O slideshow foi denunciado.
Utilizamos seu perfil e dados de atividades no LinkedIn para personalizar e exibir anúncios mais relevantes. Altere suas preferências de anúncios quando desejar.

2014 Global Peace Index Report

1.010 visualizações

Publicada em

This is the eighth edition of the Global Peace Index (GPI), which ranks nations according to their level of peace.
The Index is composed of 22 qualitative and quantitative indicators from highly respected sources and ranks 162 independent states, covering 99.6 percent of the world’s population. The index gauges global peace using three broad themes: the level of safety and security in society; the extent of domestic or international conflict; and the degree of militarisation.

Publicada em: Notícias e política
  • Seja o primeiro a comentar

2014 Global Peace Index Report

  2. 2. QUANTIFYING PEACE AND ITS BENEFITS The Institute for Economics and Peace (IEP) is an independent, non-partisan, non-profit think tank dedicated to shifting the world’s focus to peace as a positive, achievable, and tangible measure of human well-being and progress. IEP achieves its goals by developing new conceptual frameworks to define peacefulness; providing metrics for measuring peace; and uncovering the relationships between business, peace and prosperity as well as promoting a better understanding of the cultural, economic and political factors that create peace. IEP has offices in Sydney, New York and Oxford. It works with a wide range of partners internationally and collaborates with intergovernmental organizations on measuring and communicating the economic value of peace. For more information visit www.economicsandpeace.org
  3. 3. Contents Results,Findings &Methodology Highlights 03 2014 Global Peace Index Rankings 05 Analysis of the Results 07 Regional Overview 07 Risers and Fallers 12 GPI Indicators: Annual Changes 16 Global Cost of Violence in 2013 17 Country Case Studies 18 GPI Methodology 38 Executive Summary 01 Highlights 55 Results of IEP Risk Assessment 56 Conceptual Link Between Peace and Institutions 64 Practical Applications 82 Risk Tool Methodology 86 55 assessing countryrisk 92 Annex A: GPI Indicator Sources, Definitions and Scoring Criteria 92 Annex B: Violence Containment Costs by Country 100 Annex C: 2014 GPI Sub-domain Scores 102 References 104 ANNEXES 41 trendsinpeace Highlights 41 Has the World Become More or Less Peaceful? 42 Peace and Population 47 Sub-domains of the Global Peace Index 49 03
  4. 4. 1 executive summary This is the eighth edition of the Global Peace Index (GPI), which ranks nations according to their level of peace. The Index is composed of 22 qualitative and quantitative indicators from highly respected sources and ranks 162 independent states, covering 99.6 percent of the world’s population. The index gauges global peace using three broad themes: the level of safety and security in society; the extent of domestic or international conflict; and the degree of militarisation. In addition to presenting the findings from the 2014 GPI and its seven-year trend analysis, this year’s report includes an updated analysis of the economic impact of violence as well as a detailed assessment of country risk using risk models developed by IEP based on its unique datasets. The last year was marked by heightened tensions in the Ukraine, the ongoing conflict in Syria, civil war in South Sudan and a broadening and increased intensity of terrorist activity in many countries including Afghanistan, Iraq, the Philippines and Libya. These factors have contributed to the world becoming slightly less peaceful, continuing the global slide in peacefulness which has now been in effect for the last seven years. Iceland tops the Index again, with the ten highest ranking nations being all relatively small, stable democracies. Nordic and alpine countries are particularly well represented. Asia-Pacific is also represented at the top, with New Zealand 4th and Japan 8th. The most peaceful region continues to be Europe while the least peaceful region is South Asia. Afghanistan has been replaced at the bottom of the Index by Syria due to a slight improvement in its peace combined with further deterioration of the situation in Syria. South Sudan experienced the largest drop in the Index this year falling from 145thto 160th and ranking as the third least peaceful country. Major deteriorations also occurred in Egypt, Ukraine and Central African Republic. The largest improvement occurred in Georgia, gradually returning to normality following its 2011 conflict with Russia while Cote d’Ivoire recorded the second biggest improvement with reductions in the likelihood of violent demonstrations and in the number of displaced persons. This follows the gradual recovery from the end of the civil war which was triggered by the disputed 2011 elections. Cote d’Ivoire had one of the largest declines in the 2013 Index highlighting how some nations can experience large swings in peace in relatively short periods of time. Other countries to show improvements include Burundi, Slovakia and Mongolia. The fall in global peace in the last year has primarily been driven by the deterioration in four indicators: terrorist activity, number of internal and external conflicts fought, deaths from internal conflicts and number of displaced persons as a percentage of population. Counteracting these falls were improvements in political terror, the number of armed service personnel, number of homicides and the number of deaths from organised external conflicts. The longer term trend of decreasing inter- state conflicts and increasing internal conflicts is apparent for the last year. The past seven years have been marked by many changes; however the overall trend has seen a slight deterioration in peace with small deteriorations occurring every year. Only four indicators improved over this period while 18 indicators deteriorated. In past editions of the GPI report, the global trend was calculated by averaging the scores of the 162 countries in the index. To further enhance the methodology a global weighted per person measure of peace was calculated this year to determine if, when adjusted for population, there were any marked differences. The findings from the two methodologies are very similar; however individual indicator movements do vary. The trends analysis presented in this report and covered in Section 2 is based on per person peace scores. Over the seven years, global peace was negatively affected by a number of international events including major outbreaks of violence in the Middle East; a deterioration of security in Afghanistan and Pakistan; civil wars in Libya and Syria; the escalation of the drug war in Central America; continued deteriorations in peace in Somalia, DRC and 500 million people live in countres at risk of instability and conflict 200 million of them live below the poverty line
  5. 5. 2 Rwanda; and violent demonstrations associated with the economic downturn in a number of European countries. On the positive side, the improvements in peace were mainly driven by declining rates of militarisation due to the winding down of military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan; stagnating military spending due to the European budget crisis and technological changes in the military. Contrary to this trend there has been an increase in the levels of weapons imports and exports. The four indicators that recorded the greatest deterioration over the last seven years are the level of terrorist activity, per capita weapons imports, per capita weapons exports and number of homicides, while the three indicators that have had the greatest improvement are nuclear and heavy weapons capability, per capita number of police and number of armed service personnel. The economic impact of violence on the global economy in 2013 was also calculated, updating the IEP model developed last year. This methodology enables global and country-based estimates for the 162 countries covered by the GPI. To allow relative comparisons between countries at different levels of economic development, GDP per capita has been used to scale the costs associated with violence for each country. The economic analysis this year found that: The economic impact of containing and dealing with the consequences of violence in 2013 was significant, amounting to US$9.8 trillion per annum or 11.3 percent of global GDP. This amount is equivalent to around US$1,350 per person. Compared to estimates for 2012 this represents an increase of US$179 billion or a 3.8 percent rise in violence containment costs globally. The increase in the global economic impact of violence is equal to 0.4% of global GDP. Section three of the report this year includes Country Risk Models developed by IEP based on its unique data sets. These models measure peace and violence in order to assess the relative probability of countries deteriorating or improving in peace. The outputs of the models have good predictive capabilities when compared against history. Using a combination of models, it was possible to forecast deteriorations in peace based on 2008 data for 27 out of 30 countries where peace had deteriorated by 2014. The model was also able to identify, on average, 70 percent of the countries which experienced the ten largest deteriorations in peace using a two-year window since 2006. The techniques on which the models were developed are based on concepts of Positive Peace combined with the peace characteristics of similar countries and the individual countries’ history of peace, along with other socio-economic data. The models also use Bayesian inference statistical techniques in the final calculations of risk. Subsets of the GPI and Positive Peace Index have been developed which date back to 1996 and can be used as a historical dataset to test various models and hypotheses. It is envisaged these country risk models will be used by: Business and investors: to provide improved ways of measuring investment risk. International development practitioners: to help better prioritise peace-building efforts. Government: to improve the allocation of aid flows. Civil society and researchers: to provide insights to better advocate and research developmental priorities. Countries identified as most at risk of small to medium deteriorations in peace include: Zambia, Haiti, Argentina, Chad, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Nepal, Burundi, Georgia, Liberia and Qatar. These countries span different regions, are represented by various government types except for full democracies, and range from high to low income economies. It was found that over 500 million people living in 16 countries have an IEP Country Risk score of more than 50, indicating a higher chance of experiencing a small to medium deterioration in peace over the next two years. Of those 500 million people, around 200 million live on less than $2 per day, making them highly vulnerable if deteriorations in peace do occur. tHEWORLDHASBECOMELESSPEACEFULEVERYYEAR SINCE2008,HIGHLIGHTINGTHEIMPORTANCEOFBETTER UNDERSTANDINGCONFLICTANDVIOLENCERISK.
