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The Fourth Measurement of Social Capital of Colombia
Challenges for Citizenship, Civil Society, Politics and the State
Corporación para el Control Social - CONTRIAL
With the support of:
John Sudarsky
Diana Marcela García
How to build Territorial Settings that
accumulate Social Capital, Trust and
Sustainable Commitment, articulating
participatory and representative
democracy?
4
I. Putnam’s equation, 1993)
Civic Engagement
1900
Civic Engagement
1970
Economic Development
1900
Institutional effectiveness
1980
Economic Development
1970
6
ITEMS OR
QUESTIONS VARIABLES
1
2
3
DIMENSIONS
SocialK
INTRICATE
FUSI
FACTORS
A B C D
II. The Barometer of Social Capital
CivicK
 Interpersonal Trust :"Generally speaking, would you say that you can trust most people or that you can’t be so trusting in dealing with people?". It takes
into account the percentage of respondents who trust people.
 Corruption Perception : "how widespread do you think bribes, and corruption in this country are?" / 0 points to "almost no public official is involved in
bribes or bites" and 10 points to "almost all public officials are involved".
III. Interpersonal Trust and Corruption’s Perception
National and Cities 2017
Corruption’sPerception
Interpersonal Trust
TOTAL Explained
Variance: 75,7 %
IV. Factors’ Composition / 11 dimensions
BARCAS 2017
Social Control
Institutional Trust
Political Participation
Media
Information and Transparency
Social Media
Civic Republicanism
Solidarity and Mutuality
Horizontal Relationships
Civic Participation
INTRICATE
Institutional trust and
indirect control state
EV: 32,9%
SOCIALK
Social Capital
EV: 13,6%
New factor
CIVICK
Civic Capital
EV: 10,7%
Institutional trust and
indirect control of
state
Faith in unvalidated
sources of
information
Civic Capital
FUSI
Faith in unvalidated
sources of information
EV: 18,2%
Social Capital
/ Social Fabric
Hierarchy or Vertical Articulation
Positive effect Negative effect
I. Collective Self-Confession: FUSI falls. When this happens, citizens problematize the
political culture in which they live, permeated by clientelism and political corruption.
II. Actual accumulation of social capital additionally requires the introduction of
governmental policies that include the creation of intermediate territorial reservoirs
between the large city and neighborhoods: localities.
III. Deepening of decentralization and participatory process such as local participatory
planning and budgeting. Build Collective Rationality: Participatory planning and
budgeting must be a process of allocation of limited resources, a zero-sum process
that forces citizens to prioritize collective choices that usually are made privately and
thus destroys trust and legitimacy.
IV. The state publicly offers articulated participatory mechanisms which would induce
citizens to become active members of civic organizations.
V. These processes allow the mobilization of organized civil society which would have
sustainability if and only if…
VI. Accountability is build in localities which eventually become Single Seat Electoral
Districts so their inhabitants would know who their representative is, and make him
accountable.
V. Transformation Theory: The Movement towards Modern Civic Society,
should happen in Cities
VI. The Factor’s Change Over Time (Linear equations)
0.215
0.750
0.281
-0.017
0.400
0.228
0.009
-0.039
2.327
2.522
2.263
0.001
0.429
0.724
0.518
-0.018
-0.500
0.000
0.500
1.000
1.500
2.000
2.500
3.000
1997 2005 2011 2017
Change of factors
Linear equations via dimensions/Equal bases
Social K Civic K Intricate Fusi
0.215
0.750
0.281
-0.017
0.400
0.228
0.009
-0.039
0.465
0.504
0.453
0.000
0.429
0.724
0.518
-0.018
-0.100
0.000
0.100
0.200
0.300
0.400
0.500
0.600
0.700
0.800
1997 2005 2011 2017
Change of factors
Linear equations via dimensions/Equal bases
Social K Civic K *Intricate/(5) Fusi
VII. SocialK
Social Fabric
SocialK grew until 2005, and began to fall, with largest fall in the last period,
mainly due to a decrease in Solidarity and Mutuality (growth of
Opportunism an Atomization)
Although Horizontal Relationship does not change, some of their variables
did: Horizontal solution to collective problems (between all communities’
members) and Third Party Enforcement (increase the need for third parties
intervention to solve them).
Solidarity and Mutuality’s fall: High impact (57%) on SocialK’s decline
3.17
13.73
3.62
-2.77-3.00
-1.00
1.00
3.00
5.00
7.00
9.00
11.00
13.00
15.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change
SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY
National sample / Equal bases
Averange Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
General solidarity 8,06 15,54 11,63 11,43 93% -25% -2% 42%
Reciprocity 0,82 4,47 3,20 3,22 448% -28% 1% 295%
Collective Conflict management 3,05 3,51 2,69 3,85 15% -23% 43% 26%
ATOMIZATION (-) 5,33 6,13 9,79 11,79 15% 60% 20% 121%
OPPORTUNISM (-) 3,42 3,66 4,11 9,48 7% 12% 131% 177%
SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY 3,17 13,73 3,62 -2,77 333% -74% -176% -187%
8.06
15.54
11.63
11.43
0.82
4.47
3.2 3.223.05 3.51
2.69
3.85
5.33
6.13
9.79
11.79
3.42
3.66
4.11
9.48
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change variables
SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY
National sample / Equal bases
General solidarity
Reciprocity
Management Collective Conflicts
ATOMIZATION (-)
OPPORTUNISM (-)
Increased Atomization contributes 22% to SocialK decline
Average Percentage Change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
Nobody helps *rescaled 3,33 2,62 2,85 4,00 -30% 6% 71% 64%
Not a member of a pension fund*rescaled 5,54 4,88 7,70 8,20 -11% 56% 22% 61%
Never meet with neighbors 2,40 3,08 3,03 1,43 28% -2% -53% -40%
Never meet with coworkers 2,66 2,71 2,57 1,49 2% -5% -42% -44%
Does not belong to any voluntary organization 1,80 3,42 3,04 2,74 90% -11% -10% 52%
Zero linkage 5,46 5,12 6,31 8,76 -6% 23% 39% 61%
ATOMIZATION 5,33 6,13 9,79 11,79 15% 60% 20% 121%
3.33 2.62 2.85
4.00
5.54
4.88
7.70
8.20
2.40
3.08
3.03
1.432.66
2.71
2.57
1.49
1.80 3.42
3.04
2.74
5.46
5.12
6.31 8.76
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average Atomization change
National sample / Equal basis
Nobody helps *rescaled
Not a member of a pension fund*rescaled
Never meet with neighbors
Never meet with coworkers
Does not belong to any voluntary organisation
Zero linkage
55%
8%
5% 5%
3%
5% 4% 4% 4% 4%
2% 2%
51%
10%
5%
9%
3%
5% 3% 4% 3% 4%
1%
3%
63%
6%
4% 4%
3% 3% 3% 3% 3%
3%
2% 2%
88%
4%
2% 2% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 0% 0%0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110
Legislative Linkage
National sample / Equal data bases
1997 2005 2011 2017
Opportunism increase contributes 65% to the fall of SocialK
Average Percenge change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
People behave opportunistically and each time they can, skip
their obligations to others (oboport) 2,64 2,61 3,21 3,30 -1% 23% 3% 25%
Collectives problems. You look for a political connection
(palanca) that solves it for you (clpalan) 1,24 2,18 2,23 4,00 77% 2% 79% 223%
Instead worrying that rules apply to everyone equally, you
better see how you get away with what you want (unosuya ) -0,46 -1,13 -1,33 2,18 -148% 17% 264% 577%
OPPORTUNISM 3,42 3,66 4,11 9,48 7% 12% 131% 177%
2.64 2.61
3.21 3.30
1.24
2.18 2.23
4.00
-0.46
-1.13
-1.33
2.18
-2.00
-1.00
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change items Opportunism
National sample / Equal bases
People behave opportunistically
and each time they can, skip
their obligations to others
(oboport)
Collective problems. You look a
political connection (palanca)
that solves it for (clpalan)
Instead worrying that rules
apply to everyone equally, you
better see how you get away
with yours (unosuya )
5.33
6.13
9.79
11.79
3.42
3.66
4.11
9.48
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change
ATOMIZATION AND OPPORTUNISM
National sample / Equal bases
ATOMIZATION
OPPORTUNISM
The Triad:
Social Capital Reservoirs
 The Political Reform: Mixed System for election to the Lower
Chamber, Councils and Assemblies in territories of more than
one million people.
Planning Organic Law: Incorporate the elements for
participatory planning.
Simplify the state offer of participatory mechanisms: Task
assigned in law 1757 of 2015 to the National Council of
Participation, chaired by the Ministry of the Interior and
Technical Secretary of the National Planning Department, and
identification of resources allocated for participation so a
cost benefit analysis can be done.
• People know who their representative is
Representation
• There is an equal ratio between the
number of votes that a party receives and
the number of seats that a party gets
Proportionality
Main required criteria for electoral systems
Mark one Political Party and then
mark one the candidate’s number
(Present Electoral System)
Mark one Political Party (closed list)
(Government´s proposal)
Mark one per Political Party (closet list: color), and
one District´s Candidate (photo and name)
CANDIDATE1 CANDIDATE 2 CANDIDATE 3 CANDIDATE 4 CANDIDATE 5 CANDIDATE 6
Logo
Name Name Name Name Name Name
POLITICAL
PARTY
CANDIDATE
Proposed Electoral Reform
Mixed Electoral System: to ensure proportionality 50% of seats are
chosen from a closed and ordered list at the wider territorial level.
