European View - Volume 2 - Autumn 2005 Europe, its Borders and Role in the World

E UROPEAN V IEW Volume 2 - Autumn 2005

EUROPE, ITS BORDERS AND ROLE IN THE WORLD

Wilfried Martens EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities
• Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou Democracy-building in
Europe and Beyond • Elmar Brok The EU as a Global Player in the 21 st Century
Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy •
Fraser Cameron The EU and Global Governance • Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
Turkey - The Missing Link in the European Puzzle • Benita
Ferrero-Waldner Future Prospects for the European Neigh-
bourhood Policy • Franco Frattini Europe, Global Security and the
Fight Against Terrorism • Ingo Friedrich Quo Vadis? Europe’s Role in a
Globalised World • Lawrence Gonzi Mediterranean Security and Regional
Management • Leonid Gozman Russia and Europe: Between Love and Hate •
Annette Heuser Europe’s World - A Global Power in the Making •
John Howard Australia - EU Relations: Shared Interests, Common
Challenges • Ioannis Kasoulides Cyprus: Becoming Europe’s Hub in
the Middle East • Jyrki Katainen Releasing the Northern Potential:
Benefiting from Baltic Area Investment • John McCain Transatlantic
Relations: An American View • Don McKinnon The Commonwealth and the
European Union • John Edwin Mroz Securing Europe and Its Neighbours
• Per Stig Møller Working Even Closer: the EU, the United Nations and
the Reform of the Security Council • Ong Keng Yong Advancing ASEAN-
EU Relations in the 21st Century • Jan Petersen Europe’s Role in Solving
Conflicts and Building Peace • Mariano Rajoy EU and Latin America
- A Special Relationship • Dimitrij Rupel Security and Cooperation in
Europe - A View of the Future • Mikheil Saakashvili Democratic Choice
• Nicolas Sarkozy France for a More Ambitious Europe • Jacek Saryusz-
Wolski Belarus: The Gate of Europe • Mirek Topolánek Enlargement,
European Neighbourhood Policy and the Role of New Member States
• Yannis Valinakis Paving the Western Balkans’ European Path •
René van der Linden The Council of Europe and the EU - Partners for a
Stable Europe • Victor Yushchenko Ukraine Towards the European Project

A Journal of the Forum for European Studies

EUROPEAN VIEW
European View is a Journal of the Forum for European Studies, published by the European People’s
Party. European View is a biannual publication that tackles the entire spectrum of Europe’s political,
economic, social and cultural developments. European View is an open forum for academics,
experts and decision-makers across Europe to debate and exchange views and ideas.

EDITORIAL BOARD
Chairman:
Wilfried Martens, President of the European People’s Party, former Prime Minister, Belgium

Carl Bildt, former Prime Minister, Sweden
Elmar Brok, Member of the European Parliament, Germany
John Bruton, former Prime Minister, Ireland
Mário David, Member of Parliament, Portugal
Vicente Martínez-Pujalte López, Member of Parliament, Spain
Loyola de Palacio, former Vice-President of the European Commission, Spain
Chris Patten, former Member of the European Commission, United Kingdom
Jan Petersen, former Foreign Minister, Norway
Hans-Gert Poettering, Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Germany
Alexander Stubb, Member of the European Parliament, Finland
József Szájer, Vice-Chairman of the EPP-ED Group in the European Parliament, Hungary
Andrej Umek, former Minister for Science and Technology, Slovenia
Per Unckel, former Minister of Education and Science, Sweden
Yannis Valinakis, Deputy Foreign Minister, Greece

ADVISORY BOARD
Antonio López-Istúriz, Christian Kremer, Luc Vandeputte, Kostas Sasmatzoglou, Ingrid Goossens,
Guy Volckaert

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Tomi Huhtanen

Assistant Editors:
Michèle Cimenti, Mélanie Dursin, Galina Fomenchenko

For editorial inquiries please contact:
European View
Editor-in-Chief
Rue d’Arlon 67
1040 Brussels
email: thuhtanen@epp-eu.org
Tel. +32 2 285 41 49
Fax. +32 2 285 41 41
Url: www.epp-eu.org/europeanview

The Forum for European Studies is a think-tank dedicated to Christian Democrat and like-minded
political values, which is engaged in open, comprehensive and analytical debate.

European View and its publishers assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this
publication. Articles are subject to editing and ﬁnal approval by the Editorial Board.

This publication is partly funded by the European Parliament.

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European View

CONTENTS

• Editorial: Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond ................................................................................................5
Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou

• EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities ........................................................................................13
Wilfried Martens

• The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for a Common Foreign
and Security Policy ..............................................................................................................................................................................19
Elmar Brok

• The EU and Global Governance .................................................................................................................................................27
Fraser Cameron

• Turkey - The Missing Link in the European Puzzle .......................................................................................................33
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

• Future Prospects for the European Neighbourhood Policy .......................................................................................41
Benita Ferrero-Waldner

• Europe, Global Security and the Fight Against Terrorism ........................................................................................47
Franco Frattini

• Quo Vadis? Europe’s Role in a Globalised World ............................................................................................................53
Ingo Friedrich

• Mediterranean Security and Regional Management ...................................................................................................57
Lawrence Gonzi

• Russia and Europe: Between Love and Hate......................................................................................................................65
Leonid Gozman

• Europe’s World - A Global Power in the Making .............................................................................................................71
Annette Heuser

• Australia - EU Relations: Shared Interests, Common Challenges .........................................................................77
John Howard

• Cyprus: Becoming Europe’s Hub in the Middle East ....................................................................................................83
Ioannis Kasoulides

• Releasing the Northern Potential: Beneﬁting from Baltic Area Investment..................................................87
Jyrki Katainen

• Transatlantic Relations: An American View......................................................................................................................95
John McCain

• The Commonwealth and the European Union ..............................................................................................................103
Don McKinnon

• Securing Europe and its Neighbours ....................................................................................................................................107
John Edwin Mroz

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Volume 2 - Autumn 2005

• Working Even Closer: the EU, the United Nations
and the Reform of the Security Council .............................................................................................................................113
Per Stig Møller

• Advancing ASEAN-EU Relations in the 21st Century ................................................................................................119
Ong Keng Yong

• Europe’s Role in Solving Conﬂicts and Building Peace ...........................................................................................125
Jan Petersen

• EU and Latin America - A Special Relationship ...........................................................................................................131
Mariano Rajoy

• Security and Cooperation in Europe - A View of the Future .............................................................................. 137
Dimitrij Rupel

• Democratic Choice ............................................................................................................................................................................143
Mikheil Saakashvili

• France for a More Ambitious Europe ...................................................................................................................................147
Nicolas Sarkozy

• Belarus: The Gate of Europe .......................................................................................................................................................153
Jacek Saryusz-Wolski

