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A HISTORIAN’S JOURNAL ENTRY / BY ANITA RAVI
Networks of trade from East Asia to the
Mediterranean had been operating by
sea and by land for centuries by the time
Columbus made his famous voyage.
ONE LUMP
OR TWO?
The Development
of a Global Economy
8
This allowed for the acceleration of ideas, goods, and technologies across Afro-Eurasia.
In the fifteenth century, European explorers connected the four world zones, resulting
in the Columbian Exchange and the opening of new networks of exchange. By the
seventeenth century, the English, Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese had settled colonies
throughout the Americas, and the Atlantic slave trade was in full, terrifying swing to
support the production of crops and goods to be sold in Europe and Asia. But how did
we get from Columbus setting foot on Hispaniola to the 13 colonies? What systems had
to be developed to support these settlements? I think the answers lie in good old capi-
talism. People wanted certain goods, and the Europeans stepped up to provide those
goods in ways that the Asians had for the centuries before. In the early part of the six-
teenth century, European participation in the trade in Asia was seriously limited. Euro-
peans didn’t produce any commodities or finished goods that Asians wanted to buy.
In fact, it was Europeans and their desire for Asian goods that initiated most of this
global trade. In order for Europeans to become global economic players they needed
to become producers of the goods, movers of the goods, and consumers of the goods,
but first, they needed cash.
SILVER AND GOLD
The saying goes that the Spanish and Portuguese explorers came to the New World
looking for “God, gold, and glory.” So did they find their gold? The table below shows
what was exchanged between Spain and South America from 1493 to 1550.
This small chart tells me a great deal. First, I can see that initially, the Spanish were
sending weapons, horses, and other basic goods to the New World. I imagine these
helped the Spanish establish a foothold in the Americas (and I can guess it probably
wasn’t a friendly one). They landed first in the West Indies, and their initial search was
for gold, which they found and sent back to Spain. In an attempt to control this new
trade route, the Spanish crown ruled in 1504 that all trade with the New World had
to go through the Spanish port of Seville so that they could supervise, centralize, and
regulate the process (this isn’t in the chart — it’s additional information I gathered
from the sources at the bottom of ths page). This policy has actually been handy for
historians because it created records of what came and went through that port, and
set a precedent for tracking trade around the world.
Based upon this chart, I can also conclude that by 1521 the Spanish had settled in the
West Indies and perhaps other places because they were bringing in consumer goods
(things people need to be able to live) rather than a majority of guns and horses.
They must have had all the guns and horses they needed by that time. I also see that
the exports back to Spain had expanded to include dyes and pearls, both of which
were highly desirable luxury items in Europe. By 1550, I see that the type of consumer
goods going to the colonies had changed. The colonists must have been well estab-
lished and were missing the finer things from home like wine, cloth, and their books
— things they couldn’t produce yet in the New World. It’s also significant that mercury
Trans-Atlantic Trade
Dates Goods that traveled from Spain to the New World Goods that traveled to Spain from the New World
1493 to 1520 Guns, gunpowder, horses and other livestock,
flour, oil, and wine
Gold from the West Indies
1521 to 1530 Consumer goods (things that people needed to live,
such as cloth, pots, tools)
Gold, dyes, pearls
1530 to 1550 Mercury (used in processing sliver), fine foods and wines,
damascene swords, quality textiles, spices, books, and paper
Silver (largest export), gold, hides, tobacco,
medicinal plants, indigo, and sugar
Chart taken from Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 55. See also McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal in the New World: 1492
— 1700. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Print. Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Print. Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity
through the Mid-Eighteenth Century.” Journal of World History 13, 2 (2002): 398. Print. Elliott, John H. The Old World and the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970. Print. Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious Metals
in European Economic Development. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. Print.
BIG HISTORY PROJECT	 ONE LUMP OR TWO?	 2
Trans-Pacfic Trade
Dates Trade activity
1570s	 • Trans-Pacific trade opened between Acapulco Mexico and Manila, Philippines.
• Exports: Overwhelmingly silver
• Imports: Chinese silk, porcelains, spices, wax. The Spanish crown limited this trade to what could be carried
in two galleons (ships) yearly.
1597	 • According to one estimate, the value of silver sent illegally to Manila from Mexico was greater than the total
value of all goods, including silver, carried by Spain’s official trans-Atlantic fleet.