Other 50% are chosen from Single Seat Electoral Districts (SSED) to
stablish a Principal-Agent (P-A) linkage and accountable
representation, the main deficit in Colombian politics.
SSED become Territorial Settings capable of accumulating Social
Capital, Trust and Rationality.
Apply to Lower Chamber as well as Departmental Assemblies and
City Councils in territories of more than one million inhabitants.
VIII. Civic Capital: CivicK
Differentiation of Civic Capital from the State (Intricate) is
important; the social capital that bridges appears, the one
which Putnam uses to explain the economic development
and the effectiveness of the State. It shows a slight
recovery compared to 2011. Civic Participation has the
effect of lowering Fusi, Hierarchy increases Fusi.
CIVIC PARTICIPATION: increases 21% 2011-2017, increasing CivicK and
slightly diminishing (6%) Fusi.
28.43
21.94
14.56
17.61
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Civic Participation
National sample / Equal basis
12.73
8.36
5.68
8.90
4.49
4.08 3.93 3.91
1.76
1.37
0.78
1.33
4.84
3.64
1.63
2.54
0.00
2.00
4.00
6.00
8.00
10.00
12.00
14.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Variable Average Changes Civic Participation
National Sample / Comparable Bases
Membership in Non religious
Voluntary Organizations
Local Activities
Civic Activities
Media Activities
Engages in voluntary work
Average Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
Membership in Secular Voluntary
Organizations
12,73 8,36 5,68 8,90
-34% -32% 57% -30%
Local Activities 4,61 4,50 2,55 0,93 -2% -43% -64% -80%
Civic Activities 4,49 4,08 3,93 3,91 -9% -4% 0% -13%
Media Activities 1,76 1,37 0,78 1,33 -22% -43% 71% -24%
Engages in voluntary work 4,84 3,64 1,63 2,54 -25% -55% 56% -48%
CIVIC PARTICIPATION 28,43 21,94 14,56 17,61 -23% -34% 21% -38%
Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations increases 57%, 2011-2017
12.73
8.36
5.68
8.90
0.00
2.00
4.00
6.00
8.00
10.00
12.00
14.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change
Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations
Nacional sample / Equal Bases
Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations: Non member (0), non active member (5), active member (10)
0.00
0.20
0.40
0.60
0.80
1.00
1.20
1.40
1.60
1.80
2.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations
Nacional sample / Equal Bases
Artistic, musical and culture (119%)
Labor Union (54%)
Cooperative (-2%)
Humanitarian or charitable organization (-11%)
Sport or recreational organization (-14%)
Political party (-31%)
Ethnic (-40%)
Agricultural organizations/farmers associations (-54%)
Educational (-51%)
Safety or vigilance (-53%)
Professional association (-58%)
Environmental (-67%)
Gender (-68%)
Health (-74%)
Communal action/Meetings neighborhoods (-76%)
The thesis of citizen’s demobilization. Historical series
In 2017 I increase the membership but not active
19,698
23,122
26,096
30,797
8,317
13,996
18,038 17,427
4,058
4,670 4,068
10,906
3,336
2,278 2,284
1,188
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
30,000
35,000
1997 2005 2011 2017
PARTICIPATION IN CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS (VALUES / THOUSANDS)
Population over 18 years*
Non member
Not active members
Active members
Engages in voluntary work
48%
36%
16%
25%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
1997 2005 2011 2017
Engages in voluntary work
Nacional sample / Equal bases
HIERARCHY OR VERTICAL ARTICULATION: 26% loss, 2011-2017.
Main cause of loss of CivicK
27.65
30.16
26.81
19.76
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
35.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change VERTICAL ARTICULATION
Nacional sample / Equal bases
4.05
4.96
4.20 4.06
1.31
5.15
2.25
1.37
-2.88
-0.86 -0.88
-3.22
12.97
11.31
12.32
10.98
4.19
3.16 2.99
1.78
-6.00
-4.00
-2.00
0.00
2.00
4.00
6.00
8.00
10.00
12.00
14.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change VERTICAL ARTICULATION
Nacional sample / Equal bases
Membership of interest
group organizations
Vertical Solidarity
Vertical Solutions of
Collective Problems
Mediating organizations:
Church
Mediating organizations:
Professional associations
Mediating organizations:
Political parties
Mediating organizations:
Labor union
Average Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 11-97
Membership of interest group organizations 4,05 4,96 4,20 4,06 22% -15% -3% 0%
Vertical Solidarity 1,31 5,15 2,25 1,37 294% -56% -39% 5%
Vertical Solutions of Collective Problems -2,88 -0,86 -0,88 -3,22 70% -2% -268% -12%
Mediating organizations: Church 12,97 11,31 12,32 10,98 -13% 9% -11% -15%
Mediating organizations: Professional associations 4,26 3,41 3,22 3,20 -20% -6% 0% -25%
Mediating organizations: Political parties 3,76 3,03 2,70 1,59 -19% -11% -41% -58%
Mediating organizations: Labor union 4,19 3,16 2,99 1,78 -25% -5% -41% -58%
VERTICAL ARTICULATION 27,65 30,16 26,81 19,76 9% -11% -26% -29%
How to solve collective problems?
2.97
4.74
4.00
1.95
1.05
1.19
1.94
4.09
3.45
2.56
2.48
2.23
1.67
2.21 2.23
4.00
2.24
3.91
3.84
3.01
0.00
0.50
1.00
1.50
2.00
2.50
3.00
3.50
4.00
4.50
5.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Solutions of colletive porblems
Nacional sample / Equal bases
We can solve them
among all members of
the community
(cltodos)
If someone of greater
position does not
intervene, one cannot
coordinate to solve
them (clmayor)
You can only solve
them on your own
(substact) (clunomi)
You look for a political
connection (palanca)
that solves it for you
(sustract) (clpalan)
A community
representative is
appointed to assist in
their resolution
(clrepre)
Whatdopeopledowhencollectiveproblemsarise?
Dimension
HORIZONTAL
RELATIONSHIPS
HORIZONTAL
RELATIONSHIPS
VERTICAL
ARTICULATION
HorizontalSolutions
ofCollective
Problems
Variable
ThirdParty
Enforcement
(substract)
VerticalSolutions
ofCollective
Problems
Wecansolvethemamong
all membersofthe
community(cltodos)
Ifsomeoneofgreater
positiondoesnot
intervene,onecannot
coordinatetosolvethem
(clmayor)
Youcanonlysolvethem
onyourown(substact)
(clunomi)
Youlookforapolitical
connection(palanca)that
solvesit foryou (sustract)
(clpalan)
Acommunity
representative is
appointedtoassistintheir
resolution(clrepre)
Items
IX. INTRICATE
Institutional trust and indirect control of
state
INTRICATE increases between 1997 and 2005, then it starts to
fall. Its most drastic loss occurred between 2011 and 2017,
mainly for loss of Institutional Trust and increased corruption’s
perception, fall of Social Control ( control of society on the
state) and Political participation.
