and Seattle, U.S.A. It is noted that the inauguration of NAFTA was an aggravating factor during the Zapatistas’ activist movement. Similarly, in 1997 Pepsi responded to a fast growing student and civic movement which opposed economic links with Burma’s military dictatorial government. They claimed that any company that did business with their government supported the government in oppressing the people. In the same token, the World Trade Organization (WTO) protest of 1999 in Seattle, U.S.A., resulted from the many differences in the perspective of developing and industrial nations on the current reality of free trade and its effect on them” (Shah, 2001). From all indications, all these three events have one thing in common, which is the use of social netwar to prevail in their activist movement.
  5. 5 Recommendation Memo The use of new information technologies in these countries aided the grassroots activists in mobilizing “netizens” and challenging nondemocratic regimes (Ronfeldt et al., 2001). However, the notable characteristic difference in Chiapas cause is that it served as a prototype and consequently, turned out to be special. Emelio Zapata, to whom EZLN owes its name though started out with hostility but later on changed the group rhetoric by calling for reforms instead of overthrow. The role of information in the Zapatista Movement The Zapatistas understood the importance of information dissemination by word of mouth and brilliantly used it as a tool for seeping information in and out. Though the Zapatistas did not have electricity that drives the Internet tools, they had the words that travelled quickly carrying their message around the world. This strategy worked so well in attracting social activists and NGOs that swarmed Chiapas with alacrity to help the Zapatistas carry their netwar further across the globe. The activists also received support and solidarity from their counterpart in the US and Canada. The NGOs’ position is not strange due to the fact that 1970s saw a great of number of NGOs springing up around the world. They developed information-age organizational and technological networks for connecting and coordination with each other Cleaver, 1998). Therefore, when the Zapatistas called the transnational NGOs answered. The role of social activists and NGOs Non state actors such as the NGOs and independent civil-society played a positive role in facilitating communications by emails and fax messages that quickly mobilized supporters around the globe to support the Zapatistas. They played service, advocacy (Ronfeldt et al., 2001), and counter revolutionary role by fostering democracy and making decisions that affect the civil society public.
  6. 6 Recommendation Memo Readers may wonder how mobilization was possible at that time when social networking media that offers tools such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and microblogger were not available. The answer is not farfetched. Old media such as newspapers, television, faxes email, and computer conferencing systems equally served the purpose of disseminating information well. Grassroots activists from over forty countries and five continents attended intercontinental meetings in Chiapas. Without the Internet, this turnout would never have been possible (Cleaver, 1998). The result of the conflict Through the Zapatista boasted of network of Internet supporters and good relationship with the media, the EZLM initiated an information war that the state actors stood no chance of winning. Instead the state actors found themselves in an awkward situation of cleaning up their public image. The NGOs and the global activists outcry became a net power; a different kind of power that diffused the military power of the state actors. The net power took the state actors by surprise and had them searching for ways to salvage their image. Consequently, the Mexican government had to halt combats operations and turn to political dialogue and negotiation. The Mexican state actors invited the Human Right Watch to discuss the human rights situations in Chiapas. The Human Right Watch report showed concern about the accuracy of the government report on how civilians were killed. As a result, the Human Right Watch called on the United States government to withhold among others, foreign military sales to Mexico (Refworld, 1995). The Mexican officials went as far as admitting being overwhelmed by the “information-age social netwar”. In a strange twist of event, they finally recognized the EZLN and reached an agreement with them to offer greater autonomy to the indigenous Mayans.