1600 to 1610 • Imports continued as before.
• Almost 95 percent of trans-Pacific exports consisted of silver.
1600s	 • Throughout the seventeenth century, over 50 tons of silver a year went from Acapulco to Manila.
Chart taken from Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 56. See also McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal in the New World: 1492
— 1700. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Print. Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Print. Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity
through the Mid-Eighteenth Century.” Journal of World History 13, 2 (2002): 398. Print. Elliott, John H. The Old World and the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970. Print. Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious Metals in
European Economic Development. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. Print.
was sent to the New World. This meant that the Spanish were starting to refine their
own silver in the Americas rather than sending it back to Spain as a raw material. By
1550, the exports back to Spain expanded again to include hides (used to make cloth-
ing), tobacco (which would later become a booming trade for the English in North
America), and sugar. Both the tobacco and sugar imply that crops and plantations had
been established, had flourished, and were yielding enough to be able to send these
things back to Spain. From the Trans-Atlantic chart on the previous page, we can
conclude that within the span of about 60 years, the Spanish had gotten their hands
on lots of silver and some gold, set up colonies in the New World, and produced crops
and goods that were worth a great deal of money to Spain and the rest of Europe.
At roughly the same time trans-Atlantic trade was developing, there was also a booming
trans-Pacific trade, mainly conducted by the Spanish. One big difference between
the two was that in the case of Pacific trade, there were ways of getting around the
Spanish crown’s control. In the Trans-Pacific Trade chart shown above, there is infor-
mation on what was being exchanged between the ports of Acapulco (Mexico) and
Manila (Philippines).
Based on the information above, I can conclude that the flow of silver into Asia from
the New World was as consistent as it was into Europe. What’s new and interesting
about this information is that much of the silver trade in the Pacific appears to be
“illegal,” that is, it was not sanctioned or controlled by the Spanish crown. This is
important because it shows that the Spanish could not hold onto their monopoly of the
silver trade. The illegal trade also means that the mining and selling of silver was not
regulated. Eventually, this led to the devaluing of silver all over the world (if there’s
too much of it, it becomes less valuable). As the silver trade flourished, the Chinese
chose to hold on to their gold standard. And since many of the goods that people
wanted came from China and India, Europeans did whatever they could to get their
hands on gold as well as Asian goods. Trading silver behind the back of the Spanish
crown was one way people attempted to get their hands on Asian goods. In the end,
this strategy backfired for the Spanish. They lost control of the silver trade and other
players like the English and Portuguese entered this market.
TEA
Now that I know a bit more about the legal and illegal trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific
Spanish trade, I’m wondering what the French and British were doing about setting
up new trade networks in those regions. I’m getting the sense that Europeans were
seeking new sources for luxury items, or things that were considered desirable or
prestigious. One example of this is the growth in the production and trade of tea. Today,
BIG HISTORY PROJECT	 ONE LUMP OR TWO?	 3
we can’t help but think of tea when we think of the British, but at the beginning of the
eighteenth century, only the very wealthy could afford to drink tea. How does a com-
modity such as tea become desirable to an entire nation of people? And what are the
global economic effects of essentially creating a new market for it?
Tea is made from the leaves and flowers of the plant Camellia sinensis, which is native
to Asia. The Chinese were the first to drink tea and it was cultivated and consumed
for its medicinal properties. The popularity of the drink increased until it became the
national beverage of China during the Tang Dynasty (618 to 907 BCE). How did a prod-
uct so central to Chinese life and culture become a staple of the English diet? One
source tells us that tea became fashionable in England thanks to Queen Catherine of
Braganza, a Portuguese princess who was very fond of drinking tea, and who married
Charles II, King of England, in 1662. The Portuguese bought tea from the Chinese as
early as the fifteenth century and brought it back to Portugal as a luxury item. Queen
Catherine began drinking tea, which of course made it fashionable at court and even-
tually this culture of tea spread to all social classes. As a result, by the eighteenth
century, tea became the most popular beverage in Great Britain. However, there was
one rather big problem: During the seventeenth century tea was primarily produced in
China, and the Chinese tightly controlled the number of chests of tea that left its docks.