• Enlargement, European Neighbourhood Policy and the Role of New Member States.........................159
Mirek Topolánek

• Paving the Western Balkans’ European Path .................................................................................................................165
Yannis Valinakis

• The Council of Europe and the EU - Partners for a Stable Europe ..................................................................171
René van der Linden

• Ukraine Towards the European Project ..............................................................................................................................177
Victor Yushchenko

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European View


Editorial

Democracy-building in Europe and Beyond
By Antonio López-Istúriz & Kostas Sasmatzoglou

With the fall of the Berlin Wall and Beyond our immediate neighbour-
the collapse of the Iron Curtain, the hood, the EPP is particularly concerned
European Union faced enormous with the democratic challenges of
challenges in its effort to stabilise the Middle East and North Africa
and gradually integrate the newly and the grave dangers of religious
established, but fragile Central and and political extremism. The post-
Eastern European democracies. A major part September 11 global environment and the surge
of this challenge was to help build strong of terrorist acts – many of them on European soil
and reliable democratic foundations in these – has made us particularly sensitive to the need
countries, based on the fundamental political for greater stability, democracy and prosperity
virtues of post-WWII Europe; the same ones that in the problematic parts of the world.
inspired the creation of a common and united
European home. Another region that was, is, and will continue
to be for the foreseeable future politically
The European People’s Party (EPP) – whose problematic is Latin America. The EPP and our
founding fathers and member-parties have global partners have, for many years, been at
pioneered the European project from its the forefront of assisting democratic forces and
inception – was determined to take a leading exposing authoritarian regimes, such as Cuba
role, despite the magnitude of the task (dozens and Venezuela, and will not rest until democracy
of countries, hundreds of economic and social takes root throughout the region.
problems, limited EU resources, etc.). The
primary aim was to bolster the political forces Enlarging through Enlargement
that were committed to democracy, social
market economy and the rule of law, particularly The integration of the newly-established
since many of them were kept marginalized democracies of Central and Eastern Europe
by refurbished post-communist political elites, was a pain-staking process with political
groomed by the European Socialists. reform at its heart. With the swift submission
of EU membership applications by the Czech
The hard work of the last 15 years has brought Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania,
impressive results since our like-minded political Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia the EPP, soon
partners have entered the center-stage of national enough, received a wave of applications by
and European politics and have managed to political parties eager to join our political family
bring the most recent EU enlargement cycle to and to utilise our political experience, resources
a successful conclusion. Nevertheless, the drive and democratic methods. This eagerness
for democracy-building by the EPP is far from was understandably acute in countries where
over. Our work in the Western Balkans is still yesterday’s communists became today’s
evolving and we have only started becoming ‘democrats’ who helped preserve large
engaged in Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus, not parts of the old economic and bureaucratic
withstanding our ad hoc activities in the Trans- establishments while dipping into the new
Caucasus and the Russian Federation. ‘spoils’, generated by the free-market economy.

5


More importantly, these post-communist The results from all these efforts proved to
politicians quickly found refuge in the Party be very positive since, slowly but surely, most
of European Socialists (PES) and the Socialist of these parties entered the center-stage of
International (SI) who, due to their traditional national and, eventually, European politics. By
‘flexibility’ towards such politicians and practices, gradually integrating with the EPP as observers
rose triumphantly to the occasion. and associate members they managed, at the
pre-accession stage, to become well-acquainted
The EPP, therefore, had the task of commencing with European-level political behaviours and
its own enlargement process that would also practices. For example, with the participation
complement the overall enlargement policy of of their leaders at the EPP Summit – which
the European Union. It would, first, have to prepares the agenda of the EU Council Summit
identify potential political partners that would – they had the opportunity to become engaged
generally adhere to the basic ideological with EU policies prior to the accession of their
principles and values of the EPP and that countries. Furthermore, political leaders from
would also represent a noteworthy portion of these countries began playing a role in the
the national electorate. After identifying such a internal decision-making process of the EPP.
party and before even considering any type of At the October 2002 EPP Congress in Estoril
membership affiliation1, European political think (Portugal) for example, two out of the eleven
tanks2 affiliated to the EPP would overtake the EPP Vice-Presidents elected came from the
challenge of offering training and educational enlargement countries: the Hungarian leader of
programmes to the leaders, advisers, youth and FIDESZ and former Prime Minister Victor Orban
to any other party member that was considered and the Bulgarian leader of UDF4 and former
important for the greater democratization and Minister of Foreign Affairs Nadezhda Mihailova.
‘Europeanization’ of the political party. In
parallel, the EPP would pool all other available By May 2004, when the European Union
resources – particularly those from the EPP-ED welcomed 10 new Member States, the EPP had
Group in the European Parliament – to organize accepted 18 political parties as full members:
conferences, seminars, and other relevant one from the Czech Republic5, two from Estonia,
activities in all these countries. The coordinating two from Hungary, three from Latvia, two from
role for all these activities was handled by long- Lithuania, two from Poland, three from Slovakia,
standing EPP Vice-President Wim van Velzen3. and three from Slovenia.6 The success of the
The experienced Dutch politician, chairing both EPP in these countries was also reflected in the
the EPP Working Group on “Enlargement & EPP June 2004 European elections in which the EPP-
Memberships” and the Working Group of the ED Group in the European Parliament secured
EPP-ED Group on Central and Eastern Europe, 268 seats and first place, with MEPs from all
was uniquely placed to manage this Herculean the recently acceded Member States (and from
task on behalf of the EPP. all other EU Member States). In the newly
enlarged European Commission, 3 out of the 9

1
The EPP offers three types of membership status: a) observer member, b) associate member (maximum status for parties
belonging to EU candidate countries, EFTA countries, & Stability Pact countries), and c) full member (maximum status for
parties belonging to EU member countries).
2
The Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS – by far the largest, linked to the CDU), together with the ÖVP Political Academy,
the Eduardo Frei Foundation (CDA), the Hanns Seidel Stiftung (CSU), FAES (PP), along with the Budapest-based Robert
Schuman Institute (directly affiliated to the EPP), a.o.
3
Wim van Velzen is the former leader of the Dutch CDA and former Vice President of the EPP-ED Group and Member of the
European Parliament. He continues to Chair EPP Working Group “Enlargement & EPP Memberships.”
4
The EPP has accepted three parties as associate members from Bulgaria, including the UDF, with the application of
Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria still outstanding.
5
Our EPP-ED Group also accepted MEPs from the ODS in its ED section - the EPP application of ODS remains outstanding.
6
The EPP also accepted one member from Cyprus and one from Malta. For a full listing of EPP members, please visit www.
epp-eu.org.