  6. 6. 3 results,findings &methodology The 2014 Global Peace Index score deteriorated slightly for the sixth year in a row continuing to record a gradual slide in global peacefulness since 2008. For 2014, five out of the nine geographical regions experienced an improvement in peace and, among those that became less peaceful, substantial changes in the Index were only seen in two: sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), which continues to suffer from the political aftermath of the Arab Spring. Yet again, Europe maintained its position as the most peaceful region in the world, supported by a lack of domestic and external conflicts. The largest improvement, however, was seen in what nevertheless remains the world’s most violent region, South Asia, which includes Afghanistan. In terms of societal safety and security, an improvement in the relative number of jailed population was coupled with a deterioration in the level of violent crime. The perception of criminality in society deteriorated accordingly. Aside from sub-Saharan Africa, where criminality is often fuelled by ethnic strife and political unrest, Latin America clearly remained the world’s most violent region in terms of crime, as highlighted by its poor results in most related categories, particularly in Central America and the Caribbean, where many of the world’s highest homicide rates can be found. Generally lower (better) scores were also seen in political instability and political terror although it is notable that the former category deteriorated slightly in Europe, which over the past few years has suffered from austerity-driven dissatisfaction and unrest. Meanwhile, the political terror score also improved or remained static in all regions except sub-Saharan Africa, which points to less widespread use of state repression on a global scale. This bodes well for the gradual consolidation of democratic institutions in some of the world’s more fragile states, although higher likelihood of violent demonstrations in many regions stands out as a Highlights 3 the global economic impactofviolenceis $us9.8trillion or11.3% ofglobalgdp =2xtotalgdp ofafrica
  7. 7. 4 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology latent risk. Finally, the number of refugees and displaced persons rose during the past year, exacerbated by internal conflict in the Middle East and North Africa primarily, but also in certain Latin American countries, notably Colombia and Haiti. In the case of Colombia, a potential peace plan between government and FARC rebels offers hope of an end to one of the region’s most long-standing conflicts. With regards to domestic and international conflict, a fall in the number of deaths from organised external conflict was offset by a rise in those originating from internal conflict, triggered primarily by a small number of severe crises in key global hotspots. In the case of sub-Saharan Africa, this was largely driven by the outbreak of ethnic warfare in South Sudan, Central African Republic and Mali, which although internal in origin has impacted relations with neighbouring countries as well as foreign powers (in the last two cases resulting in French military intervention). The Middle East and North Africa also performed poorly in the relevant categories as a result of the added international dimension of the Syrian civil war, which, during 2013, came close to involving military operations by the Western powers before an agreement was reached to dismantle Syria’s chemical-weapons arsenal. The ousting of president Mohammed Morsi and the violence that preceded and followed it also resulted in Egypt dragging down the region’s scores significantly; in fact, the Middle East and North Africa was the only region in the world not to see an improvement in at least one of the five of the indicators that comprise the domestic and international conflict dimension (it worsened in four). Elsewhere, the main flare-up has been the ongoing crisis between Russia and the Ukraine, which was triggered by the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 and later escalated into a Russian military intervention in the Crimea. Aside from incidents in these three regions, however, there was very little in the way of international 4 SECTION conflict during the past year, one which saw no major war between states. Nevertheless, tense relationships between the two Koreas, concerns over China’s growing military assertiveness in the Asia-Pacific region, and the ever- present possibility that the Russia-Ukraine standoff could escalate into all out military conflict suggest these as a potential hotspots for conflict in the future. Lastly, the militarisation domain was characterised by a widespread reduction in the number of armed services personnel. This was contrasted by an overall rise in military expenditure as a percentage of GDP in three key regions; Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and (especially) the Middle East and North Africa. The arms trade also saw a fall in inter-European transfers (both exports and imports), but the flow of Russian arms to the Middle East and Asia-Pacific continued. Much of this has been sent to support Syrian government forces against the rebels which, in contrast, have received much lower quantities of weaponry from the West. A major positive development has been the decrease in nuclear and heavy weapons capabilities. This trend has been most evident in some of the world’s most militarized regions such as Europe, Russia and Eurasia, and the Middle East and North Africa, although in the latter case this was partly due to losses incurred by Syrian government forces in the civil war. This broad improvement, however, may prove to be short-lived if there is greater impetus for rearmament among NATO countries as a result of Russian aggression. This would be particularly evident in some of the NATO states bordering (or close to) Russia itself but could also affect core countries like Germany which over the past few years have trimmed down their armed forces and stocks of heavy weaponry. global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology
  8. 8. 5 Asnapshotoftheglobalstate ofpeace 2014global peaceindex RANK COUNTRY SCORE RANK COUNTRY SCORE 80 Togo 2.003 82 Mozambique 2.004 83 Guyana 2.013 84 Liberia 2.014 85 Ecuador 2.042 86 Greece 2.052 87 Macedonia (FYR) 2.056 87 Swaziland 2.056 89 Trinidad and Tobago 2.065 90 Papua New Guinea 2.066 91 Brazil 2.073 92 Belarus 2.078 93 Equatorial Guinea 2.079 94 The Gambia 2.085 95 Dominican Republic 2.093 95 Turkmenistan 2.093 97 Armenia 2.097 98 Bangladesh 2.106 99 Haiti 2.127 100 Benin 2.129 101 United States of America 2.137 102 Angola 2.143 103 Kazakhstan 2.15 104 Uzbekistan 2.179 105 Sri Lanka 2.197 106 Cambodia 2.201 107 Jamaica 2.203 108 China 2.207 109 Republic of the Congo 2.211 110 Uganda 2.221 111 Bahrain 2.225 111 Georgia 2.225 113 Cameroon 2.235 114 Algeria 2.239 115 Guatemala 2.248 116 El Salvador 2.28 117 Honduras 2.281 118 Guinea 2.296 119 Peru 2.304 120 Mauritania 2.35 121 Niger 2.351 122 South Africa 2.364 123 Azerbaijan 2.365 124 Eritrea 2.377 Very high High Medium Low Very low Not included STATEOFPEACE 1 Iceland 1.189 2 Denmark 1.193 3 Austria 1.200 4 New Zealand 1.236 5 Switzerland 1.258 6 Finland 1.297 7 Canada 1.306 8 Japan 1.316 9 Belgium 1.354 10 Norway 1.371 11 Czech Republic 1.381 11 Sweden 1.381 13 Ireland 1.384 14 Slovenia 1.398 15 Australia 1.414 16 Bhutan 1.422 17 Germany 1.423 18 Portugal 1.425 19 Slovakia 1.467 20 Netherlands 1.475 21 Hungary 1.482 22 Qatar 1.491 23 Poland 1.532 24 Mauritius 1.544 25 Singapore 1.545 26 Croatia 1.548 26 Spain 1.548 28 Taiwan 1.558 29 Uruguay 1.565 30 Chile 1.591 31 Estonia 1.635 32 Bulgaria 1.637 33 Malaysia 1.659 34 Italy 1.675 35 Romania 1.677 36 Botswana 1.678 37 Kuwait 1.679 38 Laos 1.723 39 Latvia 1.745 40 United Arab Emirates 1.748
  9. 9. global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology 6 125 Kyrgyz Republic 2.382 126 Tajikistan 2.395 126 Thailand 2.395 128 Turkey 2.402 129 Venezuela 2.41 130 Burundi 2.418 131 Iran 2.437 132 Kenya 2.452 133 Libya 2.453 134 Philippines 2.456 135 Mali 2.465 136 Myanmar 2.473 137 Rwanda 2.494 138 Mexico 2.5 139 Ethiopia 2.502 140 Cote d'Ivoire 2.52 141 Ukraine 2.546 142 Chad 2.558 143 Egypt 2.571 143 India 2.571 145 Guinea-Bissau 2.591 146 Lebanon 2.62 147 Yemen 2.629 148 Zimbabwe 2.662 149 Israel 2.689 150 Colombia 2.701 151 Nigeria 2.71 152 Russia 3.039 153 North Korea 3.071 154 Pakistan 3.107 155 Democratic Republic of the Congo 3.213 156 Central African Republic 3.331 157 Sudan 3.362 158 Somalia 3.368 159 Iraq 3.377 160 South Sudan 3.397 161 Afghanistan 3.416 162 Syria 3.65 41 Mongolia 1.778 42 Costa Rica 1.781 43 Argentina 1.789 44 Zambia 1.791 45 Vietnam 1.792 46 Lithuania 1.797 47 United Kingdom 1.798 48 France 1.808 48 Namibia 1.808 50 Lesotho 1.839 51 Cyprus 1.844 52 Serbia 1.849 52 South Korea 1.849 54 Indonesia 1.853 55 Montenegro 1.86 56 Jordan 1.861 57 Panama 1.877 58 Nicaragua 1.882 59 Oman 1.889 59 Tanzania 1.889 61 Bosnia & Herzegovina 1.902 61 Ghana 1.902 63 Morocco 1.915 64 Kosovo 1.929 65 Albania 1.939 66 Madagascar 1.942 66 Sierra Leone 1.942 68 Gabon 1.945 69 Timor-Leste 1.947 70 Bolivia 1.969 71 Moldova 1.971 72 Senegal 1.974 73 Paraguay 1.976 74 Djibouti 1.979 75 Cuba 1.986 76 Nepal 1.989 77 Malawi 1.995 78 Burkina Faso 1.998 79 Tunisia 2.001 80 Saudi Arabia 2.003
  10. 10. 7 Europe Europe once again led the world in terms of overall levels of peace, with the Scandinavian countries performing particularly well. The top five positions remained unchanged from 2013, led by Iceland, which once again ranked as the most peaceful country in the world, despite a mild deterioration in the overall score due to a slight increase in military spending. Most of the big gainers, however, were in the Balkans, an area that has traditionally been the most turbulent in the region. This improvement was due primarily to lower military expenditure as a percentage of GDP, as well as a reduction in nuclear and heavy-weapons capabilities, as many of these countries continue to slim down their Soviet-era arsenals (this trend was also marked in some of the larger NATO countries, including Germany, Spain and Sweden). A lower number of refugees and displaced people in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as Serbia (now under 3 percent of the population) also contributed to the lower score. Some of these countries, along with various crisis-hit Mediterranean countries, benefited from a reduction in the political terror scale score; coincidentally, Cyprus was the only country where this category worsened, on account of its own banking crisis, which erupted early in 2013. Crisis-hit countries including Greece, Spain and Cyprus also saw their levels of political instability deteriorate as austerity policies continue to take a toll on public support of their respective governments. table 1.1 Europe Rankings Europe Overall Rank Overall Score Change inScore regional rank Iceland 1 1.189 0.027 1 Denmark 2 1.193 -0.001 2 Austria 3 1.200 -0.049 3 Switzerland 5 1.258 -0.001 4 Finland 6 1.297 – 5 Belgium 9 1.354 0.001 6 Norway 10 1.371 0.025 7 Czech Republic 11 1.381 -0.023 8 Sweden 11 1.381 0.062 8 Ireland 13 1.384 – 10 Slovenia 14 1.398 -0.002 11 Germany 17 1.423 -0.021 12 Portugal 18 1.425 -0.029 13 Slovakia 19 1.467 -0.155 14 Netherlands 20 1.475 -0.033 15 Hungary 21 1.482 -0.038 16 Poland 23 1.532 0.002 17 Croatia 26 1.548 -0.023 18 Spain 26 1.548 -0.014 18 Estonia 31 1.635 -0.075 20 Bulgaria 32 1.637 -0.053 21 Italy 34 1.675 0.012 22 Romania 35 1.677 0.066 23 Latvia 39 1.745 -0.027 24 Lithuania 46 1.797 -0.014 25 United Kingdom 47 1.798 -0.003 26 France 48 1.808 -0.068 27 Cyprus 51 1.844 0.004 28 Serbia 52 1.849 -0.063 29 Montenegro 55 1.860 -0.117 30 Bosnia and Herzegovina 61 1.902 -0.066 31 Kosovo 64 1.929 -0.053 32 Albania 65 1.939 -0.023 33 Greece 86 2.052 0.109 34 Macedonia (FYR) 87 2.056 -0.001 35 Turkey 128 2.402 -0.048 36 Average   1.609     analysisof theresults regionaloverview EUROPECONTINUESTO BETHEWORLD’SMOST PEACEFULREGION.