So how did the British convince the Chinese to loosen their control over the tea trade?
There’s a lot we can learn about the exchange of tea between China and England
between 1700 and 1810 by examining the tables below.
Over the course of about 100 years, the import of tea from China increased by 6500
percent, from 400,000 pounds in 1700 to 26 million pounds in 1808. That’s a lot of
tea! It also seems that the British paid dearly for their tea. Based on the figures in the
“Value of Tea Exported from China to England” table, I can conclude that it cost Eng-
land one ounce of silver for every pound of tea. That cost included not just the tea itself
but also the cost of transporting it via sea routes to England from China. By 1700,
transporters of tea such as the British East India Company (BEIC) had a monopoly on
the tea trade from the East Indies. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, this
company set up its East Asian office in the port city of Canton in China, which meant
that the amount of tea entering Great Britain increased dramatically and as a result,
prices dropped. As the price of tea fell, more people began to consume it because it
was now more affordable. By the 1720s, tea became the most popular Chinese
export, which made the BEIC extremely wealthy. In fact, more than half of the BEIC’s
Asian export value was in tea! So while the British were not yet producing tea, they
had cornered the market on transporting and selling it, leaving the Portuguese — the
original European importers of tea — in the dust.
FUR
Fur was already a popular European product in the 1500s, but the overhunting of
certain animals meant that European fur had become more expensive. However, this
all began to change once European nations set up colonies in the New World. In fact,
Dutch, English, and French colonists in North America were already bartering with
the Iroquois by the early 1500s, exchanging European goods for fur pelts. All types of
furs were traded such as fox and mink but beaver fur soon became the most valuable.
Why? Beaver fur is durable, waterproof, soft, and can be easily shaped into a var-
iety of products including coats, boots, and hats. In fact, beaver hats became the most
fashionable, and therefore most wanted, type of hat throughout Europe from the
seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth centuries. Beaver pelts were shipped from North
America to Europe and Russia, where they were transformed into hats and other
British Tea Purchases from China
Date	 Pounds of tea purchased from China
1700 to 1725 400,000 pounds
1760 600,000 pounds
1800 23,300,000 pounds
1808 26,000,000 pounds
Value of Tea Exported from China to England
Date	 Value of tea exported from China to England
1781 to 1790 16.4 million ounces of silver
1800 to 1810 26 million ounces of silver
Charts taken from Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes Shape 1500 — 1800
CE.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 27.
BIG HISTORY PROJECT	 ONE LUMP OR TWO?	 4
ready-to-wear goods. These fur commodities were then sold all over Europe, where
both the upper and middle classes were willing to pay a good bit for them, and even
back to the European colonists and the indigenous people of North America, who had
trapped and traded the pelts.
When I look at these hats made from beaver pelts, I can see that many different types
of people in English society — the military, the church, and the ordinary male citizen
— wore this fur. We know that by the seventeenth century, the British and the French
had established colonies were in North America. These settlements included forts,
churches, and businesses, which of course required military, clergy, and ordinary
male citizens. Fur became not just a luxury item, but a necessity of human life in cold
places. It was goofy hats galore. (Which, on a side note, eventually led to the overhunt-
ing of the North American beaver.)
Let’s look at some additional information on items of exchange in North America,
this time from the French.
From 1722 to 1723, three French forts located on the Great Lakes supplied the list
of goods below to the indigenous people in the region, mainly the Huron and Iroquois
nations, in exchange for about 8,000 beaver pelts.
• 1,605 sewing needles
• 632 catfish hooks
• 273 men’s woolen shirts
• 336 women’s woolen shirts
• 214 children’s woolen shirts
• 217 butcher knives
• 2,109 other knives
• 243 pounds of red
and yellow copper cauldrons
• 328 axes
• 59 guns
• 4,493 gun flints
• 3,640 pounds of shot and balls
• 6,463 pounds of flour
French exports from North America to Europe:
• 1620 to 1630: About 30,000 beaver skins a year
• 1680s: About 140,000 beaver skins a year
• 1800: About 200,000 beaver skins a year
Information in lists taken from Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes Shape
1500 — 1800 CE.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 17.