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European View


EPP Commissioners came from the enlargement In this asymmetrical political jigsaw puzzle, the
countries.7 Currently in the European Council, European People’s Party has, for many years,
4 out of 11 EPP heads of government are from been actively engaged and making its own
the new EU Member States8. With the imminent contribution in the stability and democratisation
accession of Romania and Bulgaria, the influence of the region. In the late 1990s, for example, EPP
of the EPP is, once again, well represented in Vice President and President of Greece’s Nea
the political mainstream of these countries. In Demokratia Kostas Karamanlis, launched on
Romania, two out of three EPP member parties behalf of the EPP the ‘Western Balkan Democracy
comprise the current government coalition and Initiative’10 – a series of training seminars
Romanian President Train Basescu is the former and conferences that introduced the political
President of the Democratic Party.9 practices and ideology of the EPP to the center-
right political parties of the region. Furthermore,
New Candidates - New Neighbourhood the EPP applied in the Western Balkans a similar
methodology to that of the Central and Eastern
The Western Balkans European countries for building strong and
reliable political partnerships, although in some
In the Enlargement portfolio of the Barroso countries the work is still in progress or has just
Commission, the entire Western Balkan region began.
has been added for potential candidates to join
the European Union. The enlargement drive of Croatia has been a model case for the EPP. Its
the region is spearheaded by Croatia, a candidate main partner in the country, the HDZ, began its
country, which began accession negotiations quest for EPP membership at a time when the
in 2005, despite initial resistance by some EU shadow of Franjo Tudjman was still present in the
Member States. Serbia and Montenegro and party and Croatian nationalism was still thriving.
the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia The EPP, with the help of its member-parties,
(FYROM) are also making inroads in their think-tanks, and associations, helped steer the
accession aspirations, but it will be a long and HDZ11 in the right direction and facilitated its
hard road since many political questions – such reform into a pluralistic and European-oriented
as the future status of Kosovo in Serbia and political force. HDZ leader and Prime Minister
the implementation of the Ohrid agreement Ivo Sanader has repeatedly proven his statesman
and other problematic issues in FYROM – are qualities, his commitment to ICTY and his
still open. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the dedication to transform Croatia into a European
European Union is still largely responsible for ‘island’ of stability in this fragile region of
the stability and nation-building of this fragile Europe. Although these efforts were, for some
country, whose wounds from the war are still time, not fully appreciated by some European
healing. Lastly, Albania, although politically and international cycles, our painstaking efforts
stable, remains one the most economically bore fruit and Croatia is finally on its way to
backward countries in Europe. becoming the 28th EU Member State.12

7
Commissioners Jan Figel (Slovakia), Andris Piebalgs (Latvia), plus Joe Borg (Malta).
8
Prime Ministers Aigars Kalvitis (Latvia), Mikulaš Dzurinda (Slovakia), Janez Janša (Slovania), plus Laurence Gonzi (Malta).
9
In Romania, the EPP accepted two parties as associate members and in September 2005 also accepted, initially, the
Democratic Party (PD) as an observer. The PD is the first ever political party to abandon the PES and join the EPP.
10
See The Western Balkan Democracy Initiative Report: Working Together, Moving Forward. European People’s Party, Athens:
September 2002.
11
In April 2004, the HDZ was upgraded from observer to associate member of the EPP.
12
In September 2005, at the initiative of EPP President W. Martens, a letter was sent on behalf of 9 EU Prime Ministers to
British Prime Minister Tony Blair, asking for the immediate commencement of Croatia’s accession negotiations.

7


In Serbia and Montenegro, the EPP was able to the country for most of 2004, since he was
build strong partnerships in Serbia proper. The given the responsibility by the country’s High
DSS of Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica and Representative to apply his diplomatic skills for
the G17plus of Deputy Prime Minister Miroslav the creation of a BiH national police force. His
Labus, have proven to be strong and reliable repeated contacts with political parties from
partners and, in fact, the only serious political all three ethnic communities helped the EPP
forces which are capable of bringing Serbia identify three potential partners – the Muslim/
closer to Europe. A major challenge for Prime Bosniak SDA, the Croat HDZBiH, and the
Minister Kostunica will be the management Serbian PDP. In this particular case, the EPP
of the future of Kosovo and the ultimate applied a modified version of its methodology
stabilization of his country. The question of the for accepting parties by implementing a common
future of Montenegro in the State-Union also approach and imposing strict requirements for all
remains outstanding. Nevertheless, regardless three parties. Essentially, all three parties were
of the political future of Montenegro, the obliged to open-up their membership to the
EPP is committed to identifying in the near other ethnic groups and to commit themselves
future partners in this country and to counter- on having a positive working relationship with
balance the current domination of Montenegrin each other, based on political ideology. Despite
Socialists/post-communists. initial difficulties, the approach was accepted
by all three parties and the EPP reciprocated
In the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, by accepting them collectively as observers13
the EPP has just inaugurated its activity in the (December 2004).
country with the implementation of a Fact-
Finding Mission (September 2005). This venture Albania is another small EPP success story.
will prove particularly challenging since the Although it was not difficult to identify the
center-right forces in the Slav-Macedonian parties that represented the center-right, the
majority are fragmented and personalized democratic practices of these parties were,
and have become distant from their Albanian- initially, far from acceptable, particularly in the
Macedonian counterparts, who are in decline. case of Sali Berisha’s Democratic Party (DP).
However, these forces are the only real hope Nevertheless, after being in opposition for a
in reforming the country and bringing it closer number of years and having the opportunity
to Europe since they are not associated with to understand and gradually implement the
the corrupt post-communist establishment, political standards presented by the EPP, the
which continues to dominate public and private DP and its leader made a political about-face.
interests. After being accepted at the Estoril Congress of
2002 as an observer, Mr Berisha was a regular
In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), the EPP participant of EPP activities and a frequent visitor
was faced with a unique a situation since, in of Brussels. More recently, we both had the
practice, the country is governed (through opportunity to personally witness his maturity
the High Representative), policed (through as a political leader at the DP Congress in April
the peacekeeping mission) and financed 2005, a prelude to his electoral comeback. The
(through European donors and investors) by EPP sincerely hopes that Prime Minister Berisha
the EU in the complex and labyrinthine Dayton will now turn words into deeds and transform
agreement setting. Fortunately, EPP President Albania into a reliable and stable European
Wilfried Martens was actively engaged in partner.

