1. A Literature review on Young People and Political Engagement
Natalie Dyer: 2873692
Words: 2,490 (Excluding in text citations).
In America, young voters claim an historic distinction: they played a key role in the election
of the nation’s first African-American president. (IPHU:2014) They have also served as the
most visible face of The Occupy Wall Street Movement. (Eichler:2011)
However, in the critical analysis of this literature review, it has been found that the assorted
research findings from interspersed areas of the world have focused on disparate aspects of the
issue at large, with each article having different emphases, strengths, and weaknesses. With
this in mind, the categories of discussion will also be based upon the most talked about topics
found in my research.
The Impact of Education on Young Voters
Using annual cross-sectional data from the organisation, Monitoring the Future,
The US National Library of Medicine National Institutes of Health, presented a study
examining trends over a 30-year period in U.S. high school seniors’ civic behaviours and
beliefs. They used data spanning from 1976 to 2005. The measures came in survey form, and
a different sample of approximately 3,000 students responded to a given question each year.
They compared youths’ civic engagement based on their college aspirations, and the results
showed that, compared to youth with no college plans, those with four year college plans had
about two to three times greater odds of engaging (or planning to engage) in conventional and
alternative civic activities. Likewise, they had four times greater odds of voting or intending to
vote, compared to non-college-bound youth. (Syvertsen et all:2012)
Similar in theory, during the fall of 2006, the political science students at Tufts University,
worked under the auspices of the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Citizenship and Public Service,
to conduct the “National Survey of Civic and Political Engagement of Young People.” They
surveyed 1,000 people aged 18 to 24 years old. The purpose of this survey was to examine two
specific sub-groups of young people – full-time students in four year colleges, and non-college
youth - to obtain information about their political and civic attitudes and behaviour.

2. The survey was designed to elicit responses from two specific groups of young people: those
who were enrolled full-time in four-year colleges or universities; and those who were not
enrolled full-time. When the participants were asked whether they were involved in
Government or political organizations, 30.9 percent of college students said yes, compared to
22.5 percent of non college goers. (Portney:2007)
These results show only an 8.4 percent difference between college and non college participants’
levels of political participation, whereas in the 30 year study, college students were announced
as four times more likely to vote compared to “non college bound youth”. That being said,
when it is taken into account the varying numbers of participants questioned in both surveys,
and length of time over which the 30 year study was conducted in comparison to Tuft
University’s once off survey, the differing results prove that statistics, in general, are more
contextual than clear cut, and can seem disproportionately drastic when both analyses are put
side by side.
On top of that, the repeated cross-sectional design (i.e., a different sample of high school
seniors surveyed each year for 30 years) can only capture historical changes reflecting cohort
and/or period effects, and cannot reflect changes within individuals, or changes due to age.
(Syvertsen et all:2012)
Corresponding with the survey done by Tufts University, a 2014 millennial poll from the
American media outlet, “Fusion”, found that 89 percent of high-school graduates, 90 percent
of attendees (of at least some college), and 94 percent of college graduates are likely to vote.
They also surveyed 1000 students, but this time aged 18-34. (LoGiurato:2015)
These findings on political youth engagement, show a substantial difference in the 30.9 percent
to 22.5 percent ratio of college students to non college participants’ answers from the Tufts
University’s survey, despite it being given only ten years prior to Fusion’s Millennial Poll.
Still, the differentiating age ranges of Tuft’s 18-24 years, compared to Fusion’s 18-34, could
also indicate that participants become a lot more serious about politics from 24-34, as they
mature with age, (which could have skewed the results further).

3. A more qualitative approach was done on this subject from 2001-2005, by The Wake Forest
undergraduate students who were involved in the University’s “Democracy Fellows”
programme. Results showed that students who participated regularly in deliberative
discussions of public issues were more engaged in political activities – from reading
newspapers to working on behalf of favoured candidates – and they were also more tolerant of
diverse viewpoints a decade after graduation, compared to a control group.
At the end of the four years, the Democracy Fellows displayed meaningful differences from
the control group of students, especially in the number of political activities in which they were
engaged, and in their outlook on citizenship. The study showed that even over ten years on,
learning to talk about controversial issues while in college can also inspire young adults to be
more engaged citizens. (Walker:2016)
Participants Choice of Career
Across the pond, citizenship education was introduced as a statutory subject in England in
September 2002, with the aim of promoting youth civic and political engagement. (Kerr:2003)
The questions therefore arise as to how much citizenship education can influence young
people's participation above and beyond these other factors, and whether this is more likely if
a school adopts a particular approach to the subject's delivery. (McCormack et all:2015)
It is also pivotal to mention, that from these studies, there were no specifications as to whether
the particular courses taken by each college student had any effect on the overall outcome of
the studies. To illustrate this point further by using a stereotypical analogy; if 600 students of
journalism or politics were surveyed against 400 students of makeup artistry or landscape
gardening, their levels of political involvement could be determined through their own pre-
conceived personal interests, therefore, struggling to make this gap in the data findings as being
a truly demographically accurate one.