Based on the information above, I can conclude that the Huron and Iroquois found the
goods produced by the French useful. Things like needles, fish hooks, axes, knives,
and guns all required metal, blacksmiths, and machinery to produce them. The French
had these means of production in significant numbers; the Huron and Iroquois didModifications of the Beaver Hat
BIG HISTORY PROJECT	 ONE LUMP OR TWO?	 5
not. The desire on the part of the French to tap into this rich source of beaver pelts led
them to haul vast quantities of goods across sea, land, and river to trade with the
Iroquois and Huron. The English also wanted access to this opportunity to trade with
the Native Americans, and in 1670, they established the Hudson Bay Company —
similar in structure to the British East India Company. Competition among the French,
British, and Russians for beaver pelts continued throughout the eighteenth century.
Here’s what I’ve learned so far from the silver, tea, and fur trades: With the arrival of
large amounts of silver into the global market in the sixteenth century, Europeans
positioned themselves at the center of a new and vast trading network. While they did
not produce tea and fur themselves, they established systems to obtain, transport,
and sell these items in European markets. Europeans competed with each other to
control each trade, or in other words, to create a monopoly. The English were the most
skilled at this, usually piggy-backing on what the French, Portuguese, and Spanish
had started. This created wealth among the middlemen and an established system
of trade and transport by sea that led to the next phase of global exchange: the use of
forced labor to cultivate raw materials and produce goods.
BIG HISTORY PROJECT	 ONE LUMP OR TWO?	 6
Working Bibliography  Notes
Image of beaver hats courtesy of
Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching
Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes
Shape 1500 — 1800 CE.” World History
for Us All. PDF file, 16.
Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious
Metals in European Economic Develop-
ment. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,
1998. Print.
Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching
Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange
and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.”
World History for Us All. PDF file.
Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic
Economies. London: Weidenfeld and
Nicolson, 1973. Print.
Elliott, John H. The Old World and
the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge:
Cambridge UP, 1970. Print.
Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez,
“Cycles of Silver: Global Economic
Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth
Century.” Journal of World History 13,
2 (2002): 398. Print.
McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal
in the New World: 1492 — 1700.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1984. Print.
Cover image: Unloading Tea at the
London Docks, 1877. Courtesy of Corbis.
This short journal entry is an example
of how historians go about exploring
important questions and looking at new
information. They use a mixture of his-
torical documents and the writings of
other historians to inform their thinking.
All sources are listed in the working
bibliography.

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Unit 8: One Lump or Two? The Development of Global Economy

  • 1. A HISTORIAN’S JOURNAL ENTRY / BY ANITA RAVI Networks of trade from East Asia to the Mediterranean had been operating by sea and by land for centuries by the time Columbus made his famous voyage. ONE LUMP OR TWO? The Development of a Global Economy 8
  • 2. This allowed for the acceleration of ideas, goods, and technologies across Afro-Eurasia. In the fifteenth century, European explorers connected the four world zones, resulting in the Columbian Exchange and the opening of new networks of exchange. By the seventeenth century, the English, Spanish, Dutch, and Portuguese had settled colonies throughout the Americas, and the Atlantic slave trade was in full, terrifying swing to support the production of crops and goods to be sold in Europe and Asia. But how did we get from Columbus setting foot on Hispaniola to the 13 colonies? What systems had to be developed to support these settlements? I think the answers lie in good old capi- talism. People wanted certain goods, and the Europeans stepped up to provide those goods in ways that the Asians had for the centuries before. In the early part of the six- teenth century, European participation in the trade in Asia was seriously limited. Euro- peans didn’t produce any commodities or finished goods that Asians wanted to buy. In fact, it was Europeans and their desire for Asian goods that initiated most of this global trade. In order for Europeans to become global economic players they needed to become producers of the goods, movers of the goods, and consumers of the goods, but first, they needed cash. SILVER AND GOLD The saying goes that the Spanish and Portuguese explorers came to the New World looking for “God, gold, and glory.” So did they find their gold? The table below shows what was exchanged between Spain and South America from 1493 to 1550. This small chart tells me a great deal. First, I can see that initially, the Spanish were sending weapons, horses, and other basic goods to the New World. I imagine these helped the Spanish establish a foothold in the Americas (and I can guess it