INSTITUTIONAL TRUST: Fall 30% 2011-2017, diminishing 49% Intricate
119.6
113.9
101.9
71.6
0.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
120.0
140.0
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change INSTITUTIONAL TRUST
National sample /Comparable bases
Organized from highest to lowest for total falls (17-97)
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
6.00
7.00
8.00
9.00
10.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change INSTITUTIONAL TRUST
National sample /Comparable bases
The congress (-74%)
Labor unions (-72%)
Departmental gobernment (-71%)
Ethnic movement (-69%)
Political parties (-68%)
Environmental organizations (-63%)
Local gobernment (-61%)
Municipal gobernment (-58%)
Major Companies (-58%)
Women’s organizations (-57%)
Educational system (-56%)
Public prosecution (-50%)
Public administration (-48%)
Legal system (-47%)
Nacional gobernment (-47%)
Television (-36%)
The press (-33%)
The police (-27%)
Profesional association (-20%)
The [churches] (-16%)
The armed forces (-14%)
Perception of corruption (19%)
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION falls 31% 2011-2017, decreasing Intricate 20%
127.95
165.16
145.09
100.61
0.00
20.00
40.00
60.00
80.00
100.00
120.00
140.00
160.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average changes POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
National sample / Equal bases
Average Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
Political Skills 31,91 40,01 34,27 30,20 25% -14% -12% -5%
Participatory Mechanisms 22,33 29,42 22,40 19,28 32% -24% -14% -14%
Voting 26,58 37,08 34,69 22,37 40% -6% -36% -16%
Legislative Linkage 22,87 22,60 19,29 4,36 -1% -15% -77% -81%
Executive Linkage 12,69 23,56 23,03 16,18 86% -2% -30% 27%
Political Activities 12,79 14,56 14,18 12,88 14% -3% -9% 1%
Political Party 5,71 5,47 4,76 2,36 -4% -13% -51% -59%
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 127,95 165,16 145,09 100,61 29% -12% -31% -21%
31.91
40.01
34.27
30.20
22.33
29.42
22.40
19.28
26.58
37.08
34.69
22.3722.87
22.60
19.29
4.36
12.69
23.56 23.03
16.18
12.79
14.56 14.18
12.88
5.71
5.47
4.76
2.36
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
35.00
40.00
45.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average changes POLITICAL PARTICIPATION
National sample / Equal bases
Political Skill
Participatory Mechanistic
Electoral Activity: Voting
Legislative Linkage
Executive Linkage
Political Activities
Political Party
31.91
40.01
34.27
30.20
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
35.00
40.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average changes POLITICAL SKILL
National sample / Equal bases
Loss of Political Skills
2.72
5.07
6.15
4.33
1.47
2.54
1.79
1.99
3.05
3.51
2.69
3.85
9.71 9.67
8.83
9.89
2.17
4.08
2.28
2.03
8.64
10.89
10.00
7.72
4.16 4.25
2.53
0.40
0.00
2.00
4.00
6.00
8.00
10.00
12.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average changes POLITICAL SKILL
National sample / Equal bases
Ability to reward positive
leadership
Ability to enforce
agreements
Ability to make problems
explicit
Ability to exert pressure
Ability to monitor
compliance with
agreements
Ability to organize
Ability to negotiate and
enter into agreements
PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY: MECHANISM, falls 14% 2011- 2017, diminishing 7% Intricate
22.33
29.42
22.40
19.28
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
30.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Participatory Mechanisms
National sample /Equal bases
Average Percentage Change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
Territorial Planning Councils 0,94 2,00 1,37 1,67 113% -31% 22% 78%
Right to Petition 1,92 3,82 4,19 3,27 99% 10% -22% 70%
Recall 1,47 2,54 1,79 1,99 73% -30% 11% 36%
Rural development Councils 1,53 2,47 1,61 1,54 61% -35% -4% 1%
Open town meeting 1,53 2,47 1,66 1,26 61% -33% -24% -18%
Petition of protection of a fundamental right (Tutela) 5,38 5,61 4,92 4,35 4% -12% -11% -19%
Education sectoral mechanism 4,53 4,63 3,10 3,44 2% -33% 11% -24%
Citizens oversight committes 1,67 2,81 1,87 0,90 68% -33% -52% -46%
Health sectoral mechanism 3,37 3,08 1,89 0,86 -8% -39% -55% -75%
Participatory Mechanism 22,33 29,42 22,40 19,28 32% -24% -14% -14%
0.94
2.00
1.37
1.67
1.92
3.82
4.19
3.27
1.47
2.54
1.79 1.99
1.53
2.47
1.66
1.26
5.38
5.61
4.92
4.35
4.53
4.63
3.10
3.44
1.67
2.81
1.87
0.90
3.37
3.08
1.89
0.86
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
6.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average changes Participatory Mechanisms
National sample /Equal bases
Territorial Planning Councils
Petition rights
Recall
Rural development Councils
Open town meeting
Petition of protection of a
fundamental right (Tutela)
Education sectoral mechanism
Citizens oversight committes
Health sectoral mechanism
Direct observation of participatory planning in 162 towns with high
incidence of armed conflict
Observación de la Planeación Participativa en municipios de alto conflicto N°i
Observación de la Planeación Participativa Municipal
Informe Final
Presentado por:
Corporación para el Control Social -CONTRIAL
John Sudarsky, Presidente
Diana Marcela García D., Directora Ejecutiva
Bogotá D.C, enero de 2017
Final report: http://bit.ly/planpart162mun
Presentation : http://bit.ly/PlanPartMunConf
The above elements produce a collective pact
which educates people about the public sphere
and how to solve complex local
investment dilemmas
Citizens acquire the capacity to focus their social
oversight and control, and the eventually clear
territorial representative
knows what priorities have been defined so he
can lobby territorial priorities.
Points of the Reform of the Law on Participatory Planning
Legislative Linkage
The following questions were asked for each legislative body:
(Senate, Lower Chamber, Departmental Assembly, Municipal Council and
Local Government Board)
Did you vote?
Do you know who your representative would have been?
Was the representative you voted for elected?
Which of the elected representatives represents you better?
In regard to the latter, an additional question inquired about the
reasons for voting for him.
Representative Democracy: Loss of Legislative Linkage (77%)
37% who voted for at least one of the legislative elections
Variable has become so uniformly low that it is no longer a critical variable
22.87
22.60
19.29
4.36
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Legislative Linkage
Nacional sample /Equal Bases
6.53
7.19
5.24
0.88
4.29 4.32 4.33
0.81
3.92
3.59
3.83
0.84
4.32
3.98
2.66
1.03
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
6.00
7.00
8.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Legislative Linkage
Nacional sample /Equal Bases
Municipal Council
Senate
Lower Chamber
Derpatmental Assembly
Local Government Board
12.7%
23.0%
20.4%
22.9%
23.5%
5.7%
4.3%
4.7% 4.7%
3.6%
3.0% 3.0%
2.4%
3.8%
2.8%2.8%
1.6%
1.2% 0.9%
1.7%
0.0%
5.0%
10.0%
15.0%
20.0%
25.0%
Local Government
Board
Municipal Council Departmental
Assembly
Lower Chamber Senate
Legislative Linkage ( percentage)
Nacional sample / BARCAS 2017
Did you vote?
Do you know who your
representative would
have been?
Was the representative
you voted for elected?
Which of the elected
representatives
represents you better?
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
5.000-10.000 10.000-20.000 20.000-50.000 50.000-100.000 100.000-500.000 MAS DE 500.000
BONDING SOCIAL CAPITAL TRANSITION BRIDGING SOCIAL CAPITAL
LEGISLATIVE LINKAGE BY SIZE OF TOWN: THE NEED TO CREATE INTERMEDIATE
RESERVOIR OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ABOVE THE “BARRIO” AND BELOW THE CIT Y
1997 2005 2011 2017
TOTAL EV: 75,7 %
CompositionoftheFactors/11dimensions
BARCAS2017
Social Control
Institutional Trust
Political Participation
Media
Information and Transparency
Social Media
Civic Republicanism
Solidarity and Mutuality
HorizontalRelationships
Civic Participation
INTRICATE
Institutional trust and
indirectcontrol state
EV:32,9%
SOCIALK
Social Capital
EV:13,6%
Nuevofactor
CIVICK
CivicCapital
EV:10,7%
Institutional trust and
indirect control state
Faith in unvalidated
sources information
Civic Capital
FUSI
Faith in unvalidated
sources information
EV:18,2%
Social Capital
/ Social Fabric
Hierarchy orVertical Articulation
Positive effect Negative effect
The disintermediation of Opinion and the Media
In the 10 dimensions model Media is related to INTRICATE, with positive effect and also with positive effect on FUSI. In
the 11 dimensions model, with the entry of Networks, Media effects on factors disappear.
TOTAL EV: 78,8 %
CompositionoftheFactors/10dimensions
BARCAS2017
Social Control
Institutional Trust
Political Participation
Media
Information and Transparency
Civic Republicanism
Solidarity and Mutuality
HorizontalRelationships
Civic Participation
INTRICATE
Institutional trust and
indirectcontrol state
EV:34,4%
SOCIALK
Social Capital
EV:13,7%
Nuevofactor
CIVICK
CivicCapital
EV:10,8%
Institutional trust and
indirect control state
Faith in unvalidated
sources information
Civic Capital
FUSI
Faith in unvalidated
sourcesinformation
EV:19,9%
Social Capital
/ Social Fabric
Positive effect Negative effect
HierarchyorVertical Articulation
X. FUSI
Faith in Unvalidated Sources Information
FUSI increase from 1997 to 2005; afterwards begins to fall, with a drastic
drop between 2011 and 2017 (collective self confession). The main causes
of the fall of FUSI are: Fall of Information and Transparency ( recognition
that the citizenry does not have the valid, timely and sufficient information
to be able to participate) and drop of Civic Republicanism (recognition that
citizens do not take responsibility for the public, are not politically educated
and are immersed in a particularistic and clientelist society).
-22%
-16%
-6%
-4%
-48%
-15%
0%
10%
-50%
-40%
-30%
-20%
-10%
0%
10%
Media explain
problems in depth
Vertical Solutions of
Collective Problems
Mediating
organizations: Church
Vertical Solidarity Political Education Particularism
(increases)
Responsability for
public sphere success.
Citizen’s Politization
(increases)
INFORMATION AND
TRANSPARENCY(-
35%)
HIERARCHY OR VERTICAL ARTICULATION (-28%) CIVIC REPUBLICANISM (-18%)
Contribution of variables to the fall of FUSI 2011-2017
-3.46
-0.79
-3.46
-8.37
-9.00
-8.00
-7.00
-6.00
-5.00
-4.00
-3.00
-2.00
-1.00
0.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change
INFORMATION AND TRANSPARENCY
Nacional sample / Equal bases
Information and Transparency, drop of 142%
-0.23
-0.30
-1.35
-2.80
0.27
0.38
-0.76
-0.84
-0.57
-0.13
-0.82
-2.91
-1.44
-0.93
-1.71
-2.17
2.62
1.37
0.58
1.65
1.13
1.56
1.76
2.00
-4.00
-3.00
-2.00
-1.00
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change
INFORMATION AND TRANSPARENCY
Nacional sample / Equal bases
The State makes efforts to keep
citizens informed
Citizens inform themselves
appropriately to participate
effectively
Media explain problems in
depth
People have who explains to
them public problems
Colombians do not know where
the country is headed because
no one tell us (-)
Do you know how the resources
of your locality are going to be
invested?
Civic Republicanism: Falls 69% and decreases FUSI
13.39
20.11
11.28
3.54
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change CIVIC REPUBLICANISM
Nacional sample / Equal bases
4.94
5.94
5.26
6.546.87
10.06
6.02
8.67
4.39
1.72 2.06
5.27
21.21
19.10
15.13 15.01
-5.36
-1.39
-2.55
-8.33
-10.00
-5.00
0.00
5.00
10.00
15.00
20.00
25.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change CIVIC REPUBLICANISM
Nacional sample / Equal bases
Clientelism (-)
Citizen’s Politization
Particularism (-)
Responsability for public
sphere success.