  11. 11. 8 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology NorthAmerica table 1.2 north america Rankings north america Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Canada 7 1.306 – 1 United States of America 101 2.137 0.011 2 Average   1.722     Across the Atlantic, the North American score deteriorated slightly, mostly on account of a rise in terrorist activity in the US, related to the Boston-marathon attack in April 2013. Aside from that, there was little change in the scores, which saw some modest improvement due to lower US military expenditure as a percentage of GDP. Overall, the region retained its position as the second-most peaceful in the world, behind Europe (largely on account of Canada’s score). Asia-Pacific table 1.3 Asia-Pacific Rankings Asia-Pacific Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank New Zealand 4 1.236 — 1 Japan 8 1.316 0.023 2 Australia 15 1.414 -0.024 3 Singapore 25 1.545 0.080 4 Taiwan 28 1.558 -0.007 5 Malaysia 33 1.659 0.072 6 Laos 38 1.723 -0.001 7 Mongolia 41 1.778 -0.170 8 Vietnam 45 1.792 0.020 9 South Korea 52 1.849 0.027 10 Indonesia 54 1.853 -0.039 11 Timor-Leste 69 1.947 0.093 12 Papua New Guinea 90 2.066 -0.060 13 Cambodia 106 2.201 -0.062 14 China 108 2.207 0.065 15 Thailand 126 2.395 0.017 16 Philippines 134 2.456 0.082 17 Myanmar 136 2.473 -0.056 18 North Korea 153 3.071 — 19 Average   1.923     Owing to a lack of major conflicts over the past year, the Asia-Pacific region remains among the most peaceful in the world: it ranked third overall, behind Europe and North America, and suffered only a very modest deterioration of its 2013 score. The countries that saw their scores decline the most included Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines, in the case of the first of these, due to an increase in internal security and the police force, as well as higher perceived criminality. In contrast, the last two of these countries saw a worsening of their terrorist activity and political instability, while the Philippines saw a worsening of its relations with neighbouring countries on the back of tensions with China relative to the South China Sea dispute. All three countries also recorded a modest-to-moderate build-up of nuclear and heavy-weapons capabilities, in line with a general trend towards the modernisation of armed forces in the region. The worst performer, however, was Timor-Leste, whose score fell as a result of increasing crime and likelihood of violent demonstration, stemming from a still fragile political environment in one of the world’s youngest countries. On the whole, the Asia-Pacific rankings changed little from last year, and continued to see the countries of the Indochina sub-region, as well as North Korea, at the bottom. In contrast, the more highly developed regional states, such as New Zealand, Japan, Australia, Singapore and Taiwan remained the top performers, the first two of which also ranked among the top ten worldwide. SouthAmerica table 1.4 South America Rankings South America Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Uruguay 29 1.565 0.037 1 Chile 30 1.591 0.003 2 Argentina 43 1.789 -0.118 3 Bolivia 70 1.969 -0.094 4 Paraguay 73 1.976 -0.071 5 Guyana 83 2.013 0.064 6 Ecuador 85 2.042 0.004 7 Brazil 91 2.073 0.009 8 Peru 119 2.304 0.033 9 Venezuela 129 2.410 0.040 10 Colombia 150 2.701 0.067 11 Average   2.039     South America scored slightly above the global average, with the strongest improvements coming from Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay. In contrast, Uruguay (which retains its position as the region’s most peaceful country and second
  12. 12. 9 Peace in Central America and the Caribbean remains challenging, but the region managed to improve slightly compared to its 2013 score and ranks only slightly below the global average. Jamaica and Nicaragua were the strongest gainers, almost entirely on the basis of improvements in their domestic safety and security scores. Even with these improvements, however, Jamaica ranks quite low compared to the global average in the domestic peace ranking, on account of its high homicide rate and overall levels of violent crime. In fact, the region ranked the lowest in the world in those two categories, as well as in level of perceived criminality in society, which remains stubbornly high in the countries of the so-called “golden triangle” (Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras), as well as Caribbean states such as Jamaica, Dominican Republic and Trinidad and Tobago. This is mostly due to urban gang violence as well as drug-related crime. Mexico, which continues to be mired in a vicious drug war, fell further due to an increase in the number of internal security officers, as crime-related indicators remained static over the past year. Still, lacking any significant changes to its drug-fighting strategy, the new government will struggle to reduce the level of criminality in the short run. On the bright side, many of these countries (including Mexico) benefit from the absence of intra-regional conflicts, friendly relations with neighbours and minimal nuclear and heavy- weapons capabilities among them. Sub-SaharanAfrica table 1.6 Sub-Saharan Africa Rankings Sub-Saharan Africa Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Mauritius 24 1.544 0.020 1 Botswana 36 1.678 0.053 2 Zambia 44 1.791 -0.040 3 Namibia 48 1.808 0.001 4 Lesotho 50 1.839 -0.001 5 Tanzania 59 1.889 0.002 6 Ghana 61 1.902 -0.024 7 Madagascar 66 1.942 -0.145 8 Sierra Leone 66 1.942 0.038 8 Gabon 68 1.945 -0.077 10 Senegal 72 1.974 -0.087 11 Djibouti 74 1.979 0.062 12 Malawi 77 1.995 -0.016 13 Burkina Faso 78 1.998 -0.093 14 Togo 80 2.003 0.023 15 Mozambique 82 2.004 0.080 16 in the Western Hemisphere behind Canada) saw its score decline as a result of a rise in the number of police and security forces. Internal tensions underlined the trends in the two lowest-scoring countries in the region, Colombia and Venezuela. Colombia continued to suffer as a result of refugees and displacements, which are the product of its ongoing conflict with the Fuerzas Armadas de la Revolución Colombiana (FARC) guerrillas. Ongoing peace negotiations with the government, and which are strongly supported by the population, offer some hope of an improvement. Venezuela, meanwhile, continues its military build-up (mostly with Russian-supplied weapons), which has rapidly seen it possess one of the most modern arsenals in the continent, although it is still modest by global standards. To this are added the ongoing risks of social unrest and government repression, particularly after student protests erupted in early 2014. On the positive side, major episodes of political disruption, such as that which took place during the removal of the former president, Fernando Lugo, in Paraguay in 2012, did not take place, while the death of Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez in March 2013 resulted in a relatively peaceful transition. CentralAmericaandthe Caribbean table 1.5 Central America and the Caribbean Rankings Central Americaand Caribbean Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Costa Rica 42 1.781 – 1 Panama 57 1.877 -0.016 2 Nicaragua 58 1.882 -0.049 3 Cuba 75 1.986 0.037 4 Trinidad and Tobago 89 2.065 -0.009 5 Dominican Republic 95 2.093 -0.037 6 Haiti 99 2.127 0.052 7 Jamaica 107 2.203 -0.097 8 Guatemala 115 2.248 0.014 9 El Salvador 116 2.280 0.013 10 Honduras 117 2.281 -0.048 11 Mexico 138 2.500 0.040 12 Average   2.110    
  13. 13. 10 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology people and relations with neighbouring countries. Many other countries also saw a worsening in the political terror scale score, although it should be noted that a large number also improved. Countries that performed better in 2014 included Cote d’Ivoire, Burundi, Madagascar and Ethiopia, of which Madagascar was notable for climbing 10 positions in the regional ranking and 25 positions in the global ranking. Russiaandeurasia table 1.7 russia and eurasia Rankings russiaandcis Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Moldova 71 1.971 – 1 Belarus 92 2.078 -0.038 2 Turkmenistan 95 2.093 -0.061 3 Armenia 97 2.097 -0.026 4 Kazakhstan 103 2.150 0.119 5 Uzbekistan 104 2.179 -0.141 6 Georgia 111 2.225 -0.272 7 Azerbaijan 123 2.365 0.028 8 Kyrgyz Republic 125 2.382 -0.009 9 Tajikistan 126 2.395 0.100 10 Ukraine 141 2.546 0.295 11 Russia 152 3.039 -0.021 12 Average   2.293     As a whole, Russia and Eurasia showed a modest improvement in the rankings, and benefited from positive score changes from all but four of the 12 states on the Index. These were Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and Ukraine. Kazakhstan and Tajikistan were affected by a rise in the number of deaths from organised conflict (internal) as both countries continued to suffer from anti- government movements, including jihadist and separatist groups. Undoubtedly, the key event in the region was the crisis between Russia and Ukraine, which was sparked by the Euromaidan protests and led to the removal of the Yanukovych government in late February followed by the subsequent Russian occupation and annexation of the Crimea in March. This caused both Ukraine and Russia’s performance in domestic and internationals conflict to tumble, although Russia’s overall score was offset by improvements in the number of security officers and police, number of homicides, number of external and internal conflicts fought (this driven by the exclusion of the 2008 Ossetian conflict from the calculations) and, to a lesser extent, terrorist activity. In contrast, Ukraine’s domestic Liberia 84 2.014 -0.034 17 Swaziland 87 2.056 -0.013 18 Equatorial Guinea 93 2.079 0.006 19 The Gambia 94 2.085 -0.006 20 Benin 100 2.129 -0.027 21 Angola 102 2.143 -0.005 22 Republic of the Congo 109 2.211 0.028 23 Uganda 110 2.221 0.041 24 Cameroon 113 2.235 0.044 25 Guinea 118 2.296 0.024 26 Mauritania 120 2.350 0.038 27 Niger 121 2.351 -0.011 28 South Africa 122 2.364 0.045 29 Eritrea 124 2.377 0.089 30 Burundi 130 2.418 -0.175 31 Kenya 132 2.452 -0.028 32 Mali 135 2.465 0.119 33 Rwanda 137 2.494 0.051 34 Ethiopia 139 2.502 -0.128 35 Cote d' Ivoire 140 2.520 -0.212 36 Chad 142 2.558 0.092 37 Guinea-Bissau 145 2.591 0.146 38 Zimbabwe 148 2.662 -0.034 39 Nigeria 151 2.710 0.003 40 Dem. Republic of the Congo 155 3.213 0.128 41 Central African Republic 156 3.331 0.313 42 Somalia 158 3.368 -0.026 43 South Sudan 160 3.397 0.795 44 Average   2.269     Sub-Saharan Africa saw the second sharpest deterioration in the regional scores but still fares better than Russia and Eurasia, Middle-East and North Africa, as well as South Asia. In fact, four out of the ten countries with the sharpest negative score changes came from this region, topped by South Sudan and the Central African Republic. South Sudan, the world’s newest sovereign state, witnessed a major outbreak of violence in late 2013 that continues to this day, brought about by an uprising against the government by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army. The conflict has also drawn in Ugandan forces in support of the government. Violent conflict has also affected the Central African Republic and Mali, in both cases resulting in intervention by French and other foreign troops. Consequently, the categories where the region deteriorated the most were in those related to the number of external and internal conflicts fought, the number of refugees and displaced