probably wasn’t a friendly one). They landed first in the West Indies, and their initial search was for gold, which they found and sent back to Spain. In an attempt to control this new trade route, the Spanish crown ruled in 1504 that all trade with the New World had to go through the Spanish port of Seville so that they could supervise, centralize, and regulate the process (this isn’t in the chart — it’s additional information I gathered from the sources at the bottom of ths page). This policy has actually been handy for historians because it created records of what came and went through that port, and set a precedent for tracking trade around the world. Based upon this chart, I can also conclude that by 1521 the Spanish had settled in the West Indies and perhaps other places because they were bringing in consumer goods (things people need to be able to live) rather than a majority of guns and horses. They must have had all the guns and horses they needed by that time. I also see that the exports back to Spain had expanded to include dyes and pearls, both of which were highly desirable luxury items in Europe. By 1550, I see that the type of consumer goods going to the colonies had changed. The colonists must have been well estab- lished and were missing the finer things from home like wine, cloth, and their books — things they couldn’t produce yet in the New World. It’s also significant that mercury Trans-Atlantic Trade Dates Goods that traveled from Spain to the New World Goods that traveled to Spain from the New World 1493 to 1520 Guns, gunpowder, horses and other livestock, flour, oil, and wine Gold from the West Indies 1521 to 1530 Consumer goods (things that people needed to live, such as cloth, pots, tools) Gold, dyes, pearls 1530 to 1550 Mercury (used in processing sliver), fine foods and wines, damascene swords, quality textiles, spices, books, and paper Silver (largest export), gold, hides, tobacco, medicinal plants, indigo, and sugar Chart taken from Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 55. See also McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal in the New World: 1492 — 1700. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Print. Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Print. Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century.” Journal of World History 13, 2 (2002): 398. Print. Elliott, John H. The Old World and the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970. Print. Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious Metals in European Economic Development. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. Print. BIG HISTORY PROJECT ONE LUMP OR TWO? 2
  • 3. Trans-Pacfic Trade Dates Trade activity 1570s • Trans-Pacific trade opened between Acapulco Mexico and Manila, Philippines. • Exports: Overwhelmingly silver • Imports: Chinese silk, porcelains, spices, wax. The Spanish crown limited this trade to what could be carried in two galleons (ships) yearly. 1597 • According to one estimate, the value of silver sent illegally to Manila from Mexico was greater than the total value of all goods, including silver, carried by Spain’s official trans-Atlantic fleet. 1600 to 1610 • Imports continued as before. • Almost 95 percent of trans-Pacific exports consisted of silver. 1600s • Throughout the seventeenth century, over 50 tons of silver a year went from Acapulco to Manila. Chart taken from Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 56. See also McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal in the New World: 1492 — 1700. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Print. Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Print. Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century.” Journal of World History 13, 2 (2002): 398. Print. Elliott, John H. The Old World and the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970. Print. Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious Metals in European Economic Development. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. Print. was sent to the New World. This meant that the Spanish were starting to refine their own silver in the Americas rather than sending it back to Spain as a raw material. By 1550, the exports back to Spain expanded again to include hides (used to make cloth- ing), tobacco (which would later become a booming trade for the English in North America), and sugar. Both the tobacco and sugar imply that crops and plantations had been established, had flourished, and were yielding enough to be able to send these things back to Spain. From the Trans-Atlantic chart on the previous page, we can conclude that within the span of about 60 years, the Spanish had gotten their hands on lots of silver and some gold, set up colonies in the New World, and produced crops and goods that were worth a great deal of money to Spain and the rest of Europe. At roughly the same time trans-Atlantic trade was developing, there was also a booming trans-Pacific trade, mainly conducted by the Spanish. One big difference between the two was that in the case of Pacific trade, there were ways of getting around the Spanish crown’s control. In the Trans-Pacific Trade chart shown above, there is infor- mation on what was being exchanged between the ports of Acapulco (Mexico) and Manila (Philippines). Based on the information above, I can conclude that the flow of silver into Asia from the New World was as consistent as it was into Europe. What’s new and interesting about this