Political Education
Average Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
Clientelism (-) 4,94 5,94 5,26 6,54 20% -11% 24% 32%
Citizen’s Politization 6,87 10,06 6,02 8,67 46% -40% 44% 26%
Particularism (-) 4,39 1,72 2,06 5,27 -61% 20% 156% 20%
Responsibility for public sphere success 21,21 19,10 15,13 15,01 -10% -21% -1% -29%
Political Education -5,36 -1,39 -2,55 -8,33 74% -83% -227% -55%
CIVIC REPUBLICANISM 13,39 20,11 11,28 3,54 50% -44% -69% -74%
ACKNOWLEDGMENT THAT CITIZENS ARE LESS EDUCATED POLITICALLY;
DECREASES FUSI BECAUSE IT GETS CLOSER TO THE CITIZENS’ REALITY
 People do not have anyone who explains to them public affairs
 Citizens do not get informed to participate
 The state does not inform citizens
 Political parties do not inform citizens on their ideologies and programs
 Media do not fully explain public problems
Colombians do not know where the country is going
because no one informs us
The Fall of Political Education: collective self
confession
Particularism increases 156% 2011- 2017, diminishing 15% FUSI
4.39
1.72
2.06
5.27
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
5.00
6.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Particularism
Nacional sample / Equal bases
Average Percentage change
1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97
If you don’t get paid for public service, you don’t
have to serve 0,55 -0,66 -0,57 -1,07 -221% 15% -90% -296%
Instead of worrying about rules you better worry
about seeing how you get away with it -0,46 -1,13 -1,33 2,18 -148% -17% 264% 577%
When the State takes a decision it does not apply it
equally to all (- ) 0,85 0,96 1,47 1,94 13% 53% 32% 128%
Collective Problems: You can only solve them on your
own 3,45 2,56 2,48 2,23 -26% -3% -10% -35%
PARTICULARISM 4,39 1,72 2,06 5,27 -61% 20% 156% 20%
0.55
-0.66
-0.57
-1.07
-0.46
-1.13
-1.33
2.18
0.85
0.96
1.47
1.94
3.45
2.56
2.48
2.23
-2.00
-1.00
0.00
1.00
2.00
3.00
4.00
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Particularism
Nacional sample /Equal bases
If you don’t get paid for
public service, you don’t have
to serve
Instead of worrying about
rules you better worry about
seeing how you get away
with it
When the State takes a
decision it does not apply it
equally to all (- )
You can only solve them on
your own
Do political connections work?
Collective problems: You look for a
political connection (palanca) that
solves it for you (clpalan) (via
Oportunism) diminishes SocialK
(contributes 28% to the fall of
SocialK)
Help from political connections no
longer generates SocialK
More demand for political
connections but they do not work.
The electoral systems is designed for
a clientelistic society but it is not
performing its “integrative”
functions.
What is then left?
1.68
2.18 2.23
4.00
-0.74
0.42
-0.17
-0.07
-1.50
-0.50
0.50
1.50
2.50
3.50
4.50
1997 2005 2011 2017
Average change Clientelism
Nacional sample /Equal bases
Collective problems: You look for a political connection
(palanca) that solves it for you (clpalan)
Help from political connections
XI. FACTORS in cities
The full power of diagnosis of the Barcas does not
become apparent until the broad differences between
and within cities are used.
There are longitudinal measurements of main large cities ( Bogotá, Cali,
Medellín, Barranquilla, Bucaramanga and Cartagena, and Cundinamarca.
Very distinct differences in each, and very distinct evolution.
Results for localities, the natural unit of intervention, are available.
XII. Conclusions
The Third Wave of Democracy:
Avritzer, 2002
Avritzer describes the effect of Citizen Mobilization on democracy in its
three Waves.
In the first, since the beginnings of democracy, the Mobilization ends up
destroying democracy: the Weimar Republic, Germany in the 1930s,
where between Spartacist and Nazis destroy democracy.
In the second wave and as consequence of fears aroused form the first
wave, citizen mobilization ends when you vote.
In the third wave, the current one, citizens find a parsimonious structure
within which it can be mobilized rationally. The pioneering milestone in
this regard is the Participatory Budget of Puerto Alegre in Brazil, 1974.
Avritzer, L.(2002). Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America. Princeton. Princeton University Press.
Transformation Theory: The Movement towards Modern Civic Society:
it would happen in Cities
I. Collective Self-Confession: FUSI falls. When this happens, citizens problematize the political culture in
which they live, permeated by clientelism and political corruption. FUSI fell nationally.
II. Actual accumulation of social capital requires additionally the introduction of governmental policies that
include the creation of intermediate territorial reservoirs between the large city and neighborhoods:
localities. SOME CITIES HAVE ADVANCED IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THESE INTERMEDIATE
TERRITORIAL RESERVOIRS (Bogotá, Barranquilla, Cartagena, for example. RECENTLY Cali WAS
DECLARED AS A SPECIAL DISTRICT, and is currently grouping communes in localities.
III. Deepening of decentralization and participatory process such as local participatory planning and
budgeting. Build Collective Rationality: Participatory planning and budgeting must be a process of
allocation of limited resources, a zero-sum process that forces citizens to prioritize collective choices
that usually are made privately and destroys trust and legitimacy. PLANNING LAW REFORM (Law 152 OF
1994) agreed in Peace Accords is bogged down in congress.
IV. The state publicly offers articulated participatory mechanisms which would induce citizens to become
active members of civic organizations. NATIONAL PARTICIPATION COUNCIL (NPC) TASKS (Law 1757 of
2015) Simplify the oversupply of participatory mechanisms and spaces.
V. These processes allow the mobilization of organized civil society which would have sustainability if and
only If CITIZENS FIND A PARSIMONIOUS STRUCTURE FOR ITS MOBILIZATION. Not so.
VI. Accountability is created in localities to eventually become Single Seat Electoral districts so their
inhabitants would know who their representative is and make him accountable. LEGISLATIVE LINKAGE
FELL TO THE MINIMUM LEVEL. ELECTORAL REFORM NECESSARY. Proposed reforms do not address the
problem of representation.
Citizens (the principal) collectively define
their priorities ( what they want) and
thus know which is the subject of their
attention to exert social control.
The representative (the agent) lobbies
the collective will
and the citizens control that he does it.
Accountability and Social
Control of citizens materialize
A civil society articulated structure
gets generated from the local up to
the national level
Citizens find a parsimonious
structure
for mobilization
Governance, legitimacy and
collective rationality increases
Participatory
planning
and
Participatory
budgeting
The Virtuous cycle: the Articulation of Participatory
and Representative democracies
FUSI has fallen but the two ways to validate information,
Civic and Political participation, are very weak.
Therefore, space is open space for the emergence of
leftist or right populisms that return us to the First
Wave, where citizen mobilization ravages democracy.
Putnam’s equation backwards:
weak society, weak economy;
weak society, ineffective state.
An anomic, limping, low growth
development
Informe final: http://bit.ly/planpart162mun /Presentación : http://bit.ly/PlanPartMunConf
Informe final : http://bit.ly/planpartbogfinal
Observación de la Planeación Participativa en municipios con alta incidencia
del conflicto armado (Contrial, 2016)
Observación de la Planeación Participativa Local en Bogotá (Contrial, 2017)
Propuesta Reforma Política – Sistema Electoral Mixto
Presentación : http://bit.ly/RefPoliticSisMixto
Formulario BARCAS 2017
http://contrial.co/formulario-barcas-iv-medicion-de-capital-social-de-colombia/
Further references
Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados nacionales
Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocCol
Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Cali
Presentación: http://bit.ly/capitalSocialCali
Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Medellín
Articulo: http://bit.ly/ComenCapSocialColombia
Articulo: http://bit.ly/ComuniCali
Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocialMede
Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Bogotá
Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocBog
Cartagena en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia
Articulo: http://bit.ly/ResCapSocCartgPresentación: http://bit.ly/PreCapSocCartgn
Bucaramanga en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia
Cundinamarca en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia
Presentación: http://bit.ly/bucapsoc Articulo : http://bit.ly/artbucapsoc
Presentación: http://bit.ly/CundCapSoc Articulo: http://bit.ly/CunArtCapSoc
Further references
www.contrial.co
@ccontrial
corpocontrial.co@gmail.com
Contact details
THANKS

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The Fourth Measurement of Social Capital of Colombia

  • 1. 1 @ccontrialwww.contrial.co corpocontrial.co@gmail.com The Fourth Measurement of Social Capital of Colombia Challenges for Citizenship, Civil Society, Politics and the State Corporación para el Control Social - CONTRIAL With the support of: John Sudarsky Diana Marcela García
  • 2. How to build Territorial Settings that accumulate Social Capital, Trust and Sustainable Commitment, articulating participatory and representative democracy?