  7. 7 Recommendation Memo As recorded by Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror, Crime, and Militancy (Ronfeldt et al., 2001), “the EZLN did not mount new operations… and with a sense of fulfillment “many NGO activists turned their attention to other matters in Mexico”. Apparently, judging by what happened later in Burma, Seattle, and Egypt, the “Zapatista” effect did spread contagiously. The impact the social activists could have on the NTS mission and goals The social activists are not interested in business or political agenda. Their role is to use power of the Cyberspace to facilitate communication among the NGOs about the cause of the Zapatista. Since their role is all about communication, any company in the IT business that can assist them realize their goal, is welcome. Therefore, their role could impact positively on the goals and mission of NTS. The reason is because as the fish needs water, so does the NGOs need communication tools, and NTS may be able to sell these tools and IT services to them. Concluding Remarks The current political situation in Mexico after the Chiapas netwar and the role of the social activists and NGOs is relatively stable, notwithstanding the persisting drug cartel war and Mexico’s economic dependency on the US. Their large population offers a huge market to investors. The NAFTA agreement signed between Canada, the USA, and Mexico created the world's largest free trade zone for goods and services. The Zapatistas may have been nervous about NAFTA, but will certainly welcome an investment from an IT industry which will provide them the tools needed to fight their cause. In this view, NTS should not be wary of relocating. Investing in a country where there is a social movement network could be daunting. There is the risk of currency devaluation that could greatly impact on the mission and goals of NTS. Another negative factor is the fear of unknown. No one knows what EZLM’s next plan and
  8. 8 Recommendation Memo the response by the social movement networks will be. Things may get out of hand leading to loss of lives. As a result, NTS should also be leery of investing in Mexico. The above immediate factor calls for an alternative action which is to watch and monitor the unfolding events of the social movement. From both business and IT professional perspective, this idea is not very sound. The reason is because in every business there are some elements of risk and some businesses thrive better in a risky environment. Consequently, for NTS to fear and watch the unfolding events before relocating to Mexico could result into a missed investment opportunity. Recommendations Having analyzed the situation in Chiapas, Mexico and studied the roles of the NGOs and social activists as well as discussed the three options available to NTS Company, I recommend that they relocate. The Mexican government has already embraced the NAFTA free trade zone agreement and would welcome NTS from the US to help their country develop technologically. I recommend that NTS takes precautionary measures to ensure its success and the wellbeing of its employees. These measures include making all relocating employee read this memo to understand the EZLM background, the Chiapas netwar and the role the social activists and NGOs have in Mexico as well as the impact they could have on NTS mission and goals. I recommend that they register each employee with the US embassy in Mexico, provide them with emergency telephone numbers and also advise them to avoid areas plagued by cartel drug wars. NTS should establish a cordial relationship with the NGOs who may need donation from time to time to support their work. Apart from monetary donation, NTS should also donate IT equipment and tools. Basically, all these recommendation will keep NTS in a much needed cordial relationship with the NGOs and the social activists.
  9. 9 Recommendation Memo References Army Officer Held “Responsible “ for Chiapas Massacre: Accused Found Dead at Defense Ministry. (1995). Refworld. Retrieved from http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/publisher, HRW,,MEX,3ae6a7fd4,0.html Brown, P. (n.a). Cultural Resistance and Rebellion in Southern Mexico. Latin American Research Review. University of Wisconsin Oshkosh. Vol. 33, No. 3, pgs 217-229. Retrieved from http://lasa2.univ.pitt.edu/LARR/prot/search/retrieve/?Vol=33& Num=3&Start=217 Cleaver, H. M. (1998). The Zapatista effect: The Internet and the rise of an alternative political fabric. Journal of International Affairs, 51(2), 621. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Retrieved from http://ehis.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.umuc.edu/eds/detail?vid=2&hid= 23&sid=30b315a4-93e7-48ba-b91e-4405d9ecf6b0%40sessionmgr11&bdata= JnNpdGU9ZWRzLWxpdmUmc2NvcGU9c2l0ZQ%3d%3d#db=bth&AN=562159 Klepak, H. (2008). Mexico: Current and Future Political Economic and security Trends. Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute. Retrieved from http://docs.google.com /viewer?a=v&q=cache:-iQv-Ss8txsJ:www.cdfai.org/PDF/Mexico%2520Current%2520 and%2520Future%2520Political,%2520Economic%2520and%2520Security%2520Trend s.pdf+current+political+situation+in+Mexico+after+1994&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid= ADGEESgy3Q0mgnhjQ099-gY23iAVh4uJTbNaedbPCommlcVb9xx76sMY- DZabe31CiOB-8ep_HPZxogFP3LDutLLf754Hk0KTby19xy-phP6RTodxLnPq6lgug U9Gt5nluxptpL5JMPe&sig=AHIEtbTv7GZ8V2V6bczwbGq_-LOWJjGbsQ
  10. 10 Recommendation Memo Ronfeldt, D., Arquilla, J. (2001). Networks and Netwars: The Future of Terror, Crime, and Militancy. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2001. Retrieved from http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1382/ Shah, A. (2001). WTO Protests in Seattle, 1999. Global Issues. Retrieved from http://www.globalissues.org/article/46/wto-protests-in-seattle-1999
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