information is that much of the silver trade in the Pacific appears to be “illegal,” that is, it was not sanctioned or controlled by the Spanish crown. This is important because it shows that the Spanish could not hold onto their monopoly of the silver trade. The illegal trade also means that the mining and selling of silver was not regulated. Eventually, this led to the devaluing of silver all over the world (if there’s too much of it, it becomes less valuable). As the silver trade flourished, the Chinese chose to hold on to their gold standard. And since many of the goods that people wanted came from China and India, Europeans did whatever they could to get their hands on gold as well as Asian goods. Trading silver behind the back of the Spanish crown was one way people attempted to get their hands on Asian goods. In the end, this strategy backfired for the Spanish. They lost control of the silver trade and other players like the English and Portuguese entered this market. TEA Now that I know a bit more about the legal and illegal trans-Atlantic and trans-Pacific Spanish trade, I’m wondering what the French and British were doing about setting up new trade networks in those regions. I’m getting the sense that Europeans were seeking new sources for luxury items, or things that were considered desirable or prestigious. One example of this is the growth in the production and trade of tea. Today, BIG HISTORY PROJECT ONE LUMP OR TWO? 3
  • 4. we can’t help but think of tea when we think of the British, but at the beginning of the eighteenth century, only the very wealthy could afford to drink tea. How does a com- modity such as tea become desirable to an entire nation of people? And what are the global economic effects of essentially creating a new market for it? Tea is made from the leaves and flowers of the plant Camellia sinensis, which is native to Asia. The Chinese were the first to drink tea and it was cultivated and consumed for its medicinal properties. The popularity of the drink increased until it became the national beverage of China during the Tang Dynasty (618 to 907 BCE). How did a prod- uct so central to Chinese life and culture become a staple of the English diet? One source tells us that tea became fashionable in England thanks to Queen Catherine of Braganza, a Portuguese princess who was very fond of drinking tea, and who married Charles II, King of England, in 1662. The Portuguese bought tea from the Chinese as early as the fifteenth century and brought it back to Portugal as a luxury item. Queen Catherine began drinking tea, which of course made it fashionable at court and even- tually this culture of tea spread to all social classes. As a result, by the eighteenth century, tea became the most popular beverage in Great Britain. However, there was one rather big problem: During the seventeenth century tea was primarily produced in China, and the Chinese tightly controlled the number of chests of tea that left its docks. So how did the British convince the Chinese to loosen their control over the tea trade? There’s a lot we can learn about the exchange of tea between China and England between 1700 and 1810 by examining the tables below. Over the course of about 100 years, the import of tea from China increased by 6500 percent, from 400,000 pounds in 1700 to 26 million pounds in 1808. That’s a lot of tea! It also seems that the British paid dearly for their tea. Based on the figures in the “Value of Tea Exported from China to England” table, I can conclude that it cost Eng- land one ounce of silver for every pound of tea. That cost included not just the tea itself but also the cost of transporting it via sea routes to England from China. By 1700, transporters of tea such as the British East India Company (BEIC) had a monopoly on the tea trade from the East Indies. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, this company set up its East Asian office in the port city of Canton in China, which meant that the amount of tea entering Great Britain increased dramatically and as a result, prices dropped. As the price of tea fell, more people began to consume it because it was now more affordable. By the 1720s, tea became the most popular Chinese export, which made the BEIC extremely wealthy. In fact, more than half of the BEIC’s Asian export value was in tea! So while the British were not yet producing tea, they had cornered the market on transporting and selling it, leaving the Portuguese — the original European importers of tea — in the dust. FUR Fur was already a popular European product in the 1500s, but the overhunting of certain animals meant that European fur had become more expensive. However, this all began to change once European nations set up colonies in the New World. In fact, Dutch, English, and French colonists in North America were already bartering with the Iroquois by the early 1500s, exchanging European goods for fur pelts. All types of furs were traded such as fox and mink but beaver fur soon became the most valuable. Why? Beaver fur is durable, waterproof, soft, and can be easily shaped into a var- iety of products including coats, boots, and hats. In fact, beaver hats became the most fashionable, and therefore most wanted, type of hat throughout Europe from the seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth centuries. Beaver pelts were shipped from North America to Europe and Russia, where they were transformed into hats and other British Tea Purchases from China Date Pounds of tea purchased from China 1700 to 1725 400,000 pounds 1760 600,000 pounds 1800 23,300,000 pounds 1808 26,000,000 pounds Value of Tea Exported from China to England Date Value of tea exported from China to England 1781 to 1790 16.4 million ounces of silver 1800 to 1810 26 million ounces of silver Charts taken from Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes Shape 1500 — 1800 CE.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 27. BIG HISTORY PROJECT ONE LUMP OR TWO? 4