4. Young Voters Political Concerns
In 2000, a group of Hamilton College students from the US developed a national survey for
402 randomly selected persons between the ages of 18-24, to better understand young people's
attitudes about politics.
95 percent of young people surveyed, indicated that issues rather than a candidate’s background
or merits were more important in deciding how they would vote. When questioned further,
education was by far their greatest concern (27.1 percent), followed by Social Security (9.0
percent), and abortion (4.5 percent). (Hamilton University:2000)
Subsequently, eight years on, a poll set up by Rock the Vote, which targeted 18-29 year olds,
found that according to young voters’, the top issues were jobs and the economy, followed by
Iraq, terrorism, education and the cost of college, and finally, health care. (Complete
Campaigns:2016)
It is interesting to observe how young Americans’ top issues had changed pre and post 9/11
and also during the early recession. It only serves to highlight how events and timing can
change a person’s opinion, through heightened emotions, or, for example, being surveyed just
before an upcoming election rather than a few months afterwards. (It is also important to
recognise, however, that “Rock the Vote” did not mention the number of participants
questioned, nor their educational history and racial background).
Additionally, to give another demonstration about timing, using a mixed methods approach,
students of the Institute of Technology in Blanchardstown surveyed and held a focus group for
200 people, aged 18 to 25. When asked about their political and civic engagement, Irish fund
raising came in as the highest at 68 percent. However, at the time of the study, the survey also
coincided with the social-media ‘ice-bucket’ challenge. (McCormack et all:2015)

5. Youth’s Disengagement from Politics
An academic paper written by researcher, Matt Hen (et all.), examines data derived from a
nationwide survey of over 700 young people in order to shed light on what lies at the heart of
young people’s apparent disengagement from formal politics in Britain - political apathy or a
sense of political alienation. The findings reveal that they support the democratic process, but
are sceptical of the way the British political system is organised and led, and are turned off by
politicians and the political parties. (Henn et all:2005)
Likewise, from US Hamilton College’s National Youth Opinion Poll, when asking about the
various reasons for their lack of political participation, 33.6 percent of youth strongly agreed
that politicians did not pay enough attention to young peoples' concerns, and 32.1 percent
strongly agreed that negative campaigning turned off young people. In contrast, only 7.2
percent strongly agreed that young people found politics too complicated, and only 15.2
percent strongly agreed that young people were too apathetic. (Hamilton University:2000)
On continuation of this seemingly “buzzword-like” trend, a third article found, highlights the
use of the term “apathetic/apathy”. The Oxford Journal, who wrote an article based on two
surveys done in 2011 and 2002, draws special attention to the increased involvement of young
people in Youth Councils and Youth Forums, and similarly challenges the notion that young
people are too, also politically “apathetic”.
Their discoveries further indicate that young people are more likely to engage in a “cause-
oriented” styles of politics, than they are in “formal‟ politics (participation that uses less
institutionalised methods such as demonstrations, boycotts, and direct action). These “cause-
oriented” activities include; volunteering, informal community networks, informal political
action, awareness-raising, altruistic acts, and general campaigning. The study also found that
the youth generation had taken part in localised social action activities at a higher than average
rate, without regarding this action as necessarily “political”. (Henn and Foard:2011)