  14. 14. 11 bloody stalemate between government forces loyal to the president, Bashar al-Assad, and the numerous rebel groups fighting against it. Syria saw some of its categories reach the highest score (5), including those related to refugees and displaced persons (estimated at over one-third of the population), ease of access to small arms and light weapons, and overall level of violent crime. This more than offset an important improvement in terms of its nuclear and heavy- weapons capabilities, many of which have been destroyed over the course of the conflict. Other countries that became less peaceful over the past year included Iraq (partly due to an increase in internal violence, but also due to the ongoing build-up of its armed forces under US auspices), the UAE and Oman, whereas Libya, Saudi Arabia and Yemen recorded the sharpest improvements; in the case of Libya, this was as a result of a gradual normalisation of conditions in the years after the 2011 revolution and NATO intervention. South-Asia table 1.9 south-asia Rankings south-asia Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Bhutan 16 1.422 -0.052 1 Nepal 76 1.989 -0.069 2 Bangladesh 98 2.106 -0.053 3 Sri Lanka 105 2.197 -0.033 4 India 143 2.571 – 5 Pakistan 154 3.107 – 6 Afghanistan 161 3.416 -0.025 7 Average   2.401     Lastly, South Asia remained at the bottom of the overall regional rankings, but benefited from seeing the largest rise in the overall score compared to any other region. All countries in South Asia improved their overall scores, as well as in terms of domestic peace. The main cause for Afghanistan’s score change was a rise in military expenditure as a percentage of GDP, which, at 13.8 percent, is high by global standards, but reflects a process of rearmament by the government in order gradually to take a greater share of security responsibilities from NATO-led ISAF forces. The recent elections, of which a first round of voting proceeded without major incident in early April, offer some hope that political stability may improve over the next few years. Despite this, its overall score improved and it was replaced by Syria at the bottom of the global rankings. Aside from that, the main improvements were seen in the political terror scale, as well as in the number of refugees and displaced people in Sri Lanka and Bhutan. peace score also deteriorated sharply on account of its internal conflict and political instability. Still, Russia remained the least peaceful country in the region and one of the worst performers globally, ranking 152nd. The most robust positive changes in the overall score were seen in Georgia and Uzbekistan, the former gradually returning to normality following its 2011 conflict with Russia. MiddleEastandNorthAfrica table 1.8 Middle East and North Africa Rankings MiddleEast andNorth Africa Overall Rank Overall Score Changein Score regional rank Qatar 22 1.491 0.038 1 Kuwait 37 1.679 -0.026 2 United Arab Emirates 40 1.748 0.069 3 Jordan 56 1.861 -0.011 4 Oman 59 1.889 0.056 5 Morocco 63 1.915 0.032 6 Tunisia 79 2.001 0.010 7 Saudi Arabia 80 2.003 -0.116 8 Bahrain 111 2.225 0.090 9 Algeria 114 2.239 -0.032 10 Iran 131 2.437 -0.036 11 Libya 133 2.453 -0.204 12 Egypt 143 2.571 0.314 13 Lebanon 146 2.620 0.032 14 Yemen 147 2.629 -0.117 15 Israel 149 2.689 -0.041 16 Sudan 157 3.362 0.120 17 Iraq 159 3.377 0.132 18 Syria 162 3.650 0.244 19 Average   2.360     The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) remains in the headlines as numerous conflicts stemming from the Arab Spring continue to escalate. Egypt and Syria were, unsurprisingly, the two countries that saw their overall scores deteriorate most, with Egypt suffering the second- steepest decline at the global level. The main cause of this disruption was the military-led ousting of the former president, Mohamed Morsi, and the resulting crackdown on his supporters from the Muslim Brotherhood, which had risen to become the country’s largest party. Meanwhile, in Syria, the civil war intensified in its third year, amid a
  15. 15. global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology 12 risersandfallers Georgia was the country that experienced the largest improvement in peace during the past year, rising 28 places in the ranking to 111th. It was followed by Cote d’Ivoire which rose 11 places to 140th and Libya, up 14 positions into 133th. A key characteristic among the three top risers was the ongoing improvement in political stability after suffering from conflicts over the past few years. This suggests some degree of democratic consolidation although in the case of Libya (and to a lesser extent Cote d’Ivoire) still face lingering threats from rebel and terrorist groups. Rounding up the top five was Burundi and Mongolia, the latter which now boasts of an encouraging position in the index (41st). Unsurprisingly, the country that saw the most severe deterioration in peace was South Sudan, the world’s youngest sovereign state that in late 2013 witnessed an outbreak of armed resistance from opponents of the government. This caused the country’s rank to tumble by 16 positions into 160th, just two positions from the bottom. Egypt was the next worst performer, falling 31 positions to 143rd following the ousting of former president Morsi. Elsewhere, the Central African Republic was also gripped with internal conflict that saw it slip to 156th, while Ukraine tumbled 30 positions to 141 as a result of its ongoing standoff with Russia. Lastly, Syria fell just one position but it was enough to overtake Afghanistan as the world’s least peaceful country in 2013/14. RISERS/FALLERS changeinscore2013/14 Georgia111th Change in score 2013/14: -0.272 Change in rank 2013/14: 28 Georgia experienced the most significant increase in peace in the 2014 Global Peace Index and also managed to climb 28 positions in the rankings, to 111th. This still puts it below the global average, but represents an important improvement for a country that in 2008 suffered from a conflict with Russia over the separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Georgia showed a strong improvement in both its external and internal peace scores. In the former case, it was due to gradually improving relationships with its neighbours, including Russia, with which it still has not formalised diplomatic ties, but has seen some thawing of its existing animosity though a (limited) resumption of trade. On the internal side, Georgia’s score -0.272 +0.795 +0.314 +0.313 +0.295 +0.244 -0.212 -0.204 -0.175 -0.170 georgia 111th southsudan160th egypt143rd centralafrican republic156th ukraine 141st syria 162nd Coted’Ivoire140th libya133rd burundi130th mongolia41st TOPFIVENATIONAL IMPROVEMENTSINPEACE
  16. 16. 13 Libya’s armed forces during the Qaddafi era. A reduction in the number of armed services personal, as well as refugees and displaced persons also helped boost its score. On the negative side, Libya’s score suffered from an increase in military expenditure, as well as the likelihood of violent demonstrations and terrorist activity. This suggests that risks to peace are still pronounced, given the still tense state of the country’s factionalist politics. Burundi130th Change in score 2013/14: -0.175 Change in rank 2013/14: 13 After Cote d’Ivoire, Burundi is the sub-Saharan country that saw the highest rise in the 2014 GPI, of which the gains were entirely due to more benign domestic conditions. In this regard, the country benefited from a drop in the reported homicide rate, which was the largest contributor to the score change, but also by the reduced number of registered deaths from internal organised conflict and lower terrorist activity and overall political instability. Burundi also saw an improvement in its score as a result of a lower number of refugees and displaced persons, a category that now has the lowest (best) possible score. However, it saw a rise in the number of external and internal conflicts fought due to its involvement in fighting Al-Shabaab in Somalia. Going forward, although the country’s improvements in the GPI are laudable, its rather fragile political environment and sharp ethnic divisions between Hutus and Tutsis leave it vulnerable to potential unrest, particularly since tensions among the country’s numerous political groups have not eased since the turbulent 2010 elections. Mongolia41st Change in score 2013/14: -0.170 Change in rank 2013/14: 25 Mongolia’s ranking in the 2014 GPI improved by 25 places, placing it in 41st place overall. The score change was primarily affected by a lower level of organised conflict, as well as political instability and political terror. In all three cases, these were brought down to scores of 1–2, close to the lowest possible. Over the past year, the country has benefited from general political stability, aided by the re- election of Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj of the Democratic Party in June 2013. Externally, although an increase in military spending and nuclear and heavy weapons capabilities eroded the score, the country continues to benefit from a highly pragmatic foreign policy with its much larger neighbours, Russia and China, while also strengthening relations with regional powers such as Japan, South Korea was boosted by a fall in the jailed population, as well as in the number of refugees and displaced persons, while its post-war stability was reflected in a reduction of its level of organised conflict, as well as political instability in the government’s second year in office. To a lesser extent, Georgia also benefited from a fall in military expenditure. Coted’Ivoire140th Change in score 2013/14: -0.212 Change in rank 2013/14: 11 The score for Cote d’Ivoire continued to improve as political stability became more entrenched following the 2011 conflict (known as the second Ivorian civil war), which saw the forces loyal to the current president, Alassane Ouattara, prevail against those of his predecessor, Laurent Gbagbo. Cote d’Ivoire’s score benefited from higher internal and external peace as a result of a fall in the number of deaths from internal organised conflict, as well as in the number of refugees and displaced persons, the latter category now receiving the lowest (best) score possible. Likewise, political stability has helped lower the likelihood of violent demonstrations. Although Cote d’Ivoire’s scores for perceived criminality and political terror also improved over the past year, their high score of 4 is still a concern. The process of post-civil-war reconciliation has not been entirely smooth and occasional attacks by small bands of rebel forces remain commonplace, increasing the risk of terrorist activity (this was the only category for which Cote d’Ivoire’s score deteriorated). However, a return to all-out conflict, as experienced during 2010–11, is unlikely in the current political environment. Libya133rd Change in score 2013/14: -0.204 Change in rank 2013/14: 14 For the second consecutive year, Libya has shown a strong improvement in its overall score, as it recovers from its brief, but bloody, 2011 revolution, which saw the government of Muammar Gaddafi toppled with the help of Western intervention. Although, in absolute terms, Libya’s improvement in the 2014 GPI was slightly lower than that of 2013, it managed to climb more positions in the rankings, 14 to be exact, reaching 133rd (it only rose three places in 2013). The main gains were made through a sharp reduction in deaths from organised conflict (where it previously had the highest possible score), as well as in political terror and heavy-weapons capabilities which are now the second lowest in the Middle East, only behind Qatar (and partly reflective of the relatively smaller size of