13
The SDA was the first Muslim-oriented party in the history of the EPP to become an observer member.

8
European View


Turkey Group in the Council of Europe - with members
of parliament from Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia,
For many years, the EPP was in search of a Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation.
political party that would be compatible with Nevertheless, a more systematic engagement on a
its ideological principles and values. In the country-by-country basis was deemed necessary,
past, there were only indirect contacts with the in view of the growing need to support the
Motherland party and the True Path party – via democratic forces of these countries.
the European Democrat Union - but there was
no real incentive to build relations. This situation Ukraine was the first test-case of this new
changed dramatically with the entrance, in the strategy. Following a request by Victor
Turkish political landscape, of the Justice and Yushchenko and his ever-expanding democratic
Development Party (AKP) of Recep Tayyip movement, the EPP organized in early 2003
Erdoğan. His manifold reform drive, to bring a Fact-Finding Mission for the purpose of
Turkey in line with the Copenhagen criteria and assessing the needs of his movement and the
to begin accession negotiations in 2005, also likelihood of influencing Ukrainian society. The
included an openness to build political relations result of the mission was quite promising since
with European leaders from the center-right. the EPP delegation recognized the potential of
AKP repeatedly declared that it was a secular this movement and the leadership qualities of
conservative party, inspired by the country’s Victor Yushchenko. Since then, contacts between
Islamic tradition, that was open to relations the two sides gradually increased to the point
with like-minded, even Christian Democrat, were Mr Yushchenko addressed the February
European political parties. The EPP was, of 2004 EPP Congress in Brussels and, in turn,
course, the obvious choice since it included received widespread political backing from most
all those elements the AKP was searching for. EPP member-parties. Soon after, Mr Yushchenko
From the point of view of the EPP, the AKP submitted an application for EPP observer status
was perceived as a serious political force which and expressed his commitment to join our
defended the same values, and which had the political family. In the fall of 2004, during the
potential of becoming integrated as any other critical election-campaign period, Yushchenko
member party. Finally, after months of contacts and his ‘Nasha Ukraina’ movement received
and negotiations, the EPP admitted in January manifold support by the EPP, at a time when
2004 the AKP as an observer member, as the few others from Europe and the international
initial step to its integration. This was truly a community were offering a helping hand.
groundbreaking development since it was the
first time in EPP’s history to accept a major The highlight of this support occurred in the
political party from Turkey, with millions of midst of the crisis – between the first and
supporters belonging to the Muslim faith.14 second rounds of the elections – when EPP
President Wilfried Martens formally endorsed,
The European Neighbourhood in joint press conference with Mr Yushchenko,
his candidacy15. Moreover, in the critical period
The European People’s Party always had an between the second round the re-run of elections,
interest in the transition countries of the for- President Martens extended an invitation to Mr
mer Soviet Union. Apart from its high profile Yushchenko to participate at the December 17
involvement in the Baltics, the EPP had EPP Summit of heads of government, as a show of
established contacts – via its parliamentary support for his Orange revolution16. Finally, his

14
When the AKP joined the EPP, some analysts coined the term ‘Muslim Democrats’, inspired by the long-standing ideological
concept of Christian Democracy. AKP rejects the term and considers itself a ‘Conservative’ party.
15
The report of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOB) states that: “although it was a lower profile
endorsement, Victor Yushchenko received the backing of the European People’s Party.” IEOB – European Parliament,
Council of Europe, OSCE-ODIHR, OSCE-PA, NATO-PA – Presidential Elections (Second Round), Ukraine: Preliminary
Findings and Conclusions. Kiev: 22/11/04, p.9
16
Due to intense campaigning, Yushchenko was represented at the EPP Summit by current Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk.
9


triumphant election as President was followed unacceptable current state of affairs.
by the granting of observer status by the Nevertheless, there is great interest in developing
EPP.17 On the other hand, the first months our involvement with non-governmental
of the Yushchenko administration have been organizations and individuals, committed to true
rather difficult and, at times, turbulent, while democratic reform of this pivotal country.
the post-Orange revolution political landscape
remains particularly fluid. Nevertheless, the In the Caucasian states of Georgia, Armenia and
EPP and all its resources remain committed Azerbaijan, the EPP has been present largely
to this emerging democracy and will continue through a number of ad hoc activities from our
to work hard for its European future.18 associations and think tanks. The preparation of
a wider strategy for these countries is currently
In Moldova, our engagement has been modest. underway.
Various resolutions have stressed the need to
strengthen democratic forces and a number of Looking beyond Europe
ah hoc activities by EPP partners have helped
bolster the Moldovan Christian Democrats In recent years, the EPP has been expanding
(PPCD). As a show of collective support, and on its interest and involvement in regions beyond
the eve of the March 2005 national elections, the the continent in order to offer its experience
EPP decided to grant the PPCD observer status. and expertise to common international efforts
Nevertheless, a broader range of activities of democracy-building. In doing so, we have
is being planned, in light of the continued begun to widen our bilateral and multilateral
domination of communists/post-communists in relations with like-minded political parties
the country. and organizations that are dedicated to similar
goals.
Belarus, the last European dictatorship that exists
in complete isolation from the rest of Europe,19is Specifically, our longstanding affiliation with the
a country of high priority for the EPP. As it is Christian/Centrist Democrat International (CDI)
well documented, the Belarusian democratic has offered the EPP an influential multilateral
opposition is suffocating from the Luckashenko platform to offer its input in regions such as
regime and has very limited access to European Latin America, Africa and Southeast Asia, which
and international support. The EPP has taken the CDI is particularly active. Recently, we have
the decision to become actively engaged and also started to develop a tangible relationship
to offer any possible support. Later this year, with the International Democrat Union (IDU),
the EPP will organize a Fact Finding Mission with a view to strengthening the transatlantic
to Minsk in order to get first-hand information dimension of our international activities. In
on the situation and to assess the needs of the fact, because of our emphasis on international
Belarusian opposition. democracy-building – a goal shared by both the
CDI and the IDU – the EPP aspires to act as
In the Russian Federation, our engagement a bridge for the two organisations to improve
has also been modest due to the lack of any global synergy and cooperation.
serious political alternatives to the increasingly

17
At the January 2005 EPP Political Bureau meeting, observer status was granted to Yushchenko (as an individual) and his
political platform. Since then, a number of political parties that originated from the platform have also applied for observer
status.
18
In October 7, 2005, EPP President Wilfried Martens met with Yushchenko’s newly appointed Prime Minister Yuri Yekhanurov
in Brussels and invited him to participate in the next EPP Summit. In the previous day, Yekhanurov met Commission
President José Manuel Barroso who stated: “Our door remains open, the future of Ukraine is in Europe - the best way is not
to talk all the time about membership but to achieve concrete results, show commitment to European standards and values.”
19
For example, Belarus was suspended from the Council of Europe because it “does not respect minimum democratic
standards and violates the principles of separation of powers and the rule of law” – see the Council of Europe 13 January
1997 decision on Belarus.