  • 3. 4 I. Putnam’s equation, 1993) Civic Engagement 1900 Civic Engagement 1970 Economic Development 1900 Institutional effectiveness 1980 Economic Development 1970
  • 5.  Interpersonal Trust :"Generally speaking, would you say that you can trust most people or that you can’t be so trusting in dealing with people?". It takes into account the percentage of respondents who trust people.  Corruption Perception : "how widespread do you think bribes, and corruption in this country are?" / 0 points to "almost no public official is involved in bribes or bites" and 10 points to "almost all public officials are involved". III. Interpersonal Trust and Corruption’s Perception National and Cities 2017 Corruption’sPerception Interpersonal Trust
  • 6. TOTAL Explained Variance: 75,7 % IV. Factors’ Composition / 11 dimensions BARCAS 2017 Social Control Institutional Trust Political Participation Media Information and Transparency Social Media Civic Republicanism Solidarity and Mutuality Horizontal Relationships Civic Participation INTRICATE Institutional trust and indirect control state EV: 32,9% SOCIALK Social Capital EV: 13,6% New factor CIVICK Civic Capital EV: 10,7% Institutional trust and indirect control of state Faith in unvalidated sources of information Civic Capital FUSI Faith in unvalidated sources of information EV: 18,2% Social Capital / Social Fabric Hierarchy or Vertical Articulation Positive effect Negative effect
  • 7. I. Collective Self-Confession: FUSI falls. When this happens, citizens problematize the political culture in which they live, permeated by clientelism and political corruption. II. Actual accumulation of social capital additionally requires the introduction of governmental policies that include the creation of intermediate territorial reservoirs between the large city and neighborhoods: localities. III. Deepening of decentralization and participatory process such as local participatory planning and budgeting. Build Collective Rationality: Participatory planning and budgeting must be a process of allocation of limited resources, a zero-sum process that forces citizens to prioritize collective choices that usually are made privately and thus destroys trust and legitimacy. IV. The state publicly offers articulated participatory mechanisms which would induce citizens to become active members of civic organizations. V. These processes allow the mobilization of organized civil society which would have sustainability if and only if… VI. Accountability is build in localities which eventually become Single Seat Electoral Districts so their inhabitants would know who their representative is, and make him accountable. V. Transformation Theory: The Movement towards Modern Civic Society, should happen in Cities
  • 8. VI. The Factor’s Change Over Time (Linear equations) 0.215 0.750 0.281 -0.017 0.400 0.228 0.009 -0.039 2.327 2.522 2.263 0.001 0.429 0.724 0.518 -0.018 -0.500 0.000 0.500 1.000 1.500 2.000 2.500 3.000 1997 2005 2011 2017 Change of factors Linear equations via dimensions/Equal bases Social K Civic K Intricate Fusi 0.215 0.750 0.281 -0.017 0.400 0.228 0.009 -0.039 0.465 0.504 0.453 0.000 0.429 0.724 0.518 -0.018 -0.100 0.000 0.100 0.200 0.300 0.400 0.500 0.600 0.700 0.800 1997 2005 2011 2017 Change of factors Linear equations via dimensions/Equal bases Social K Civic K *Intricate/(5) Fusi
  • 9. VII. SocialK Social Fabric SocialK grew until 2005, and began to fall, with largest fall in the last period, mainly due to a decrease in Solidarity and Mutuality (growth of Opportunism an Atomization) Although Horizontal Relationship does not change, some of their variables did: Horizontal solution to collective problems (between all communities’ members) and Third Party Enforcement (increase the need for third parties intervention to solve them).
  • 10. Solidarity and Mutuality’s fall: High impact (57%) on SocialK’s decline 3.17 13.73 3.62 -2.77-3.00 -1.00 1.00 3.00 5.00 7.00 9.00 11.00 13.00 15.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY National sample / Equal bases Averange Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 General solidarity 8,06 15,54 11,63 11,43 93% -25% -2% 42% Reciprocity 0,82 4,47 3,20 3,22 448% -28% 1% 295% Collective Conflict management 3,05 3,51 2,69 3,85 15% -23% 43% 26% ATOMIZATION (-) 5,33 6,13 9,79 11,79 15% 60% 20% 121% OPPORTUNISM (-) 3,42 3,66 4,11 9,48 7% 12% 131% 177% SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY 3,17 13,73 3,62 -2,77 333% -74% -176% -187% 8.06 15.54 11.63 11.43 0.82 4.47 3.2 3.223.05 3.51 2.69 3.85 5.33 6.13 9.79 11.79 3.42 3.66 4.11 9.48 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change variables SOLIDARITY AND MUTUALITY National sample / Equal bases General solidarity Reciprocity Management Collective Conflicts ATOMIZATION (-) OPPORTUNISM (-)
  • 11. Increased Atomization contributes 22% to SocialK decline Average Percentage Change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 Nobody helps *rescaled 3,33 2,62 2,85 4,00 -30% 6% 71% 64% Not a member of a pension fund*rescaled 5,54 4,88 7,70 8,20 -11% 56% 22% 61% Never meet with neighbors 2,40 3,08 3,03 1,43 28% -2% -53% -40% Never meet with coworkers 2,66 2,71 2,57 1,49 2% -5% -42% -44% Does not belong to any voluntary organization 1,80 3,42 3,04 2,74 90% -11% -10% 52% Zero linkage 5,46 5,12 6,31 8,76 -6% 23% 39% 61% ATOMIZATION 5,33 6,13 9,79 11,79 15% 60% 20% 121% 3.33 2.62 2.85 4.00 5.54 4.88 7.70 8.20 2.40 3.08 3.03 1.432.66 2.71 2.57 1.49 1.80 3.42 3.04 2.74 5.46 5.12 6.31 8.76 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average Atomization change National sample / Equal basis Nobody helps *rescaled Not a member of a pension fund*rescaled Never meet with neighbors Never meet with coworkers Does not belong to any voluntary organisation Zero linkage
  • 12. 55% 8% 5% 5% 3% 5% 4% 4% 4% 4% 2% 2% 51% 10% 5% 9% 3% 5% 3% 4% 3% 4% 1% 3% 63% 6% 4% 4% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 3% 2% 2% 88% 4% 2% 2% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 0% 0%0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 Legislative Linkage National sample / Equal data bases 1997 2005 2011 2017
  • 13. Opportunism increase contributes 65% to the fall of SocialK Average Percenge change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 People behave opportunistically and each time they can, skip their obligations to others (oboport) 2,64 2,61 3,21 3,30 -1% 23% 3% 25% Collectives problems. You look for a political connection (palanca) that solves it for you (clpalan) 1,24 2,18 2,23 4,00 77% 2% 79% 223% Instead worrying that rules apply to everyone equally, you better see how you get away with what you want (unosuya ) -0,46 -1,13 -1,33 2,18 -148% 17% 264% 577% OPPORTUNISM 3,42 3,66 4,11 9,48 7% 12% 131% 177% 2.64 2.61 3.21 3.30 1.24 2.18 2.23 4.00 -0.46 -1.13 -1.33 2.18 -2.00 -1.00 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change items Opportunism National sample / Equal bases People behave opportunistically and each time they can, skip their obligations to others (oboport) Collective problems. You look a political connection (palanca) that solves it for (clpalan) Instead worrying that rules apply to everyone equally, you better see how you get away with yours (unosuya )
  • 14. 5.33 6.13 9.79 11.79 3.42 3.66 4.11 9.48 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change ATOMIZATION AND OPPORTUNISM National sample / Equal bases ATOMIZATION OPPORTUNISM
  • 15. The Triad: Social Capital Reservoirs  The Political Reform: Mixed System for election to the Lower Chamber, Councils and Assemblies in territories of more than one million people. Planning Organic Law: Incorporate the elements for participatory planning. Simplify the state offer of participatory mechanisms: Task assigned in law 1757 of 2015 to the National Council of Participation, chaired by the Ministry of the Interior and Technical Secretary of the National Planning Department, and identification of resources allocated for participation so a cost benefit analysis can be done.
  • 16. • People know who their representative is Representation • There is an equal ratio between the number of votes that a party receives and the number of seats that a party gets Proportionality Main required criteria for electoral systems
  • 17. Mark one Political Party and then mark one the candidate’s number (Present Electoral System) Mark one Political Party (closed list) (Government´s proposal) Mark one per Political Party (closet list: color), and one District´s Candidate (photo and name) CANDIDATE1 CANDIDATE 2 CANDIDATE 3 CANDIDATE 4 CANDIDATE 5 CANDIDATE 6 Logo Name Name Name Name Name Name POLITICAL PARTY CANDIDATE
  • 18. Proposed Electoral Reform Mixed Electoral System: to ensure proportionality 50% of seats are chosen from a closed and ordered list at the wider territorial level. Other 50% are chosen from Single Seat Electoral Districts (SSED) to stablish a Principal-Agent (P-A) linkage and accountable representation, the main deficit in Colombian politics. SSED become Territorial Settings capable of accumulating Social Capital, Trust and Rationality. Apply to Lower Chamber as well as Departmental Assemblies and City Councils in territories of more than one million inhabitants.
  • 19. VIII. Civic Capital: CivicK Differentiation of Civic Capital from the State (Intricate) is important; the social capital that bridges appears, the one which Putnam uses to explain the economic development and the effectiveness of the State. It shows a slight recovery compared to 2011. Civic Participation has the effect of lowering Fusi, Hierarchy increases Fusi.