  17. 17. 14 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology Morsi, by the military and the subsequent crackdown on his party, the Muslim Brotherhood, which had grown into the country’s largest political force after being outlawed during the Mubarak era. The ousting of Mr Morsi, effectively a coup d’état, was exacerbated by the political chaos and intensified unrest, among both Mr Morsi’s followers and his opponents, and which has resulted in hundreds of deaths at the hands of the security forces. Egypt’s score, therefore, deteriorated primarily due to this increase in deaths, but also due to an uptick in levels of perceived criminality and number of homicides per 100,000 people. Although the unrest is likely to ebb over the next year, the marginalisation of the Muslim Brotherhood, which still commands support from an important share of the population, could serve to radicalise Islamist elements, potentially risking further outbreaks of violence or terrorism. CentralAfricanRepublic 156th Change in score 2013/14: +0.313 Change in rank 2013/14: 3 The Central African Republic (CAR) was one of many in the sub-Saharan Africa region to suffer from sectarian conflict, resulting in a deterioration of peace. Already one of the least peaceful countries in the Index, the CAR suffered a major outbreak of violence, beginning in December 2012 as a rebel army from the mostly Muslim Séléka coalition marched towards the capital and had taken control of the government by March. However, the campaign was marked by extensive human-rights abuses, as well as hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people. Fighting between different groups has continued since, however, amid claims of genocide and ethnic cleansing that eventually triggered a French intervention (on a smaller scale than the operation in Mali). As a result, the CAR now scores the highest (worst) in terms of its relations with neighbouring countries, as well as in the number of refugees and displaced people. Additionally, continued political unrest (which has intensified since the cut-off date) has also led to a high likelihood of violent demonstrations. Sharp divisions between the country’s Muslims and Christians, amid accusations of atrocities committed by both sides, highlight the fragile state of peace in this country. and also with the US. Despite this, the country remains at risk of political turbulence, while high inflation and nationalist sentiment over the presence of foreign mining firms keep the door open to potential unrest. SouthSudan160th Change in score 2013/14: +0.795 Change in rank: 16 South Sudan suffered by far the sharpest deterioration in the 2014 GPI, after losing nearly one-quarter of its 2013 score. In absolute terms, its change of 0.795 was over twice that of the next worst, Egypt, and left the country as the third-worst-ranked in the world, above only Afghanistan and Syria. South Sudan’s score was affected by the sudden outbreak of violence that followed opposition leader, Riek Machar, and his supporters’ taking up arms against the government in December 2013. As is the case with many of the other sub-Saharan conflicts that have flared up the past year, the South Sudanese conflict has a clear ethnic dimension, as shown by the support given by the Nuer minority to the rebels, while the government is backed by the Dinka majority. According to IISS data, around 5,000 people have since been killed in the fighting and possibly as many as one million have been displaced. Unsurprisingly, therefore, South Sudan’s score deteriorated quite severely in most key indicators and obtained the highest (worst) possible score in those indicators relating to the number of external and internal conflicts fought, level of violent crime and perceived criminality in society, political instability and ease of access to small arms. Egypt143rd Change in score 2013/14: +0.314 Change in rank 2013/14: 31 Since its 2011 revolution, Egypt has continued to fail in consolidating political stability and, as a consequence, suffered the second-steepest deterioration of any country in the 2014 GPI, along with a fall of 31 places in the Index (more than any other), to 143rd. Furthermore, this came after only a modest decrease in 2013. The key domestic event in the past year was the ousting of former president, Mohammed TOPFIVENATIONAL DETERIORATIONSINPEACE
  18. 18. 15 Ukraine141st Change in score 2013/14: +0.295 Change in rank 2013/14: 30 Ukraine is the only country outside of Africa and the Middle East to feature among the five countries with the sharpest deterioration of peace over the past year. It also saw the second-steepest fall in the rankings: 30 positions, to 141st place, which places it lowest in the Russia and Eurasia region, aside from Russia itself. The defining event was the outbreak of the Euromaidan movement in November 2013. The protests, which originally called for greater European integration, in contrast to the pro-Russian agenda of the government of Viktor Yanukovych, eventually widened to demand the removal of the government itself, something that was finally achieved in late February 2014. The protests, however, had the effect of antagonising Ukraine’s neighbour, Russia, with which it has strong economic linkages and upon which it is dependent for oil and gas supplies. Ukraine’s score was affected by a worsening of indicators relating to relations with neighbouring countries and levels of organised conflict, and, to a lesser extent, by the likelihood of violent demonstrations and political instability. Supporting the score, however, was a fall in the jailed population and a reduction in heavy-weapons capabilities. Syria162nd Change in score 2013/14: +0.244 Change in rank 2013/14: 1 Syria has swapped places with previously bottom-ranked Afghanistan and now appears as the least peaceful country in the world, according to the 2014 GPI. Over the course of the past year, the Syrian civil war intensified to new heights of violence and bloodshed, with an estimate of around 100,000 persons killed since the fighting erupted in 2011, and millions displaced (this, in turn, was the main indicator that led to the deterioration in Syria’s score, along with the ease of access to small arms). The most significant event was the chemical attack by government forces in Ghouta, a suburb of Damascus, that left hundreds dead and resulted in strong international condemnation and, almost, to intervention by Western forces. This was only averted after a last-minute deal, sponsored by Russia, to disarm the Syrian government of its chemical-weapons capabilities, to which it has mostly complied and, hence, has resulted in a slight boost to the score. However, the tepid support offered by the West to the rebels (in contrast to the lavish support of the government by Russia) has resulted in a stalemate, in which the government now appears more likely to prevail and that foreshadows another year of bloodshed for what is the world’s least peaceful country. MAJORINTERNAL CONFLICTORCIVILWAR ISAFEATUREINALLOF THECOUNTRIESMOST DETERIORATEDINPEACE INTHE2014GPI.
  19. 19. 16 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology The fall in global peace in the last year has primarily been driven by the deterioration in four indicators: terrorist activity; number of internal and external conflicts fought; number of displaced people as a percentage of the population; and number of deaths from organised internal conflict. Counteracting these deteriorations are slight improvements on four indicators: political terror, number of homicides per 100,000 people, number of deaths from organised external conflict and number of armed services personnel per 100,000 people. The annual change is calculated by taking the average of the scores for each of the 22 indicators of the GPI for each of the 162 countries analysed in 2013 and 2014. Improvements Political terror, which measures levels of political violence and terror, saw a two percent improvement. Political terror decreased especially in the South Asia and the Middle East and North Africa regions with the most significant improvements in Afghanistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Yemen, Libya, Egypt and Algeria. A few countries in other regions however experienced an increase in political terror, with the biggest deteriorations recorded in Mali and Haiti. These annual changes are in line with the seven-year trend which shows steady improvement pointing to less widespread use of state repression. Number of homicides per 100,000 people has improved due to changes in nine countries. It should be noted however that the global homicide rate may vary year-to- year due to better data collection by the UNODC, therefore year-on-year trends may be slightly conflicting with the longer term trend being more accurate. The number of deaths from organised external conflict has improved slightly due to positive changes in only three countries: Cambodia, Ethiopia and France. This was the result of lessening tensions in the Cambodian-Thai border dispute, fewer deaths for the Ethiopian conflict with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and fewer external deaths for the French involvement in Afghanistan. Deteriorations Terrorist activity, a composite weighted measure of the number of fatalities, injuries and property damage caused by terrorism, recorded the greatest deterioration of all indicators since last year. It moved 10 percent, more than double the change of the next largest deteriorating indicator. According to the Global Terrorism Database which underpins this indicator, the number of deaths from terrorist activity increased globally from 11,000 in 2012 to an estimated 17,800 in 2013. While the majority of the increase in terrorist activity can be attributed to Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Nigeria their scores did not increase greatly as these countries were already at or near the highest possible score. There were also notable increases in terrorist activity in the Asia-Pacific countries of Malaysia and the Philippines as well as large increases being recorded in MENA and sub- Saharan Africa. The United States also deteriorated due to the Boston Marathon bombings. The number of internal and external conflicts fought increased, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa with the largest increases recorded for South Sudan and Uganda. Other regions deteriorated as well with countries such as China and Sudan engaging in new conflicts. In total 16 countries recorded an increase in the number of conflicts with eight of those being sub-Saharan African. China’s score deteriorated due to the recognition of ongoing conflict with the East Turkestan independence movement. In the case of South Sudan and Uganda they are both engaged in conflict with the Allied Democratic movement (ADF) and Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The number of displaced people as a percentage of the population measures both the levels of refugees leaving a country as well as the number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) within the country. Not surprisingly, Syria saw the single largest deterioration on this indicator with more than 12 percent of its population displaced or in refugee status. Most of the other increases in the number of displaced people were recorded in sub-Saharan Africa, driven by the outbreak of ethnic conflict in South Sudan, Central African Republic and Mali. Increases were also recorded in other regions, in countries such as Haiti, Kyrgyz Republic and Myanmar. table 1.10 The three indicators which had the biggest improvements and deteriorations from 2013 to 2014 It should be noted that, on the whole, the magnitude of indicator changes has been greater for those indicators which have deteriorated than those which have improved. TOP-THREEIMPROVEMENTS 2013TO2014CHANGE Political terror -0.049 Number of homicides per 100,000 people -0.049 Estimated number of deaths from organised conflict external -0.019 TOP-THREEDETERIORATIONS 2013TO2014CHANGE Terrorist activity 0.167 Number of external and internal conflicts fought 0.099 Number of displaced people as a percentage of the population 0.031 GPIindicators: annualchanges