10
European View


Moreover, the EPP is building, on a bilateral Lebanon is currently undergoing a dramatic
level, international partnerships with influential transition towards democratization and political
political parties and organizations that are active self-sufficiency, despite terrorist attempts to
in the area of democracy-building. For example, sabotage this process.
in the United States the EPP had, historically,
contacts with the National Democratic Institute North Africa, a region that is largely an extension
(NDI) and collaborated from time to time on of the Middle East, is significantly more stable
issues related to the Balkans. This year, the EPP but problematic, nevertheless. Egypt, the
began its cooperation with the International bridge of the two regions, has subtly begun
Republican Institute (IRI) and has already proven to implement democratic reforms but, at the
to be very fruitful on a variety of related issues20. same time, terrorism and religious extremism
We also established contacts with important like- are obvious detriments to this process. Algeria
minded parties such as the Conservative Party and Morocco are facing, in varying degrees, the
of Canada, led by Stephen Harper, the Liberal same problems and democratic solutions have
Party of Australia, led by Prime Minister John not been easy to implement.
Howard, the Liberal Party of Japan, led by Prime
Minister Junichiro Koizumi, a.o. In all of the above-mentioned countries, the
EPP has in one way or another offered its good
Middle East & North Africa services: be it monitoring missions, conferences,
training seminars, bilateral contacts (parties,
The Middle East is a region of protracted organizations) and multilateral contacts (i.e.
instability with numerous players and complex Euro-Mediterranean Parliamentary Assembly).
levels of interests. Although the Israeli- The extension of the European Neighbourhood
Palestinian problem has, undoubtedly, been Policy to North African and Middle Eastern
the epicenter of this instability, since September countries has been welcomed by the EPP and it’s
11, Iraq has dominated the Middle Eastern committed to helping it succeed. Together with
agenda. Iraq, of course, has been a particularly our international partners, we look forward to
contentious foreign policy issue for many seeing these regions transform from problematic
countries and very divisive within the European barriers to stable and democratic global hubs.
Union and, not surprisingly, within the EPP.
Nevertheless, everyone has now reached the Latin America
common understanding that post-Saddam Iraq
must become stable and democratic, free from Latin America is a region with significant
terrorism and, ultimately, free from foreign democratic deficits. And in countries with
troops. In parallel, the Israeli-Palestinian established, but weak, democratic foundations
conflict has made progress with the bold step compounded by enormous economic difficulties,
taken by Israel of withdrawing unilaterally all its they are being systematically manipulated by the
troops and settlers from the Gaza strip; but the populist/neo-communist regime of Hugo Chávez
remaining occupied territories and recognition in Venezuela and by the almost infinite presence
of Palestine as a sovereign nation continue of communist dictator Fidel Castro in Cuba. The
to remain outstanding, with all the negative combination of resources by the two leaders
implications that this entails. The potential – i.e. Chávez’s control of oil and other natural
nuclear capability of Iran, on the other hand, resources and Castro’s longstanding ideological
has emerged as a worrisome issue and the EU baggage – has proven to be particularly
is actively engaged in containing it21. Lastly, dangerous for the democratic stability of other

20
Since the July 2005 visit of the EPP delegation to Washington - headed by President W. Martens and including both writers
– the EPP and the IRI have cooperated on election monitoring issues (e.g. Afghanistan), fact-finding missions (e.g. Belarus)
and activities for improving the transatlantic partnership.
21
In August 2005, EPP-ED Chairman Hans Gert Poettering visited Iran and lobbied for the adoption of the EU-3 nuclear
comprehensive package.
11


countries in the region. Bolivia22, for example,
a country with seven different frontiers in South
America, is being targeted by the two leaders in
an effort to create a populist domino effect.

The EPP, our partners in the CDI and all our
other global partners, have a duty to prevent
this nightmare scenario. We must continue
to assist and bolster the democratic forces
and governments of the region, while also
exposing the regimes of Cuba, Venezuela
and their accomplices – in any shape or form
- in other Latin American countries. We must
pool everyone’s resources to make sure that
democracy will, ultimately and irreversibly, take
root throughout the region.

Conclusion

The impact of democracy-building by the
European People’s Party has been acknowledged
as a great success story. The EPP is recognised,
in Europe and globally, as a signiﬁcant stabilising
factor in emerging democracies and as a reliable
partner for the promotion of democracy in
sensitive regions of the world. Our commitment
to improve and expand our activities, together
with our partners, is a clear and unmistakable
message to all those who are trying to undermine
democracy and freedom. With every new
breakthrough, our resolve becomes stronger and
bolder and, in turn, Europe becomes stronger
and bolder. After all, freedom and democracy
- the foundations of our United Europe - are
ideals worth ﬁghting for.

Antonio López-Istúriz is Secretary General of the
EPP and Member of the European Parliament.
Kostas Sasmatzoglou is Secretary of External
Relations of the EPP.

22
Evo Morales could become a likely imitator of Chávez - Bolivia holds the second largest gas reserves in Latin America.

12
European View

Wilfried Martens

EU-US Relations: Old Challenges and New Opportunities
By Wilfried Martens

EU-US relations, the Commission President José Manuel Barroso.
cornerstone of the This set the stage for a successful June 2005
transatlantic partnership, EU-US Summit in Washington, where Summit
have experienced in participants confirmed that Presidents Bush on
recent years varying the one hand, and Juncker and Barroso (both
degrees of ‘ups and leading EPP personalities) on the other, moved
downs’. The aftermath of the appalling September briskly from topic to topic, exchanging views
11 terrorist attacks in the United States, coupled succinctly, agreeing often and disagreeing
by the subsequent attacks in Madrid and, most sometimes. Even when disagreement occurred,
recently, London, were bound to have an impact the proceedings were conducted in a friendly
on these relations. Nevertheless, the initial vein as between people who knew one another
strain, highlighted by the disagreements over well and shared basic principles, assumptions
Iraq, was replaced by the recognition, from both and values.
sides, of the necessity to tackle our common
new challenges together, side by side. Clearly, The Summit also produced important policy
the turning point of this realisation was the advances, including a number of declarations
second Administration of US President George for joint action toward such issues as the
W. Bush and the new European Commission led promotion of democracy, freedom, and human
by President José Manuel Barroso. rights, continuing the fight against terrorism
and non-proliferation, supporting peace and
A fresh start stability in the Middle East, reform of the United
Nations, and an initiative to enhance transatlantic
As he entered his second term, President Bush economic integration and growth.
made clear that a closer relationship with the
EU would be a key US foreign policy goal. This While these declarations are indeed important,
is not to say that relations with the EU were not the comments of President Bush during the
productive during the first Bush Administration, Summit press conference were even more
in combating terrorism, non-proliferation, and in striking. Following the French and Dutch no
many other issues, but it cannot be denied that votes on the Constitutional Treaty, the European
transatlantic and intra-EU disagreements over Union had not yet fully recovered its composure
Iraq had caused serious tensions in the EU-US as an institution. At such a sensitive moment,
relationship. Other US policies were perceived President Bush chose to be warm and positive
by Europeans as lacking in appreciation for about the European Union as an institution,
the need to pursue international cooperation. and especially so about Presidents Juncker and
A more positive atmosphere characterised the Barroso personally.
relationship in late 2003 and into 2004, as hard
feelings over Iraq eased and moving the political The President’s message was particularly helpful
and economic reconstruction forward became a as some in the US had seized on the failed
mutual focus. referenda to suggest that the EU was somehow
going out of business. While this is of course
President Bush delivered this more positive false, it does raise an important point. If Europe
message personally during his February 2005 wishes to influence US thinking, it can best be
visit to the EU institutions in Brussels, including done if Europe speaks clearly and forcefully and
a private meeting with new, EPP-backed, in a single voice.
13