6. Research Methodologies
Closer to home, and in agreement with the Oxford Journal’s findings, European Movement
Ireland quotes an unexplained source (Ms.Tinsley), stating that the youth generation’s “sphere
of political action is shifting”, and now encompasses work with lobby groups, NGOsand online
activism, as well as more traditional forms of participation such as involvement in student
unions and youth divisions of political parties.
In terms of research, it is notable that the amount of assertions are on par with the empirical
evidence found in the article. The author writes, that in her opinion, “France puts us [Ireland]
to shame when it comes to a good old-fashioned protest. She then goes on to say, “that said,
it’s not as if we don’t pound the pavement when we feel the need”. (Ryan:2013)
The bulk of actual research has been taken from the “Being Young and Irish 2012” project
report, and the the Minister for European Affairs was also exclusively interviewed, along with
other credible sources - so the empirical evidence is undoubtedly present, however, there are
strong interjections of personal opinion throughout the piece.
Changing Technologies
The Oxford Journal suggests that the shift in the way young people are engaging in political
activity is increasingly facilitated by access to new media and technologies. This “cultural
displacement” is occurring, in which young people’s identities and forms of expression have
shifted from traditional channels, to those available through a new media culture. It is further
cited that, “young people are having their political identity shaped by television, blogs and
other websites, while actively expressing it through participatory new technologies, such as
joining online single issue groups, signing online petitions, and engaging in digital media
production such as creating YouTube videos”. (Henn and Foard:2011)
According to a survey by the Pew Research centre, 88 percent of American 18-29 year olds are
online (compared to 32 percent of those 65 and older), 70 percent of 18-30 year olds use the
internet daily and two-thirds check their email daily, and about one-quarter of 18-30 year olds
use communications such as Facebook or instant messaging. (Complete Campaigns:2016)

7. However, the use of quantitative research on internet use does not determine the real mindset
of young American’s political views in an overall global demographic. The real questions that
need to be asked, are; what is the long-term impact of the digital and social media revolutions,
and how will that change their political behaviour? In 2012, Pew Research did a study on how
likely people are to friend or un-friend other people if they have a very different political point
of view. (Pew Research Centre:2012)
According to the study, 44 percent of consistently liberal Facebook users have hidden, blocked
or defriended, or stopped following someone on social media because they disagreed with a
political post. In contrast, 31 percent of consistently conservative individuals did the same.
(Meyer:2014)
Whether it ultimately pushes young people into their own political enclaves where they don’t
get exposed to other people’s views, or whether it in fact increases their exposure to others’
points of views, is a cross that a generation bourn of social media have to bare. (Pew Research
Centre:2012)
What’s more, as stated by Fusion’s Millennial poll, the generation say they’d be more likely to
vote if they could do so online (49 percent) or via a cell phone (38 percent). Another 26 percent
said a more racially diverse palate of candidates would motivate them to vote.
(LoGiurato:2015)
Racial and Ethnic Minorities
Another study released by Pew Research Centre in 2014, predicted that 6 in 10 voting age
adults would not show up at the polls on Election Day. Moreover, the study found that those
who were most unlikely to vote are demographically distinct from likely voters. They are
racially and ethnically diverse: a full 43 percent of non voters are Hispanic, African American,
or other racial and ethnic minorities. That is roughly double the 22 percent of likely voters
comprised by minorities. (Fulwood:2014)

8. Yet, according to Fusion’s Millennial poll, there are statistical inconsistencies, despite both
studies being from the same year. The poll states that: “49 percent say they are politically
unaffiliated, including a majority (58 percent) of young Latino voters”. This shows a 15%
difference in both of the results which stress that Hispanics are non voters. Although, the Pew
Research centre had also grouped other racial and ethnic minorities in with their overall
percentage. Along with Pew’s ambiguous “voting age” specifications, and neither stating the
numbers surveyed - the change in tallies could be down to a multitude of factors unaccounted
for. (LoGiurato:2015)
In America, it’s hard to be a good citizen if you’re poor, ignored, or vilified. Life is just too
hard to worry about lofty issues such as public policies and partisan political intrigue. Among
too many poor and minority Americans - voting and choosing elected officials just isn’t viewed
as essential to their lives. (Fulwood:2014)
Thus, because more education has been linked to higher rates of voting, it is perhaps not
surprising that UCLA’s 2010 study from two Cooperative Institutional Research Program
(CIRP) surveys, shows that the college going population of Latinos has a much higher voting
rate than non college going young Latinos. (UCLA:2010)
When applied to Irish life, just this week, the National Union of Students – Union of Students
in Ireland, which represents over 200,000 students in Northern Ireland, called for a reduction
in the voting age across the border from 18 to 16. (Ryan:2013)
Although past studies have shown that the younger people are, the less likely they are to be
interested or informed about politics and current affairs, young Irish people’s level of political
participation appears to be increasing in recent years. (NYCI:2014)