  20. 20. 17 ■■ The economic impact of containing and dealing with the consequences of violence in 2013 was significant, amounting to US$9.8 trillion or 11.3 percent of global GDP. ■■ To put it in perspective, this amount is equivalent to around US$1,350 per person, or twice the size of Africa’s economy. ■■ Compared to estimates for 2012, it represents an increase of direct costs of US$179 billion or a 3.8 percent rise in violence containment costs globally. ■■ The increase in the global economic impact of violence equates to 0.4 percent of global GDP. IEP has developed a methodology for estimating the cost of violence to the global economy. Reflecting updated data and refinements to the methodology, these estimates have been updated as part of the 2014 Global Peace Index to enable an assessment of the global cost of violence for 2013. For further details on the methodology please refer to IEP’s report The Economic Cost of Violence Containment. The method values thirteen different dimensions of violence and conflict, allowing for relative comparisons to be made between 162 countries as well as aggregating the amount to arrive at a global figure. Violence containment spending is defined as economic activity that is related to the consequences or prevention of violence where the violence is directed against people or property. Since the methodology was first developed as part of the 2013 Global Peace Index, a number of refinements have been made, so as to allow for better estimates. The estimates are highly conservative as there are many items which have not been counted simply because accurate data could not be obtained. Due to the inability to count many items, military spending as a percentage of the total expenditure at 52 percent of the total is higher than would be expected. Results of the analysis have been provided in Table 1.11. The economic impact to the global economy of containing and dealing with the consequences of violence in 2013 was significant, amounting to US$9.8 trillion, or 11.3 percent, up by 0.4 percent of global GDP. To put this in perspective this is equivalent to around US$1,350 per person, and is twice the size of Africa’s economy. Compared to estimates for 2012 this represents an increase of US$179 billion or a 3.8 percent rise in violence containment costs globally. The increase is due not only to the deterioration in peace as recorded in the GPI but also to IEP being able to include additional data. One notable area of increase is a result of China’s military expenditure being revised upwards from 1.1 to 2.1 percent of GDP. The second biggest movements were those relating to internal conflict, with an increase of $50 billion as a consequence of the ‘cost of conflict’ estimates now including all those countries with greater than 500 battle deaths. This deeper insight into the international costs of violence enables the international community to more accurately assess the cost/benefits associated with interventions to decrease violence and the likely benefits that would flow from improvements in peace. A full list of violence containment estimates by country has been provided in Annex B. GlobalCostof Violencein2013 Table 1.11: Global Violence Containment Costs The costs of violence containment from military expenditure, homicides and internal security are significant. ViolenceType TotalDirectCost (us$Billion) Military expenditure $2,535 Homicides $720 Internal security $625 Violent crime $325 Private security $315 Incarceration $185 Gdp losses from conflict $130 Deaths from internal conflict $30 Fear $25 Terrorism $10 Un peacekeeping $5 Idps and refugees $2 Deaths from external conflict $1 Total (direct only) $4,908 Total(including1for1peacemultiplier) $9,816
  21. 21. global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology 18 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology Exploring the relationship between the role of institutions and outcomes in countries’ peacefulness is one of the key objectives of the Global Peace Index research programme. Some countries display remarkable levels of peacefulness in spite of serious shortcomings in their institutions; others have strong, democratic institutions and yet perform poorly in the Global Peace Index rankings. Twenty case studies have been selected to explore the relationship between democratic institutions and peace: ten with strong democracies and a relatively low level of peacefulness and ten relatively peaceful compared to their institutional strength. The country sample was determined by calculating the delta between countries’ performance in the 2013 Global Peace Index and the EIU’s 2012 Democracy Index—those with the largest discrepancy were included in the analysis. This selection criterion allowed us to capture a diverse set of countries, encompassing different geographies, degrees of economic development, political systems and sets of internal and external issues. This section is intended to advance the dialogue on the relationship between democratic institutions and peace and highlight key challenges countries face in their journey towards becoming more prosperous societies. table 1.12 Case Study Countries with a Peace or Democracy Deficit Countries with the largest discrepancy between levels of democracy and peace and vice versa. DemocracyDeficit PeaceDeficit Qatar Israel Laos India UAE Colombia Vietnam South Africa Oman Mexico Bhutan Jamaica Kuwait United States Djibouti Thailand Jordan Philippines Equatorial Guinea Peru Qatar 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 22/162(VeryHigh) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 138/167 (Authoritarianregime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$2,995 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 3.1% LevelofHumanDevelopment VeryHigh IncomeGroup HighIncome PopulationSize 2,050,500(Small) Qatar has consistently topped the regional rankings in the Global Peace Index since 2009, a testament to the ability of successive leaders to ensure prolonged domestic stability. Qataris continue to enjoy the benefits of the country’s vast hydrocarbons wealth, but risks to peaceful development in the country include frequent diplomatic tensions with neighbouring states, self-censorship and discrimination against foreign workers. democracy deficit analysis The wide discrepancy between Qatar’s peace and democracy scores is explained by the royal family’s commitment to providing its subjects with an extremely high standard of living, resulting in a very peaceful society. An orderly transfer from Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani to his son, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, in June 2013 was a rare peaceful transition of power in a turmoil-hit region, and has stemmed a potentially divisive rivalry with the influential former prime minister, Sheikh Hamad Bin Jassim al-Thani. The refreshing of the political leadership has helped ensure that Qatar remains largely unaffected by the social unrest that has gripped parts of the region since early 2011, although the new emir has, to a great extent, maintained the policies of his predecessor. Qatar has thrown its weight behind the pro-democracy protests that have swept North Africa and parts of the Middle East since January 2011. However, there is ample countrycase stUdies
  22. 22. 19 Laos 2014GlobalPeaceIndex Rank 38/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 156/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolence Containmentpercapita US$55 CostofViolence Containmentas%ofGDP 1.8% LevelofHumanDevelopment Medium IncomeGroup LowerMiddleIncome PopulationSize 6,645,800(Medium) Laos enjoys internal stability and a benign external environment, but aspects of this positive picture are misleading. In particular, domestic tranquillity is imposed from above by a repressive and unaccountable regime, rather than achieved from below, through a political system that allows people to express their grievances and addresses them efficiently. Governance problems, such as rampant corruption and the absence of the rule of law and judicial independence, continue to pose significant risks. In the past five years, rapid economic development has boosted general material wellbeing, but a skew towards national-resource extraction and large-scale agribusiness has also sown the seeds for rising social tensions. democracy deficit analysis Laos is a country at peace—ranking 38th overall in the 2014 Global Peace Index—but is almost entirely lacking in democratic freedoms. Only 11 countries in the world are more authoritarian, according to the EIU’s 2012 Democracy Index. A heavy-handed government enforces internal security tightly, and there is no significant, organised resistance to the authorities. Rapid economic growth and regional trade integration are, on balance, supportive of peace, as they raise living standards at home and strengthen crossborder links. Nevertheless, this placid picture hides problems that could undermine Laos’s peacefulness in the years ahead, most of which relate to the governance problems of the authoritarian, one-party state. In particular, rapid economic growth is exacerbating disputes over land and other resources. Governance problems in Laos can be traced to the nature of the ruling party, the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party (LPRP), and its monopoly on power. Like its communist brethren in neighbouring China and Vietnam, the LPRP has embraced limited economic liberalisation in recent years. Economic development has boosted per-capita income, literacy and life-expectancy. Laos joined the WTO in 2013 and is committed to expanding ties within the Association evidence to suggest that internal opposition to the emir is not tolerated by the local authorities. An example of the ongoing self-censorship is the case of Mohammed al-Ajami, a Qatari poet, who was arrested in 2011 and subsequently sentenced to life-imprisonment a year later for reciting a poem critical of Sheikh Hamad and his son (the sentence was later reduced to 15 years). Qatar’s web of (often conflicting) alliances on the international scene has given the country’s global profile a welcome boost, but has also alienated regional heavyweights. Sheikh Tamim assumed power amid heightened expectations that he would tamper with his father’s activist foreign policy. However, Qatar continues to court Islamist groups, and its powerful media arm, the state- owned Al-Jazeera TV, continues to place internal conflicts in neighbouring countries under the spotlight. The dispute with Egypt culminated in the removal of Egypt’s envoy to Qatar in January 2014. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain have also recalled their envoys to Qatar, due to alleged interference by Qatar in their internal affairs. This has led Qatar to a point of isolation in a region torn by rivalries. So far, business relations with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, on whom Qatar relies for much of its construction material essential to completing major infrastructure works, have been unaffected. Barriers to peace Freedom of expression is limited in Qatar. The ruling family has been able to maintain its control over decision- making, as many powerful local families favour a steadfastly conservative political system that protects vested interests. An electoral law passed in 2008 paved the way for the creation of a two-thirds-elected Advisory Council with limited legislative powers. However, no election has yet taken place and the council remains fully appointed. Foreign workers also complain that their employers are rarely held accountable. The government plans to amend parts of its Labour Law, but the nascent state of the judicial system will prove problematic for foreign workers seeking to hold their employers to account. An abundance of cheap labour in developing countries means that the Qatari government can easily replace domestic foreign labour, should labourers protest their working conditions in public. Difficulty in developing peaceful relations with regional powers is among the greatest threats facing the country at present. Although an armed conflict with fellow Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states and Egypt is a distant scenario, a prolonged stand-off with the former could undermine Qatar’s efforts to become a regional financial and business hub.