Before considering the many policies that preparation of the constitutional referendum
comprise the EU-US relationship, it is important and providing €30 million for the preparation of
to underline the shared values and close the December elections.
emotional bonds between our peoples. Policy
declarations and summits are important but have The EU has also signed a “Political Declaration”
little weight without the support of our societies with Iraq in launching a new political
– this is a lesson that EU leaders should take dialogue that will cover EU support to the
to heart when reflecting on the Constitutional political transition process and related issues.
referenda. These social bonds are most evident This Declaration will help pave the way for
in the transatlantic solidarity expressed at times cooperation to cover a wide range of trade and
of crisis, including the 9/11 terrorist attacks in development issues.
Washington and New York, the subsequent
terrorist bombings in Madrid and London, and Similarly, in Afghanistan the EU and US have
most recently in reaction to Hurricane Katrina, worked closely in providing humanitarian and
which brought a rapid and generous response reconstruction assistance and supporting the
from the EU. transition to democratic government. The EU
(EC and Member States) will provide more
A broad foreign policy agenda than €2 billion over the 2001-6 period, per the
Bonn process, and most recently supported
EU leaders, particularly those belonging to the September 2005 parliamentary elections,
European People’s Party, share President Bush’s which were also reviewed by an EU Observer
emphasis on combating terrorism, bolstering Mission.
homeland security, and promoting democracy,
the rule of law and human rights. Our approach The EU-3 non-proliferation negotiations with
may sometimes differ, but we are working Iran, fully supported by the Bush Administration,
together successfully around the world, and offer a reminder that we must not underestimate
particularly in dealing with a number of difficult the challenges we face, as has also been
regional issues, including the Broader Middle demonstrated by the setbacks in Uzbekistan and
East, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Belarus, and even Ukraine.
Georgia.
We must also redouble our efforts toward the
The EU and US have worked with our Quartet developing world. Eradicating poverty and
partners in furthering the Middle East peace promoting development are moral imperatives
process. The successful Gaza disengagement which the world’s richest nations are obligated
was a very positive step forward for Israel and to address. European Commission President
the Palestinian Authority, and all sides must now Barroso recently compared the modern scourges
focus on next steps in implementing the Road of poverty, hunger and disease to slavery
Map. 200 years ago. “Slavery” he said, “was then
considered an inevitability; a natural part of the
Regarding Iraq, the EU hosted a successful June order of things. But that was wrong.” Equally, it
2005 donors’ conference and has contributed is wrong for us today to think of poverty as a
to political and economic reconstruction. The fact of life.
Commission has provided €518 million of
assistance to date, including support for the That is why reconfirming our commitment to the
rehabilitation of the provision of basic services Millennium Development Goals and setting target
to respond to the most urgent needs of the dates for their achievement is so vital. The EU is
ordinary Iraqi people. As part of this assistance already the world’s biggest donor, providing 55%
of worldwide official development assistance
package, the Commission is supporting the
between the Commission and Member States,

14
European View

Wilfried Martens

worth $43 billion in 2004. Earlier this year we Our two economies are thus interdependent to
committed ourselves to further and substantially an unparralleled degree – we are joined at both
increase this amount – by 2010 we will provide hip and shoulder. Close to a quarter of all US-
nearly an extra $26 billion, and by 2015 we will EU trade consists of transactions within firms
reach the recommended 0.7% of gross national based on their investments on either side of the
income. Atlantic.

In tackling poverty we also move a step closer The transatlantic relationship defines the
to human security. If the US, the word’s second shape of the global economy as a whole as
biggest donor, were to join us in this commitment either the EU or the US is also the largest trade
and follow the EU’s lead on increasing ODA, and investment partner for almost all other
the impact on poverty and security would be countries. Being the largest players in global
tremendous. trade, the EU and US are therefore committed
to a politically and economically significant
The successful conclusion of the 60th UN cooperation agenda, be it on bilateral issues or
Summit is another example of the prospect for in the multilateral framework of the WTO. The
closer EU-US cooperation in the second Bush few trade-related disputes hitting the headlines
Administration. While EU and US approaches affect a small proportion of the world’s largest
to multilateral cooperation frequently differ, trading relationship.
with such cooperation a first reflex for the EU, While trade flows continue to increase year-by-
here also President Bush and Secretary Rice year, there are still a number of areas where
have made clear that the new Administration is more work can be done to facilitate trade, most
taking a more positive approach. notably in non-tariff barriers and regulatory
differences. The EU and the US have consistently
Where EU and US approaches are in fundamental sought progress in this regard. In 1998, the
disagreement, as in the case of the China Arms EU and the US launched, in the context of the
Embargo, it is important to speak calmly, as New Transatlantic Agenda, the Transatlantic
partners. Too much rides on our work together Economic Partnership (TEP). This “Partnership”
around the globe to allow a single issue to divert aimed to create an open and more accessible
our focus. world trading system, while also improving and
further developing the economic relationship
Transatlantic and global trade between the EU and US, and included a rolling
‘Action Plan.’