  • 20. CIVIC PARTICIPATION: increases 21% 2011-2017, increasing CivicK and slightly diminishing (6%) Fusi. 28.43 21.94 14.56 17.61 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Civic Participation National sample / Equal basis 12.73 8.36 5.68 8.90 4.49 4.08 3.93 3.91 1.76 1.37 0.78 1.33 4.84 3.64 1.63 2.54 0.00 2.00 4.00 6.00 8.00 10.00 12.00 14.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Variable Average Changes Civic Participation National Sample / Comparable Bases Membership in Non religious Voluntary Organizations Local Activities Civic Activities Media Activities Engages in voluntary work Average Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations 12,73 8,36 5,68 8,90 -34% -32% 57% -30% Local Activities 4,61 4,50 2,55 0,93 -2% -43% -64% -80% Civic Activities 4,49 4,08 3,93 3,91 -9% -4% 0% -13% Media Activities 1,76 1,37 0,78 1,33 -22% -43% 71% -24% Engages in voluntary work 4,84 3,64 1,63 2,54 -25% -55% 56% -48% CIVIC PARTICIPATION 28,43 21,94 14,56 17,61 -23% -34% 21% -38%
  • 21. Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations increases 57%, 2011-2017 12.73 8.36 5.68 8.90 0.00 2.00 4.00 6.00 8.00 10.00 12.00 14.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations Nacional sample / Equal Bases Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations: Non member (0), non active member (5), active member (10) 0.00 0.20 0.40 0.60 0.80 1.00 1.20 1.40 1.60 1.80 2.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Membership in Secular Voluntary Organizations Nacional sample / Equal Bases Artistic, musical and culture (119%) Labor Union (54%) Cooperative (-2%) Humanitarian or charitable organization (-11%) Sport or recreational organization (-14%) Political party (-31%) Ethnic (-40%) Agricultural organizations/farmers associations (-54%) Educational (-51%) Safety or vigilance (-53%) Professional association (-58%) Environmental (-67%) Gender (-68%) Health (-74%) Communal action/Meetings neighborhoods (-76%)
  • 22. The thesis of citizen’s demobilization. Historical series In 2017 I increase the membership but not active 19,698 23,122 26,096 30,797 8,317 13,996 18,038 17,427 4,058 4,670 4,068 10,906 3,336 2,278 2,284 1,188 0 5,000 10,000 15,000 20,000 25,000 30,000 35,000 1997 2005 2011 2017 PARTICIPATION IN CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS (VALUES / THOUSANDS) Population over 18 years* Non member Not active members Active members
  • 23. Engages in voluntary work 48% 36% 16% 25% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% 45% 50% 1997 2005 2011 2017 Engages in voluntary work Nacional sample / Equal bases
  • 24. HIERARCHY OR VERTICAL ARTICULATION: 26% loss, 2011-2017. Main cause of loss of CivicK 27.65 30.16 26.81 19.76 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change VERTICAL ARTICULATION Nacional sample / Equal bases 4.05 4.96 4.20 4.06 1.31 5.15 2.25 1.37 -2.88 -0.86 -0.88 -3.22 12.97 11.31 12.32 10.98 4.19 3.16 2.99 1.78 -6.00 -4.00 -2.00 0.00 2.00 4.00 6.00 8.00 10.00 12.00 14.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change VERTICAL ARTICULATION Nacional sample / Equal bases Membership of interest group organizations Vertical Solidarity Vertical Solutions of Collective Problems Mediating organizations: Church Mediating organizations: Professional associations Mediating organizations: Political parties Mediating organizations: Labor union Average Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 11-97 Membership of interest group organizations 4,05 4,96 4,20 4,06 22% -15% -3% 0% Vertical Solidarity 1,31 5,15 2,25 1,37 294% -56% -39% 5% Vertical Solutions of Collective Problems -2,88 -0,86 -0,88 -3,22 70% -2% -268% -12% Mediating organizations: Church 12,97 11,31 12,32 10,98 -13% 9% -11% -15% Mediating organizations: Professional associations 4,26 3,41 3,22 3,20 -20% -6% 0% -25% Mediating organizations: Political parties 3,76 3,03 2,70 1,59 -19% -11% -41% -58% Mediating organizations: Labor union 4,19 3,16 2,99 1,78 -25% -5% -41% -58% VERTICAL ARTICULATION 27,65 30,16 26,81 19,76 9% -11% -26% -29%
  • 25. How to solve collective problems? 2.97 4.74 4.00 1.95 1.05 1.19 1.94 4.09 3.45 2.56 2.48 2.23 1.67 2.21 2.23 4.00 2.24 3.91 3.84 3.01 0.00 0.50 1.00 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00 3.50 4.00 4.50 5.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Solutions of colletive porblems Nacional sample / Equal bases We can solve them among all members of the community (cltodos) If someone of greater position does not intervene, one cannot coordinate to solve them (clmayor) You can only solve them on your own (substact) (clunomi) You look for a political connection (palanca) that solves it for you (sustract) (clpalan) A community representative is appointed to assist in their resolution (clrepre) Whatdopeopledowhencollectiveproblemsarise? Dimension HORIZONTAL RELATIONSHIPS HORIZONTAL RELATIONSHIPS VERTICAL ARTICULATION HorizontalSolutions ofCollective Problems Variable ThirdParty Enforcement (substract) VerticalSolutions ofCollective Problems Wecansolvethemamong all membersofthe community(cltodos) Ifsomeoneofgreater positiondoesnot intervene,onecannot coordinatetosolvethem (clmayor) Youcanonlysolvethem onyourown(substact) (clunomi) Youlookforapolitical connection(palanca)that solvesit foryou (sustract) (clpalan) Acommunity representative is appointedtoassistintheir resolution(clrepre) Items
  • 26. IX. INTRICATE Institutional trust and indirect control of state INTRICATE increases between 1997 and 2005, then it starts to fall. Its most drastic loss occurred between 2011 and 2017, mainly for loss of Institutional Trust and increased corruption’s perception, fall of Social Control ( control of society on the state) and Political participation.
  • 27. INSTITUTIONAL TRUST: Fall 30% 2011-2017, diminishing 49% Intricate 119.6 113.9 101.9 71.6 0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 100.0 120.0 140.0 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change INSTITUTIONAL TRUST National sample /Comparable bases Organized from highest to lowest for total falls (17-97) 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 6.00 7.00 8.00 9.00 10.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change INSTITUTIONAL TRUST National sample /Comparable bases The congress (-74%) Labor unions (-72%) Departmental gobernment (-71%) Ethnic movement (-69%) Political parties (-68%) Environmental organizations (-63%) Local gobernment (-61%) Municipal gobernment (-58%) Major Companies (-58%) Women’s organizations (-57%) Educational system (-56%) Public prosecution (-50%) Public administration (-48%) Legal system (-47%) Nacional gobernment (-47%) Television (-36%) The press (-33%) The police (-27%) Profesional association (-20%) The [churches] (-16%) The armed forces (-14%) Perception of corruption (19%)
  • 28. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION falls 31% 2011-2017, decreasing Intricate 20% 127.95 165.16 145.09 100.61 0.00 20.00 40.00 60.00 80.00 100.00 120.00 140.00 160.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average changes POLITICAL PARTICIPATION National sample / Equal bases Average Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 Political Skills 31,91 40,01 34,27 30,20 25% -14% -12% -5% Participatory Mechanisms 22,33 29,42 22,40 19,28 32% -24% -14% -14% Voting 26,58 37,08 34,69 22,37 40% -6% -36% -16% Legislative Linkage 22,87 22,60 19,29 4,36 -1% -15% -77% -81% Executive Linkage 12,69 23,56 23,03 16,18 86% -2% -30% 27% Political Activities 12,79 14,56 14,18 12,88 14% -3% -9% 1% Political Party 5,71 5,47 4,76 2,36 -4% -13% -51% -59% POLITICAL PARTICIPATION 127,95 165,16 145,09 100,61 29% -12% -31% -21% 31.91 40.01 34.27 30.20 22.33 29.42 22.40 19.28 26.58 37.08 34.69 22.3722.87 22.60 19.29 4.36 12.69 23.56 23.03 16.18 12.79 14.56 14.18 12.88 5.71 5.47 4.76 2.36 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 45.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average changes POLITICAL PARTICIPATION National sample / Equal bases Political Skill Participatory Mechanistic Electoral Activity: Voting Legislative Linkage Executive Linkage Political Activities Political Party
  • 29. 31.91 40.01 34.27 30.20 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 35.00 40.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average changes POLITICAL SKILL National sample / Equal bases Loss of Political Skills 2.72 5.07 6.15 4.33 1.47 2.54 1.79 1.99 3.05 3.51 2.69 3.85 9.71 9.67 8.83 9.89 2.17 4.08 2.28 2.03 8.64 10.89 10.00 7.72 4.16 4.25 2.53 0.40 0.00 2.00 4.00 6.00 8.00 10.00 12.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average changes POLITICAL SKILL National sample / Equal bases Ability to reward positive leadership Ability to enforce agreements Ability to make problems explicit Ability to exert pressure Ability to monitor compliance with agreements Ability to organize Ability to negotiate and enter into agreements
  • 30. PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY: MECHANISM, falls 14% 2011- 2017, diminishing 7% Intricate 22.33 29.42 22.40 19.28 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Participatory Mechanisms National sample /Equal bases Average Percentage Change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 Territorial Planning Councils 0,94 2,00 1,37 1,67 113% -31% 22% 78% Right to Petition 1,92 3,82 4,19 3,27 99% 10% -22% 70% Recall 1,47 2,54 1,79 1,99 73% -30% 11% 36% Rural development Councils 1,53 2,47 1,61 1,54 61% -35% -4% 1% Open town meeting 1,53 2,47 1,66 1,26 61% -33% -24% -18% Petition of protection of a fundamental right (Tutela) 5,38 5,61 4,92 4,35 4% -12% -11% -19% Education sectoral mechanism 4,53 4,63 3,10 3,44 2% -33% 11% -24% Citizens oversight committes 1,67 2,81 1,87 0,90 68% -33% -52% -46% Health sectoral mechanism 3,37 3,08 1,89 0,86 -8% -39% -55% -75% Participatory Mechanism 22,33 29,42 22,40 19,28 32% -24% -14% -14% 0.94 2.00 1.37 1.67 1.92 3.82 4.19 3.27 1.47 2.54 1.79 1.99 1.53 2.47 1.66 1.26 5.38 5.61 4.92 4.35 4.53 4.63 3.10 3.44 1.67 2.81 1.87 0.90 3.37 3.08 1.89 0.86 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 6.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average changes Participatory Mechanisms National sample /Equal bases Territorial Planning Councils Petition rights Recall Rural development Councils Open town meeting Petition of protection of a fundamental right (Tutela) Education sectoral mechanism Citizens oversight committes Health sectoral mechanism
  • 31. Direct observation of participatory planning in 162 towns with high incidence of armed conflict Observación de la Planeación Participativa en municipios de alto conflicto N°i Observación de la Planeación Participativa Municipal Informe Final Presentado por: Corporación para el Control Social -CONTRIAL John Sudarsky, Presidente Diana Marcela García D., Directora Ejecutiva Bogotá D.C, enero de 2017 Final report: http://bit.ly/planpart162mun Presentation : http://bit.ly/PlanPartMunConf
  • 32. The above elements produce a collective pact which educates people about the public sphere and how to solve complex local investment dilemmas Citizens acquire the capacity to focus their social oversight and control, and the eventually clear territorial representative knows what priorities have been defined so he can lobby territorial priorities. Points of the Reform of the Law on Participatory Planning
  • 33. Legislative Linkage The following questions were asked for each legislative body: (Senate, Lower Chamber, Departmental Assembly, Municipal Council and Local Government Board) Did you vote? Do you know who your representative would have been? Was the representative you voted for elected? Which of the elected representatives represents you better? In regard to the latter, an additional question inquired about the reasons for voting for him.