  23. 23. 20 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology UnitedArab Emirates 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 40/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 149/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$1,270 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 4.3% LevelofHumanDevelopment VeryHigh IncomeGroup HighIncome PopulationSize 9,205,700(Medium) The UAE has remained politically stable over the last five years, contributing to a broadly peaceful period. The uprisings that erupted in several countries in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 did not directly affect the UAE, but did prompt the authorities to tighten security, including a crackdown on those seen as political activists. democracy deficit analysis The UAE scores relatively well on measures of peace, but badly on measures of democracy. The score for the UAE in the Global Peace Index has fluctuated within a narrow band in 2008–14, worsening to 1.75 in 2013 from 1.56 in 2008. The indicators of levels of internal peace have however stayed much the same over the seven-year period. The UAE has not suffered from internal conflicts or terrorist activity in these years and enjoys low levels of violent crime and homicides. While the political system is largely unrepresentative, the population of UAE nationals is small and largely well cared for materially by the state. There have been some signs of discontent from the northern emirates, where the benefits of economic development have not been felt as strongly as they have in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. The authorities are responding with various development programmes for the poorer emirates. There has been a strong focus on domestic security throughout the period, with considerable investment in maintaining a heavily staffed police force, resulting in a score of 4 for ‘internal security’. The UAE is also a big purchaser of major conventional weapons; military spending in the UAE is driven both by domestic and external factors. Security focus have become even more marked since 2011, following the Arab Spring uprisings, which saw protests break out elsewhere in the region. Although the UAE has not experienced much in the way of social unrest, the authorities have tightened freedom of speech—the UAE of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), which plans to transform itself into a single market, the ASEAN Economic Community, by 2015. However, wide-ranging economic liberalisation has not been accompanied by structural political change. Lao’s population is poor and mostly rural, and there is little evidence of growing demand for increased civil liberties. Nevertheless, the government’s lack of accountability is generating discontent that could eventually lead to instability. Rampant corruption and land-disputes are two prominent—and connected—examples. Laos consistently ranks within the bottom 20% globally on corruption indices, and the government-controlled judiciary offers little recourse from official graft or land grabs. There are no effective curbs on the ability of officials to confiscate land— all of which is state-owned—and hand it over to mining and agribusiness interests in exchange for lucrative kickbacks. In recent years, the acreage of land conceded to large developers has soared, along with unresolved claims for compensation. In the absence of freedom of expression and electoral institutions, there are few ways, other than illegal protests, for victims to publicise their plight, to seek redress or to put pressure on the government to change its policies. Barriers to peace Looking ahead, the LPRP’s governance failures will pose challenges to peace, which will be exacerbated by aspects of Laos’s foreign relations. The involvement of foreign firms—often Chinese or Vietnamese state-owned enterprises operating with local partners—in resource extraction, plantation agribusiness and hydropower projects has been associated with evictions and losses of arable land. As these sectors continue to drive economic development in the years ahead, domestic political stability could come under strain unless the government develops mechanisms for dealing with grievances related to corruption and land dispossession. Laosisacountry atpeace—ranking 38thoverallinthe 2014GlobalPeace Index—butisalmost entirelylacking indemocratic freedoms.
  24. 24. 21 policymaking, including part-privatisation of the over- extended and inefficient state-owned sector, is helping to revive GDP growth and generate greater employment opportunities. Politically, the domestic scene is largely peaceful—although this partly reflects the authorities’ intolerance of dissent, rather than an absence of discontent. On the external front, however, the temperature of Vietnam’s territorial disputes with China has risen, fuelling concerns that maritime stand-offs could escalate dangerously. democracy deficit analysis Vietnam scores far better on indicators of peacefulness than democracy; the country ranks 45th in the 2014 Global Peace Index, but languishes at 144th on the Democracy Index. This variance is rooted in diverging economic and political trends, as Vietnam pursues a development model that combines economic change with political stasis. A crackdown on government critics, especially bloggers, was launched in 2013, leading to a series of show trials and the imprisonment of dozens of people. With the judiciary and all state institutions controlled by the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV), and little space for civil society to develop, victims of official malfeasance have no real avenues by which to seek redress. This is one underlying reason for a spate of violent incidents in recent years, in which citizens have attacked government representatives. Anti-Chinese nationalism has also sparked protests, bringing a harsh response from a government that perceives accusations of weakness in its foreign policy as a challenge to the CPV’s legitimacy. This continuing authoritarianism contrasts with recent economic trends that have been strongly supportive of domestic peace in Vietnam. Steady economic development is pushing up average incomes, allowing higher spending on education, boosting literacy and raising enrolment in higher education—all factors broadly correlated with peacefulness. The country is vigorously pursuing regional and global integration; Vietnam joined the WTO in 2007, is a participant in negotiations towards the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade pact, and is a member of the single-market ASEAN Economic Community (slated for 2015). Export growth is an economic-policy priority, and large and steadily increasing inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) are giving the authorities an incentive to pursue market reforms. On the policy front, the government is gradually dismantling the privileged position of state-owned enterprises, many of which have stagnated in recent years, while private businesses have thrived. Given that the state sector is far more closed, opaque and corrupt, paring it back will have a positive impact on drivers of peace tied to perceptions of corruption and criminality. Between 2010 and 2012, at the same time that the government began to crack down on graft and mismanagement in the state sector, Vietnam’s score on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index crept up sufficiently to pull the country out of the bottom third of the global rankings. has dropped three places, to 118th in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index—and initiated a crackdown on political activists. A trial of 94 activists in July 2013 found 69 of them guilty of plotting to overthrow the government. Many of the defendants belonged to the Islamist group, Al-Islah. International human-rights groups and the UN criticised this trial and a second trial in January 2014 as deeply flawed. The UAE’s performance in militarisation indicators has deteriorated slightly over the seven-year period, largely owing to burgeoning military expenditure. The UAE is situated in a volatile region and has maintained high levels of military expenditure out of its concern to ensure security. In particular, the UAE has been worried in recent years about the potential for Iran to develop its nuclear-weapons capability. These investments are designed as deterrents against aggressors, rather than a reflection of a belligerent power—the UAE is not prone to becoming engaged in external military conflicts (although it did contribute fighter jets to the 2011 NATO mission in Libya). Barriers to peace While the UAE enjoys a number of relatively peaceful trends, there are areas for improvement. Reforms to improve the independence and transparency of the judiciary would instil some confidence in the justice system and the UAE’s observance of human rights. Freedom of the press is also lacking. Meanwhile, investments to reduce socio-economic disparities between the different emirates would help support the largely stable political scene. If such investments displaced a proportion of military spending, then the UAE’s score in the index would improve. Vietnam 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 45/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 144/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$155 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 3.8% LevelofHumanDevelopment Medium IncomeGroup LowerMiddleIncome PopulationSize 88,775,500(Large) Recent economic trends have been a positive force for peace in Vietnam, with the country recovering from a bout of macroeconomic instability in 2010–11 that sharpened social tensions and fuelled public discontent. Improved
  25. 25. 22 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology high ranking on the Global Peace Index (59th out of 162), reflects the country’s low level of perceived criminality, violent crime and terrorist activity. Nonetheless, Oman scores a 4 for its number of internal security officers and access to light weapons, and a 4.6 for military spending. The likelihood of violent demonstration also remains relatively high, with a score of 3. The 2011 protests calling for greater job creation, faster political reform and more transparent governance centred on the industrial city of Sohar, which is home to many of the industries intended to improve economic diversification and thereby reduce Oman’s dependence on oil. In response, a raft of economic and political concessions were announced by Oman’s ruler, Sultan Qaboos bin Said al-Said, the most important of which was the granting of legislative powers to the Majlis al-Shura (Consultative Council) in October 2011. Other significant concessions included a major cabinet reshuffle in March 2011, which saw 12 ministers replaced, with five new ministers being selected from the Majlis al-Shura. The Council of Ministers, comprising the Majlis al-Shura and the fully appointed Majlis al-Dawla, the State Council, has also been granted legislative powers. However, in spite of these concessions, political power is still concentrated in the hands of the sultan, and, as such, remains the key risk to political stability. Criticism of the authorities—and of the sultan himself— has increased since 2012, and the subsequent arrest and conviction of a number of bloggers and activists indicates that the government is unwilling to tolerate full freedom of expression. Oman’s ranking in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders, fell to 134th place out of 180 countries, from 127th in 2013. In March 2013 the sultan issued a pardon for those who had been convicted in 2012, but, following this conciliatory gesture, the clampdown on freedom of speech has continued with further arrests. There were small-scale demonstrations in 2012 protesting against a renewed clampdown on freedom of expression. Aware of the potential for further protests, the authorities have increased attempts to root out corruption, and have, since early 2014, sentenced a number of government officials and executives at state-run companies to lengthy prison terms for corruption and abuse of office. External threats to peace are also posed by Oman’s geographical position, which makes it susceptible to regional tensions, especially given its location on the opposite side of the Strait of Hormuz from Iran. Tensions rose in January 2012 when Iran threatened to close the strait. Iran may repeat such threats sporadically, although the more moderate stance adopted by Iran’s new president, Hassan Rouhani, and the November 2013 interim nuclear deal with the P5+1 powers (permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany) make this less likely. Further, Oman shares its southern border with Yemen, which is emerging from a deep political crisis. Parts of Yemen are Barriers to peace Looking ahead, the government’s strategy of economic liberalisation, combined with tight political control, may pose a longer-term dilemma. On the one hand, increased affluence will likely stimulate demand for civil liberties, free expression and more meaningful political participation. On the other hand, failure to deliver continued rapid economic growth and job creation would also put the government under pressure. Meanwhile, tensions with China are likely to continue to flare up regularly, reflecting both the intractability of the two countries’ maritime territorial disputes and a rising risk of escalation, as both countries enhance their naval capabilities, fishing activities and hydrocarbon exploration. Since there is a fine line between expressing nationalism and criticising the CPV for failing to stand up to its historical foe, the government will continue to suppress anti-China protests. As a result, Vietnam’s turbulent relations with its giant neighbour are reinforcing its authoritarian instincts at home. oman 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 59/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 135/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$3,940 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 13.8% LevelofHumanDevelopment High IncomeGroup HighIncome PopulationSize 3,314,000(Small) Domestic stability over the past five years has been informed by the popular protests that began in 2011 and gave way to smaller-scale demonstrations in 2012. The government’s response to unrest, in the form of a series of political and economic concessions, helped to ensure stability. However, risks to the sultanate’s peaceful development remain as a result of widespread perceptions of corruption, inequalities of wealth and high youth unemployment. External risks to peace are posed by instabilty in neighbouring Yemen and the possibility of a deterioration in the US’s relations with Iran. democracy deficit analysis Oman, like its Gulf Arab neighbours, is an authoritarian state and, therefore, ranks poorly the 2012 Democracy Index (135th place out of 167). However, Oman’s comparatively