The EU and the US share the largest bilateral In 2002, the EU and US launched a Positive
trade and investment relationship in the world Economic Agenda (PEA) for bilateral cooperation
– the overall volume of EU-US trade in goods in specific sectors. An initial indicative list of
and services amounts to more than €600 billion items led to the adoption in December 2002 of
annually, with no less than 2% of that total a so-called “Roadmap” which fleshes out the
subject to the trade spats that attract so many commitments taken by the EU and the US to
headlines. Investment flows are even greater cooperate in a number of areas such as electronic
– the EU accounts for roughly 75% of FDI in tendering, electronic customs, financial markets
the US and by 2003 the total stocks of two- dialogue, and the wine trade.
way investments amounted to €1.4 trillion. The
relationship directly supports 12 million jobs, At the EU-US Summit in June 2004, leaders
with combined EU and US GDP at around 60% adopted the ‘EU-US Declaration on Strengthening
of the world total. our Economic Partnership’ looking into new ways

15


to make the transatlantic economic relationship the new technological paradigm without the
stronger and give it new impetus. The US entrepreneurship of its CEOs (in companies
Government and the European Commission both big and small) and their readiness to
subsequently launched consultation exercises embrace radical innovation despite the risks
with civil society requesting comments and and the costs entailed. The structure of the US
proposals from stakeholders. On the basis of financial sector was also better fit for the new
the replies received, the EU and US adopted paradigm. And the US, in its firms, laboratories
the ‘EU-US Initiative to Enhance Transatlantic and universities possesses a larger population
Economic Integration and Growth’ at the EU- of the scientists, innovators, entrepreneurs, and
US Summit in June 2005. The Initiative sets financial managers needed to lead the new
a framework for further work in ten areas: economy.
regulatory co-operation; capital markets;
innovation and technology; trade, travel and Labour market flexibility and labour mobility
security; energy; intellectual property rights; at all levels have also been key factors in the
investment; competition; procurement; and US success: without this, it would have taken
services. It thus complements the existing much longer for ICT investment to become
co-operative framework, in particular the profitable, weakened the momentum behind the
Transatlantic Economic Partnership and the adoption of new technologies, and dampened
Positive Economic Agenda. the productivity dynamics of the last ten years.
Last but not least, the structure of incentives
The 2005 EU-US summit also cemented our to promote the goals of economic growth and
readiness to work together, not only on productivity has been strengthened.
our bilateral links, but equally importantly
multilaterally. In addition to deepening the It is important to remember that the US re-
transatlantic trade and investment relationship, established its productivity growth leadership
we need to stand up for trade liberalization over the EU only a decade ago. Furthermore,
by coordinating our efforts to secure decisive population dynamics (much stronger in the US
progress this year in the completion of the Doha than in the EU) explains much of the growth
Development Round. differential. In per capita terms, in the last five
years growth has been only moderately stronger
Economic and Financial Relations in the US than in the EU.

Over the last ten years the European Union lost The EU-US productivity gap could start to close,
economic ground against the United States. As a in particular if the European countries adopt the
result, the EU-US GDP gap has started to widen right policies and re-launch forcefully, through
again. This large and widening gap (currently the Lisbon Agenda, the process of structural
the EU15 GDP per capita is about 70% of the US reform. There are a number of fields where the
GDP per capita) is the outcome of a different European Union is stronger and more competitive
utilization of resources, with the US employment than the US. The US is also burdened by large
rate and working hours higher than the EU, macroeconomic imbalances (a large and growing
as well as productivity trends related to the current account deficit, speculative housing
Information and Communications Technology prices in some areas) that, if not addressed, will
(ICT) revolution and to investment dynamics hamper its economic performance. Recently
favouring the US. border security issues have hindered the inflow
of science and technology graduate students
There is no doubt that the US economy from abroad, threatening one of the pillars of
would not have succeeded in adapting to the “new economy” success story.

16
European View

Wilfried Martens

European structural reform has been more positive impact on our relations. Above all, our
widespread than generally perceived in the shared values and our unwavering dedication to
US, with increasing ﬁnancial and product democracy will always form the bedrock of our
market integration and stronger competition, inimitable partnership.
the EU can again become a thriving home for
innovative companies and brilliant minds. With
better environmental standards, a smaller crime
rate, and a stronger social cohesion than the US, Wilfried Martens is President of the European
the European economy has the potential to lead People’s Party and Chairman of the Editorial
again, if not in terms of per capita GDP, at least Board of the European View.
in terms of welfare and quality of life.

Such a renewed dynamism in the EU would be
good news for the US, since it would help reduce
some of the current US external imbalances and
create room for a widening and strengthening
of the transatlantic economic relationship.

A Positive Outlook

This broad but far from exhaustive overview
of recent developments in EU-US relations,
leads to the conclusion that our partnership
has weathered a rocky period following the
invasion of Iraq, with focus again on working
together to meet bilateral, regional, and global
challenges. Some differences in approach
remain, particularly in emphasizing international
cooperation as a ﬁrst reaction, but it would be
short-sighted and self-defeating for the EU to
overlook the opportunity presented by policy
trends in the second Bush Administration.

We should also recognize and seek to promote
the strong ties between our peoples. The
transatlantic relationship gains legitimacy when
it contributes directly to the interests of our
societies. That’s why the recent initiative by the
European People’s Party to establish partnerships
with the International Republican Institute and
other important American organisations, is an
important example for achieving this goal.

By effectively addressing common global
concerns and by sharing best practices in
addressing common economic and social
challenges, it will inevitably have a lasting and

17

Elmar Brok

The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century
Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy
By Elmar Brok

The EU’s Common was able to prevent a civil war. Similarly in
Foreign and Security Ukraine, Javier Solana, the European Parliament
Policy (CFSP) was and Polish president Kwasniewski provided
established as the second successful mediation. The mediating role the EU
pillar of the European played when addressing Iran’s use of nuclear
Union in the 1993 Treaty technology, where the United Kingdom, France
on the European Union signed at Maastricht. and Germany took the lead in the EU of 25,
Since then, with the European Councils of indicates that preventive diplomacy does not
Amsterdam, Laeken and Nice, a number of stop at the EU’s front door.
important changes have been introduced.
Within a little more than a decade, the CFSP However with the increasing scope assumed by
has evolved considerably and at amazing speed. the CFSP, responsibilities as well as expectations
Interim structures have now become powerful have grown. It is not only in the light of the
permanent instruments. Today, it is obvious that above-mentioned negotiations on Iran's nuclear
the EU has become a global player: policy that the EU's ability to secure the
diplomatic success has been questioned. It has
− Via over 120 delegations and offices, the EU often been remarked that the EU, contrary to the
maintains relations in every region and with USA, lacks the necessary enforcement capability
almost all countries in the world. A plethora to assert its role as an influential global player. In
of political and economic partnership the past, other shortcomings and inefficiencies
agreements strengthens this network and of EU foreign policy were revealed, notably the
guarantees the EU's influence in world affairs diplomatic and military failures in the Balkans,
through an ever closer cooperation with the painstakingly slow progress in the Middle
partner countries throughout the world. East negotiations and the quarrels with the USA
− 20% of world trade is accounted for by the over the approach to the Iraq crisis which in
EU, making it the largest trading block in the the end even led to division among the EU
world. partners.
− The European Union as a whole is the
world’s largest donor in humanitarian and Consequently, the question is, what are the
development aid, providing for more than perspectives and limits for the EU's CFSP?
half of all global development assistance. What needs to be undertaken to overcome the
− With the ongoing development of European weaknesses and set-backs and to secure the EU's
Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) role as a global player in 21st century foreign
the EU has taken over several peace policy? In this article, I will outline some of the
keeping missions, including mandates in areas where the EU needs to take further steps
comparatively remote places such as the and enhance its capabilities in order to stand its
Democratic Republic of Congo. ground as a global player in the future. Since
it is impossible to address all relevant fields of
Some of the EU's endeavours in foreign and CSFP here, I will focus on what will be some of
security policy have become success stories. the major issues for the next two years:
European diplomacy is gaining increasing
influence: In the former Yugoslav Republic of − Strengthening the Union's relations with its
Macedonia (FYROM), the High Representative neighbours and its most important partners,