  • 34. Representative Democracy: Loss of Legislative Linkage (77%) 37% who voted for at least one of the legislative elections Variable has become so uniformly low that it is no longer a critical variable 22.87 22.60 19.29 4.36 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Legislative Linkage Nacional sample /Equal Bases 6.53 7.19 5.24 0.88 4.29 4.32 4.33 0.81 3.92 3.59 3.83 0.84 4.32 3.98 2.66 1.03 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 6.00 7.00 8.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Legislative Linkage Nacional sample /Equal Bases Municipal Council Senate Lower Chamber Derpatmental Assembly Local Government Board
  • 35. 12.7% 23.0% 20.4% 22.9% 23.5% 5.7% 4.3% 4.7% 4.7% 3.6% 3.0% 3.0% 2.4% 3.8% 2.8%2.8% 1.6% 1.2% 0.9% 1.7% 0.0% 5.0% 10.0% 15.0% 20.0% 25.0% Local Government Board Municipal Council Departmental Assembly Lower Chamber Senate Legislative Linkage ( percentage) Nacional sample / BARCAS 2017 Did you vote? Do you know who your representative would have been? Was the representative you voted for elected? Which of the elected representatives represents you better?
  • 36. 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 5.000-10.000 10.000-20.000 20.000-50.000 50.000-100.000 100.000-500.000 MAS DE 500.000 BONDING SOCIAL CAPITAL TRANSITION BRIDGING SOCIAL CAPITAL LEGISLATIVE LINKAGE BY SIZE OF TOWN: THE NEED TO CREATE INTERMEDIATE RESERVOIR OF SOCIAL CAPITAL ABOVE THE “BARRIO” AND BELOW THE CIT Y 1997 2005 2011 2017
  • 37. TOTAL EV: 75,7 % CompositionoftheFactors/11dimensions BARCAS2017 Social Control Institutional Trust Political Participation Media Information and Transparency Social Media Civic Republicanism Solidarity and Mutuality HorizontalRelationships Civic Participation INTRICATE Institutional trust and indirectcontrol state EV:32,9% SOCIALK Social Capital EV:13,6% Nuevofactor CIVICK CivicCapital EV:10,7% Institutional trust and indirect control state Faith in unvalidated sources information Civic Capital FUSI Faith in unvalidated sources information EV:18,2% Social Capital / Social Fabric Hierarchy orVertical Articulation Positive effect Negative effect The disintermediation of Opinion and the Media In the 10 dimensions model Media is related to INTRICATE, with positive effect and also with positive effect on FUSI. In the 11 dimensions model, with the entry of Networks, Media effects on factors disappear. TOTAL EV: 78,8 % CompositionoftheFactors/10dimensions BARCAS2017 Social Control Institutional Trust Political Participation Media Information and Transparency Civic Republicanism Solidarity and Mutuality HorizontalRelationships Civic Participation INTRICATE Institutional trust and indirectcontrol state EV:34,4% SOCIALK Social Capital EV:13,7% Nuevofactor CIVICK CivicCapital EV:10,8% Institutional trust and indirect control state Faith in unvalidated sources information Civic Capital FUSI Faith in unvalidated sourcesinformation EV:19,9% Social Capital / Social Fabric Positive effect Negative effect HierarchyorVertical Articulation
  • 38. X. FUSI Faith in Unvalidated Sources Information FUSI increase from 1997 to 2005; afterwards begins to fall, with a drastic drop between 2011 and 2017 (collective self confession). The main causes of the fall of FUSI are: Fall of Information and Transparency ( recognition that the citizenry does not have the valid, timely and sufficient information to be able to participate) and drop of Civic Republicanism (recognition that citizens do not take responsibility for the public, are not politically educated and are immersed in a particularistic and clientelist society).
  • 39. -22% -16% -6% -4% -48% -15% 0% 10% -50% -40% -30% -20% -10% 0% 10% Media explain problems in depth Vertical Solutions of Collective Problems Mediating organizations: Church Vertical Solidarity Political Education Particularism (increases) Responsability for public sphere success. Citizen’s Politization (increases) INFORMATION AND TRANSPARENCY(- 35%) HIERARCHY OR VERTICAL ARTICULATION (-28%) CIVIC REPUBLICANISM (-18%) Contribution of variables to the fall of FUSI 2011-2017
  • 40. -3.46 -0.79 -3.46 -8.37 -9.00 -8.00 -7.00 -6.00 -5.00 -4.00 -3.00 -2.00 -1.00 0.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change INFORMATION AND TRANSPARENCY Nacional sample / Equal bases Information and Transparency, drop of 142% -0.23 -0.30 -1.35 -2.80 0.27 0.38 -0.76 -0.84 -0.57 -0.13 -0.82 -2.91 -1.44 -0.93 -1.71 -2.17 2.62 1.37 0.58 1.65 1.13 1.56 1.76 2.00 -4.00 -3.00 -2.00 -1.00 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change INFORMATION AND TRANSPARENCY Nacional sample / Equal bases The State makes efforts to keep citizens informed Citizens inform themselves appropriately to participate effectively Media explain problems in depth People have who explains to them public problems Colombians do not know where the country is headed because no one tell us (-) Do you know how the resources of your locality are going to be invested?
  • 41. Civic Republicanism: Falls 69% and decreases FUSI 13.39 20.11 11.28 3.54 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change CIVIC REPUBLICANISM Nacional sample / Equal bases 4.94 5.94 5.26 6.546.87 10.06 6.02 8.67 4.39 1.72 2.06 5.27 21.21 19.10 15.13 15.01 -5.36 -1.39 -2.55 -8.33 -10.00 -5.00 0.00 5.00 10.00 15.00 20.00 25.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change CIVIC REPUBLICANISM Nacional sample / Equal bases Clientelism (-) Citizen’s Politization Particularism (-) Responsability for public sphere success. Political Education Average Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 Clientelism (-) 4,94 5,94 5,26 6,54 20% -11% 24% 32% Citizen’s Politization 6,87 10,06 6,02 8,67 46% -40% 44% 26% Particularism (-) 4,39 1,72 2,06 5,27 -61% 20% 156% 20% Responsibility for public sphere success 21,21 19,10 15,13 15,01 -10% -21% -1% -29% Political Education -5,36 -1,39 -2,55 -8,33 74% -83% -227% -55% CIVIC REPUBLICANISM 13,39 20,11 11,28 3,54 50% -44% -69% -74%
  • 42. ACKNOWLEDGMENT THAT CITIZENS ARE LESS EDUCATED POLITICALLY; DECREASES FUSI BECAUSE IT GETS CLOSER TO THE CITIZENS’ REALITY  People do not have anyone who explains to them public affairs  Citizens do not get informed to participate  The state does not inform citizens  Political parties do not inform citizens on their ideologies and programs  Media do not fully explain public problems Colombians do not know where the country is going because no one informs us The Fall of Political Education: collective self confession
  • 43. Particularism increases 156% 2011- 2017, diminishing 15% FUSI 4.39 1.72 2.06 5.27 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 5.00 6.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Particularism Nacional sample / Equal bases Average Percentage change 1997 2005 2011 2017 05-97 11-05 17-11 17-97 If you don’t get paid for public service, you don’t have to serve 0,55 -0,66 -0,57 -1,07 -221% 15% -90% -296% Instead of worrying about rules you better worry about seeing how you get away with it -0,46 -1,13 -1,33 2,18 -148% -17% 264% 577% When the State takes a decision it does not apply it equally to all (- ) 0,85 0,96 1,47 1,94 13% 53% 32% 128% Collective Problems: You can only solve them on your own 3,45 2,56 2,48 2,23 -26% -3% -10% -35% PARTICULARISM 4,39 1,72 2,06 5,27 -61% 20% 156% 20% 0.55 -0.66 -0.57 -1.07 -0.46 -1.13 -1.33 2.18 0.85 0.96 1.47 1.94 3.45 2.56 2.48 2.23 -2.00 -1.00 0.00 1.00 2.00 3.00 4.00 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Particularism Nacional sample /Equal bases If you don’t get paid for public service, you don’t have to serve Instead of worrying about rules you better worry about seeing how you get away with it When the State takes a decision it does not apply it equally to all (- ) You can only solve them on your own
  • 44. Do political connections work? Collective problems: You look for a political connection (palanca) that solves it for you (clpalan) (via Oportunism) diminishes SocialK (contributes 28% to the fall of SocialK) Help from political connections no longer generates SocialK More demand for political connections but they do not work. The electoral systems is designed for a clientelistic society but it is not performing its “integrative” functions. What is then left? 1.68 2.18 2.23 4.00 -0.74 0.42 -0.17 -0.07 -1.50 -0.50 0.50 1.50 2.50 3.50 4.50 1997 2005 2011 2017 Average change Clientelism Nacional sample /Equal bases Collective problems: You look for a political connection (palanca) that solves it for you (clpalan) Help from political connections
  • 45. XI. FACTORS in cities The full power of diagnosis of the Barcas does not become apparent until the broad differences between and within cities are used. There are longitudinal measurements of main large cities ( Bogotá, Cali, Medellín, Barranquilla, Bucaramanga and Cartagena, and Cundinamarca. Very distinct differences in each, and very distinct evolution. Results for localities, the natural unit of intervention, are available.