  26. 26. 23 transition was relatively smooth. As a result, Bhutan’s scores on both the Global Peace Index and the Democracy Index improved in 2013. The Himalayan nation, which uses a measure of gross national happiness as an alternative to gross national product, elected a new government in 2013. Although the new administration seems to be focusing less on the gross national happiness index, there is little to indicate that the tiny nation’s largely peaceful history will change. The country has experienced very few instances of internal and external conflict—a largely smooth transition of power from monarchy to democracy and good relations with its neighbours are at the crux of its peaceful existence. Bhutan’s culture is steeped in the ancient traditions of Buddhism—at the core of which is a strong non-violence pledge—Bhutan provides universal healthcare and free education for its population and as a consequence internal conflict and crime are almost non-existent. However, its emphasis on the Buddhist culture had resulted in violent ethnic unrest in the late 1980s and 1990s: a census conducted in 1988 classified a large proportion of the Lhotshampas, an ethnic Nepali community most of whom practise Hinduism, as illegal in Bhutan. The violence that followed led to several Nepalis being forced to leave Bhutan—an estimated 100,000 Lhotshampas became refugees and some of these were granted refuge in the US. Relations with Nepal have been strained since then. Although there have been no reports of the expulsion of any of the remaining Lhotshampas in recent years, the minority community has been increasingly alienated from mainstream society. Given its geographic position, nestled between China and India, Bhutan has strategic significance, making it an important ally for India. Its foreign relations are predominantly determined by India; Bhutan and China do not have official diplomatic relations, although the government, led by the Druk Phuensum Tshogpa party, did move closer to Beijing in the later years of its rule, thereby straining relations with India. The People’s Democratic Party, led by Tshering Tobgay, won the 2013 election and his campaign has since focused on restoring the good relationship with New Delhi. Barriers to peace There are no apparent threats to the country’s political stability and this will limit the probability of disruptions to internal peace. The peaceful nature of its population, combined with a policy focus on general happiness and wellbeing, should further ensure that Bhutan remains on a stable path throughout its first years as a democracy. In respect of external peace, there is only a minimal risk of an escalated conflict, which would be likely to entail a dispute between China and India. under the sway of tribal, military and—in a few places— terrorist control, and Oman has tightened its border as a consequence of this. Barriers to peace The key risk to domestic political stability, and, therefore, peace, is the centralisation of power in the hands of the sultan. Uncertainty surrounding his succession became more important in light of protests in 2011–12, which called for a more open political process. The 73-year-old head of state, who has ruled since 1970 and exercises authority within a highly centralised structure, has no children, and none of the three first cousins widely viewed as the leading candidates to succeed him has yet been trusted with substantial executive power. The succession process is unusual and untested. Moreover, the potential for further popular discontent remains high, given widespread perceptions of corruption, inequalities of wealth and high youth unemployment. External threats to peace remain in the form of any deterioration in relations between Iran and and the US or other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, or a further deterioration in security in Yemen. bhutan 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 16/162(VeryHigh) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 107/167(Hybridregime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$35 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 0.5% LevelofHumanDevelopment Medium IncomeGroup LowerMiddleIncome PopulationSize 741,800(Small) Bhutan has succeeded in establishing a longstanding internal peace and its transition from monarchy to a full- fledged democracy, although recent, has been remarkable. The small Himalayan kingdom held its second general election in 2013 and, although the opposition won, the transfer of power was efficient and smooth. democracy deficit analysis Bhutan’s firm move to democracy in 2008 is commendable, particularly if its transition is compared to that of Nepal. While, in the latter, the monarchy was stripped of its powers and the path to democracy was laid by a Maoist insurgency movement and violent pro-democracy protests, Bhutan’s
  27. 27. 24 global peace index 2014 / 01 /results, findings & methodology increasingly sensitive to criticism and have shown that they will not tolerate any protests or dissent that they view as a threat to social stability. A number of social-media users have also been jailed for insulting the Emir, and Kuwait’s ranking in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders, fell to 91st place out of 180 countries, from 77th in 2013. Furthermore, sectarian tensions have escalated over the past few years as groups of Kuwaiti Sunnis and Shia have backed opposing warring parties in Syria. Corruption in both politics and business remains a factor, although the creation in June 2013 of an anti-corruption body, along with the introduction of tougher corruption laws, may improve the situation. Nonetheless, Kuwait scores poorly on the Corruption Perceptions Index, ranking 69th out of 177 countries. Traditionally, there have been strong ties between leading business families and politicians, and, although these have weakened over the past five years, they can still come into play over economic issues where entrenched interests are at stake. Externally, even as relations with Iraq have improved in recent years (most recently with the resumption of Kuwait Airways flights to Iraq in November 2013), Iraq has remained one of Kuwait’s leading foreign-policy concerns. Relations with Iran have warmed since the election of Hassan Rouhani as president in June 2013. Kuwait has welcomed his policy of regional rapprochement, in contrast to that of Saudi Arabia, which has called for the aggressive containment of Iran. Barriers to peace The biggest barrier to domestic political stability in Kuwait remains poor executive-legislative relations and a revival of the political opposition, as suggested by Kuwait’s poor scoring on the Democracy Index’s functioning of government category. Although MPs have far more power to initiate and block legislation and to question ministers than in the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, the National Assembly has extremely limited powers to propose new policies. As a result, MPs’ attempts to block policy will persist. External threats to peace will continue to loom. Although the prospects of a conflict over Iran’s nuclear programme has diminished since the deal struck between Iran and the P5+1 (the permanent members of the UN Security Council and Germany) in November 2013, as a strategic ally of the US, Kuwait still risks being drawn into a conflict should Iran’s relations with the GCC deteriorate. Furthermore, there is a threat to Kuwait of spillover from Iraqi turbulence. Kuwait 2014GlobalPeaceIndexRank 37/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndexRank 119/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolenceContainment percapita US$2,480 CostofViolenceContainment as%ofGDP 5.2% LevelofHumanDevelopment High IncomeGroup HighIncome PopulationSize 3,250,500(Small) Over the past five years, Kuwait’s political scene has been characterised by volatility, which has led to a number of large street demonstrations, and, on rare occasions, to violent civil unrest. Externally, Kuwait has been vulnerable to instability in neighbouring Iraq and to the threat of regional conflict triggered by Iran’s nuclear programme. democracy deficit analysis Although Kuwait is an authoritarian state, and, therefore, ranks poorly on the EIU’s 2012 Democracy Index (119th out of 167 states), its comparatively strong position on the Global Peace Index (37th place) reflects its largely peaceful society, supported by the country’s social contract with its citizens—sharing oil wealth in return for political acquiescence. The political environment has improved since the most recent elections (July 2013) paved the way for a National Assembly with a more even balance of government supporters and their opponents, as the previous assembly was dominated by government loyalists. However, political stability in Kuwait remains challenging, and characterised by the struggle for power between the elected National Assembly and a cabinet appointed by the Emir, a struggle that shows no sign of abating. During the Arab Spring, confrontations between an emboldened opposition and the government intensified. Although mass protests succeeded in gaining Sheikh Nasser’s resignation, demonstrations against the government continued, and, in October 2012, the largest protest in Kuwait’s history drew 100,000 protesters. As elements of the opposition favoured direct action against the government, demonstrations occasionally turned violent, deepening hostilities; security forces used tear gas and rubber bullets to disperse protesters. (Kuwait has a high number of security personnel compared to civilians, scoring a 5 out of 5 on the GPI). In response, the government has cracked down on social media and the press. The authorities have become
  28. 28. 25 measured by the Gini index, was 0.4 in 2002 (the most recent data available), which compares unfavourably with neighbouring Ethiopia (0.3 in 2005). (The index ranges from 0, representing perfect equality, to 1, maximum inequality.) Gross national income in Djibouti is far higher than in neighbouring states, but the livelihoods of a small, relatively well educated elite stand in stark contrast to those of the majority. Unemployment is estimated at above 50 percent and indices of absolute and relative poverty are among the worst in sub-Saharan Africa. In 2008 fighting broke out between Djiboutian and Eritrean troops in the disputed Ras Doumeira border area, and the dispute is yet to be resolved. Djibouti’s attempts to play a stabilising role in Somalia has included hosting UN-sponsored Somali reconciliation talks in 2008-09 and contributing troops to the African Union Mission in Somalia (Amisom) since 2011. The government’s role in Somalia inevitably brings attendant security risks, but Djibouti’s reputation for peace and political stability has nourished its strategic importance in the region, politically as host to foreign military facilities belonging to the US, France and others, and commercially as a key hub for trade, both regionally and globally. Barriers to peace Internally, domestic discontent, driven by ethnic tensions and extreme inequality of wealth, could fuel any resultant threats to national security, although criticism of the status quo is harshly suppressed as a matter of routine. Dijbouti’s enduring strategic importance is likely to temper criticism of its limited political pluralism. However, Djibouti remains vulnerable to external destabilisation, particularly given its population’s extensive links to neighbouring states in the volatile Horn of Africa. Jordan 2014GlobalPeaceIndex Rank 56/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndex Rank 121/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolence Containmentpercapita US$350 CostofViolence Containmentas%ofGDP 5.6% LevelofHuman Development Medium IncomeGroup UpperMiddleIncome PopulationSize 6,318,000(Medium) Jordan is vulnerable to the wave of unrest that has washed Djibouti 2014GlobalPeaceIndex Rank 74/162(High) 2012DemocracyIndex Rank 147/167(Authoritarian regime) CostofViolence Containmentpercapita US$100 CostofViolence Containmentas%ofGDP 3.4% LevelofHuman Development Low IncomeGroup LowerMiddleIncome PopulationSize 859,700(Small) Djibouti, despite facing serious challenges in its democratic process, is a haven of relative peace in the otherwise turbulent Horn of Africa. Instability in neighbouring states represents a threat to security in the country, but its status as a relatively secure, strategic regional hub is likely to remain. democracy deficit analysis Djibouti ranks 74th in the 2014 Global Peace Index, reflecting its relatively peaceful status. However, despite the fact that its rank in the Democracy Index rose slightly (from 152nd of 167 in 2008 to 147th in 2013), Djibouti remains far from being a fully-developed democracy. Its democratic credentials improved in the 2013 parliamentary elections, in which the opposition secured seats in the National Assembly for the first time since independence in 1977. Opposition groups rejected the result, which gave the ruling party’s electoral coalition, Union pour la majorité présidentielle (UMP) 49 of 65 seats, and street demonstrations alleging fraud were met with a heavy- handed response, echoing the rapid put-down of protests in 2011 following the Arab Spring. The UMP continues to dominate the political landscape; opposition parties are given little space to voice dissenting opinions in the state- controlled media—Djibouti ranks 169th of 180 countries in the 2014 World Press Freedom Index—and the political system remains rooted in patronage. In practice, the political pluralism enshrined in the constitution does little to conceal the enormous power residing with the presidential office and Djibouti’s rank on the Democracy Index puts it among the countries considered “authoritarian regimes”. Internally, the threats to peace are minor, as shown by good scores in indicators such as level of violent crime (1/5) and terrorist activity (1/5), although tensions between the two main ethnic groups—the Issa of Somali origin and the Afar, who have ethnic links to Ethiopia and Eritrea—are a constant facet of domestic political life. Inequality is another potential driver of internal conflict. Income inequality, as