  • 5. ready-to-wear goods. These fur commodities were then sold all over Europe, where both the upper and middle classes were willing to pay a good bit for them, and even back to the European colonists and the indigenous people of North America, who had trapped and traded the pelts. When I look at these hats made from beaver pelts, I can see that many different types of people in English society — the military, the church, and the ordinary male citizen — wore this fur. We know that by the seventeenth century, the British and the French had established colonies were in North America. These settlements included forts, churches, and businesses, which of course required military, clergy, and ordinary male citizens. Fur became not just a luxury item, but a necessity of human life in cold places. It was goofy hats galore. (Which, on a side note, eventually led to the overhunt- ing of the North American beaver.) Let’s look at some additional information on items of exchange in North America, this time from the French. From 1722 to 1723, three French forts located on the Great Lakes supplied the list of goods below to the indigenous people in the region, mainly the Huron and Iroquois nations, in exchange for about 8,000 beaver pelts. • 1,605 sewing needles • 632 catfish hooks • 273 men’s woolen shirts • 336 women’s woolen shirts • 214 children’s woolen shirts • 217 butcher knives • 2,109 other knives • 243 pounds of red and yellow copper cauldrons • 328 axes • 59 guns • 4,493 gun flints • 3,640 pounds of shot and balls • 6,463 pounds of flour French exports from North America to Europe: • 1620 to 1630: About 30,000 beaver skins a year • 1680s: About 140,000 beaver skins a year • 1800: About 200,000 beaver skins a year Information in lists taken from Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes Shape 1500 — 1800 CE.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 17. Based on the information above, I can conclude that the Huron and Iroquois found the goods produced by the French useful. Things like needles, fish hooks, axes, knives, and guns all required metal, blacksmiths, and machinery to produce them. The French had these means of production in significant numbers; the Huron and Iroquois didModifications of the Beaver Hat BIG HISTORY PROJECT ONE LUMP OR TWO? 5
  • 6. not. The desire on the part of the French to tap into this rich source of beaver pelts led them to haul vast quantities of goods across sea, land, and river to trade with the Iroquois and Huron. The English also wanted access to this opportunity to trade with the Native Americans, and in 1670, they established the Hudson Bay Company — similar in structure to the British East India Company. Competition among the French, British, and Russians for beaver pelts continued throughout the eighteenth century. Here’s what I’ve learned so far from the silver, tea, and fur trades: With the arrival of large amounts of silver into the global market in the sixteenth century, Europeans positioned themselves at the center of a new and vast trading network. While they did not produce tea and fur themselves, they established systems to obtain, transport, and sell these items in European markets. Europeans competed with each other to control each trade, or in other words, to create a monopoly. The English were the most skilled at this, usually piggy-backing on what the French, Portuguese, and Spanish had started. This created wealth among the middlemen and an established system of trade and transport by sea that led to the next phase of global exchange: the use of forced labor to cultivate raw materials and produce goods. BIG HISTORY PROJECT ONE LUMP OR TWO? 6 Working Bibliography Notes Image of beaver hats courtesy of Adams, Esther. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.4 The Global Economy Takes Shape 1500 — 1800 CE.” World History for Us All. PDF file, 16. Bozorgnia, S. M. H. The Role of Precious Metals in European Economic Develop- ment. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. Print. Chapman, Anne. “Landscape Teaching Unit 6.2 The Columbian Exchange and Its Consequences 1400 — 1650.” World History for Us All. PDF file. Davis, Ralph. The Rise of the Atlantic Economies. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973. Print. Elliott, John H. The Old World and the New: 1492 to 1650. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970. Print. Flynn, Dennis O. and Arturo Giráldez, “Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century.” Journal of World History 13, 2 (2002): 398. Print. McAlister, Lyle N. Spain and Portugal in the New World: 1492 — 1700. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984. Print. Cover image: Unloading Tea at the London Docks, 1877. Courtesy of Corbis. This short journal entry is an example of how historians go about exploring important questions and looking at new information. They use a mixture of his- torical documents and the writings of other historians to inform their thinking. All sources are listed in the working bibliography.