  • 47. The Third Wave of Democracy: Avritzer, 2002 Avritzer describes the effect of Citizen Mobilization on democracy in its three Waves. In the first, since the beginnings of democracy, the Mobilization ends up destroying democracy: the Weimar Republic, Germany in the 1930s, where between Spartacist and Nazis destroy democracy. In the second wave and as consequence of fears aroused form the first wave, citizen mobilization ends when you vote. In the third wave, the current one, citizens find a parsimonious structure within which it can be mobilized rationally. The pioneering milestone in this regard is the Participatory Budget of Puerto Alegre in Brazil, 1974. Avritzer, L.(2002). Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America. Princeton. Princeton University Press.
  • 48. Transformation Theory: The Movement towards Modern Civic Society: it would happen in Cities I. Collective Self-Confession: FUSI falls. When this happens, citizens problematize the political culture in which they live, permeated by clientelism and political corruption. FUSI fell nationally. II. Actual accumulation of social capital requires additionally the introduction of governmental policies that include the creation of intermediate territorial reservoirs between the large city and neighborhoods: localities. SOME CITIES HAVE ADVANCED IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF THESE INTERMEDIATE TERRITORIAL RESERVOIRS (Bogotá, Barranquilla, Cartagena, for example. RECENTLY Cali WAS DECLARED AS A SPECIAL DISTRICT, and is currently grouping communes in localities. III. Deepening of decentralization and participatory process such as local participatory planning and budgeting. Build Collective Rationality: Participatory planning and budgeting must be a process of allocation of limited resources, a zero-sum process that forces citizens to prioritize collective choices that usually are made privately and destroys trust and legitimacy. PLANNING LAW REFORM (Law 152 OF 1994) agreed in Peace Accords is bogged down in congress. IV. The state publicly offers articulated participatory mechanisms which would induce citizens to become active members of civic organizations. NATIONAL PARTICIPATION COUNCIL (NPC) TASKS (Law 1757 of 2015) Simplify the oversupply of participatory mechanisms and spaces. V. These processes allow the mobilization of organized civil society which would have sustainability if and only If CITIZENS FIND A PARSIMONIOUS STRUCTURE FOR ITS MOBILIZATION. Not so. VI. Accountability is created in localities to eventually become Single Seat Electoral districts so their inhabitants would know who their representative is and make him accountable. LEGISLATIVE LINKAGE FELL TO THE MINIMUM LEVEL. ELECTORAL REFORM NECESSARY. Proposed reforms do not address the problem of representation.
  • 49. Citizens (the principal) collectively define their priorities ( what they want) and thus know which is the subject of their attention to exert social control. The representative (the agent) lobbies the collective will and the citizens control that he does it. Accountability and Social Control of citizens materialize A civil society articulated structure gets generated from the local up to the national level Citizens find a parsimonious structure for mobilization Governance, legitimacy and collective rationality increases Participatory planning and Participatory budgeting The Virtuous cycle: the Articulation of Participatory and Representative democracies
  • 50. FUSI has fallen but the two ways to validate information, Civic and Political participation, are very weak. Therefore, space is open space for the emergence of leftist or right populisms that return us to the First Wave, where citizen mobilization ravages democracy. Putnam’s equation backwards: weak society, weak economy; weak society, ineffective state. An anomic, limping, low growth development
  • 51. Informe final: http://bit.ly/planpart162mun /Presentación : http://bit.ly/PlanPartMunConf Informe final : http://bit.ly/planpartbogfinal Observación de la Planeación Participativa en municipios con alta incidencia del conflicto armado (Contrial, 2016) Observación de la Planeación Participativa Local en Bogotá (Contrial, 2017) Propuesta Reforma Política – Sistema Electoral Mixto Presentación : http://bit.ly/RefPoliticSisMixto Formulario BARCAS 2017 http://contrial.co/formulario-barcas-iv-medicion-de-capital-social-de-colombia/ Further references
  • 52. Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados nacionales Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocCol Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Cali Presentación: http://bit.ly/capitalSocialCali Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Medellín Articulo: http://bit.ly/ComenCapSocialColombia Articulo: http://bit.ly/ComuniCali Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocialMede Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia: Resultados Bogotá Presentación: http://bit.ly/CapSocBog Cartagena en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia Articulo: http://bit.ly/ResCapSocCartgPresentación: http://bit.ly/PreCapSocCartgn Bucaramanga en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia Cundinamarca en el contexto de la Cuarta medición del Capital Social de Colombia Presentación: http://bit.ly/bucapsoc Articulo : http://bit.ly/artbucapsoc Presentación: http://bit.ly/CundCapSoc Articulo: http://bit.ly/CunArtCapSoc Further references

Notas do Editor

  1. The BARCAS allows to disaggregate a result by dimensions, variables and items, giving it great precision Factors, Dimensions, Variables and Items: Aggregation and Disaggregation in the Barcas
  2. How did factors change over time? Intricate fell so drastically in the last period that obscures change in other factors. To visualize more clearly such changes, the second figure is presented, where the Intricate scale has been reduced.
  3. From 55 % Cero Legislative Linkage in 2005, when the 2003 electoral reform was first applied, it has been increased to the current 88%. Only 12% of potential voters have some degree of linkage anthough their linkage is week.
  4. No se entiende del todo PENSAR !!!
  5. There were 3,3 millions of colombians activelly participating in secular voluntary organizations in 1997. Now they are only 1,2. The increase from 2011 to 2017 is mainly in non active membership. However, these are not new participants buy the same people that now participate pasively in several voluntary organization.
  6. The fall to a third of its level from 1997 is in 2005 and 2011. Slight recovery 2017.
  7. Trust in political parties, congress, and in TV falls to minimal levels and remain at lowest levels. Perception of corruption increases.
  8. Accountability is stable at a low level. Trust in Institutions that exert Control over the State is the largest drop. Control Mechanism of Society Over State also falls.
  9. Items have remained stable over time and with very low levels
  10. All variables fall, following a tendency since 2005. Loss in Legislative Linkage is the most dramatic. Political Parties, from a very low level, falls even more to minimum possible level.
  11. The variable covers the whole process of exerting political capacity, starting from identifying a problem, getting organized to exert pressure, reaching agreements, capacity to supervise them and fulfill them, and rewrd positive leadership. Greater loss is in in negotiate and stablish agreements. The inmidiate questions is where in society you have the settings in which there is an oportunity to reach these agreements.
  12. Participatory democracy. Only those with complete series are presented. Drop form a maximum in 2005. Level lower than base line when, in 1997 there were being used for the initial times. In the last period Health Recall and Planning Territorial Councils.
  13. Excluding Right to Petition and Tutela which are not collectivelly exerted rights , 43% of colombiand do not know any of them. But there are relativelly a high percentage who now or or know of someneone who had used some of them..
  14. Deliverative Mechanism fall except Participatory Territorial Councils, still at a vey low level.
  15. The analisys of Municipal Participatory Process in 162 towns of high conflict.
  16. The percentage of those who participated in at least one of the elections remains stable in the last three periods.
  17. All legislative linkages fall, even city councils which were the closest to the electorate up to 2005. Previously, Legislative Linkage differentiated people in political participation. Given the current homogenously low levels, it does not fulfills that role anymore.
  18. The cleavage between voting and remembering who did you vote for is very wide. This is the result of the electoral system and the ballot does not allow you to identify who are you voting for (no photo or name, just a number and a party logo which in itself produces a large number of not marked or invalidated votes) all of wich results in an very indirect way of in which a deposited vote elect a representative. It is very hard to talk abour a “represenative system” when voters do not even remeber who they voted for. The proposed closed and ordered list would make the identification impossible, even less so to hold these represenatives accountable.
  19. Bonding social capital (strong but short trust radius, with walls around them) up to 20.000 municipal inhabitants, transition towards Bridging Social Capital up to about 100.000 inhabitants. After 500.000 fall over. CRITICAL BASIS TO ESTABLISH SIZE OF SINGLE SEAT ELECTORAL DISTRICTS, the settings where social capital would accumulate. The surprising fact is that the pattern is similar until legislative linkage disappears.
  20. The only thing that improves is political party membership; however, active membership has been falling until it has practically disappeared. Trust in political parties falls more dramatically. They also fall to have political party as reason to vote and activity in the political party falls to its lowest level.
  21. All variables fall, except knowing where are local resorces are invested, which happens to be Fusi.
  22. Main increment in search for a political conection to solve collective problems (for you) and a political conection can help you, but….