19

The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy

especially creating new pillars for the Naturally, the Transatlantic Partnership will
Transatlantic Partnership, remain crucial to the EU’s foreign policy
− Adopting a European Security Culture in activities. Since it is vital for a number of CFSP
order to achieve greater coherence in its issues (such as security policy, which will be
foreign policy instruments by linking and focused on below) it should be discussed in
enhancing diplomatic, military and industrial more detail. The war in Iraq led to a split on
capabilities, both sides of the Atlantic and to some extent
− Strengthening the fight against terrorism, also within Europe. These tensions over how
− Introducing the necessary institutional to face the common enemy, in other words
changes as provided by the European the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, come as no
Constitution in order to make CFSP more surprise. They were the consequence of idealist
efficient. rhetoric on both sides. Yet despite the rhetorical
tensions, the climate has been frostier than the
The EU needs strong partners: new pillars actual relationship itself. So how did all this
for the Transatlantic Partnership happen?

The most important cornerstone in enhancing The answer is simple: we allowed our most
the Union’s foreign policy capabilities will be important relations to be based on chance.
tightening its relations with third partners. These While the European Union cherishes Treaties
“strategic partnerships” with third countries1 and Association Agreements with numerous
must be based on the sharing and promotion countries all over the world, nothing comparable
of common values. In particular, an assessment exists between the USA and the EU bilaterally.
of the strategic partnerships governing relations The UN, NATO and the WTO alone cannot
with the old and the new super powers will be carry the transatlantic partnership sufficiently,
a key to success in this regard. thus leaving a structural gap to be bridged. The
EU and the US need permanent coordination
With regards to the relationship with our biggest on topics as diverse as trade, terrorism, nuclear
neighbour, Russia, our common interests and non-proliferation, environmental protection and
values have to be based on human rights, the health threats.
rule of law and democracy. The developments
in crisis management in Transnistria and South The common interests of the USA and the EU are
Caucasus as well as the problem of finding a much greater than their differences. In the long
political solution to the Chechnya conflict run the USA cannot be successful in their “war”
will be milestones on the way to a genuine against terror alone. They need partners with
partnership. It is regrettable that relations them to exert moral pressure, to prove to the
with China thus far have only made progress world that they are fighting a just cause. Even
in the fields of trade and economics without in many other fields, especially in trade issues,
any substantial achievement on human rights the rest of the world is quietly happy to see the
and democracy issues. Here, political relations US and the EU quarrel while others move on.
need to be deepened, in particular with regards The EU in turn has an interest in taking a more
to armament, the situation of Taiwan and the active part in agenda setting, which in part it
progress of democratic structures. Relations already does (Kyoto, ICC). Both sides have an
with India are also to be upgraded: conflict interest in achieving the mentioned common
prevention, cooperation in development affairs goals without frictional inefficiencies.
and non-proliferation will be the critical issues.

1
Third countries are defined as those inside and outside Europe which are neither members of the EU nor states associa-
ted with the Framework Programme (Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Norway, Switzerland, Israel: from
1.1.2004).

20
European View

Elmar Brok

This is why a Transatlantic Partnership The EU wants to be a credible actor in security
Agreement (TPA) should be established. The matters. It seeks to handle crises more actively
so-called “New Transatlantic Agenda” between and above all to prevent them. It will develop
the EU and the USA of December 1995 must the necessary diplomatic, military and industrial
be fundamentally overhauled and extended. capabilities with greater determination and
This must include NATO, WTO, UN topics and will make more coherent use of its different
personnel, to coordinate special transatlantic instruments of foreign policy.
issues in those organisations. Additionally, in
order to strengthen economic cooperation Ten years after its diplomatic and military
to the benefit of both partners, we need a failure in the Balkans, it is in the same place, in
“Transatlantic Marketplace” as a part of the TPA. Bosnia-Herzegovina, that the EU now intends
This marketplace could become reality by 2015 to implement this comprehensive approach
and, according to an OECD Study, could increase through the “ALTHEA” mission, combining civil
GDP per capita by 2 to 3%. The TPA will come and military elements of crisis management.
with regular EU-US consultations, ensuring that The European approach distinguishes itself
co-operation towards our common goals is most strikingly against the background of the
ensured and is not left to chance. difficulties experienced by the US-lead coalition
forces in Iraq, notably not only to win a fast war
Towards a European Culture of Security with the means of technological advantage, but
also with the aim of winning peace.
A topic which is increasingly incorporated in
agreements between the EU and its international The crisis in Kosovo made us realise that only
partners is security. Consequently, it becomes a regional approach can really ensure peace
ever more important for the Union to clarify - providing it with aspects of security, of
what shape its security policy should take. democratic, constitutional and legal principles,
The Member States need to adopt a common of human rights and last but not least economic
understanding on this matter: a European development. All aspects of this approach must
Culture of Security. be well-timed and well-balanced.

In the 21st century, security cannot be provided This approach goes back to the CSCE final act
by military means alone, nor can it be based of Helsinki (1975), which covers three areas:
on just one country’s national powers. This security, democracy and economic development.
is the credo the EU laid down in its Security It determined the structure of the stability pact
Strategy of December 2003. New threats, such for South-East Europe and has become the
as terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass predominant feature of European foreign policy
destruction, “failed states” and organised crime in recent years.
demand an integrated approach to security
policies. This must comprise military instruments Yet the possibility for the EU to guarantee
and capabilities alike, ranging from conflict security remained the missing link for a long
prevention to “nation building”. time. Only the progress achieved in the past
five years is bringing the EU closer to closing
The European Security Strategy, which was fully that gap and to hold in one hand the above-
supported by the European Parliament, pursues mentioned diplomatic, economic and military
three strategic goals: instruments and capabilities, with which it can
− coping with various threats, emerge as a credible actor in international crisis
− creating security in the EU Neighbourhood, management. European security policy is still in
− supporting an international order, based on its infancy and shows signs of fragmentation. The
an effective multilateralism. common Security Strategy set the framework. The

21

The EU as a Global Player in the 21st Century - Perspectives for the Common Foreign and Security Policy

outlines are already visible and the competence The EU will not be able to avoid certain
areas are gradually becoming clearer: 7.000 responsibilities much longer if the UN was to
EURFOR soldiers in Bosnia-Herzegovina, plus ask it, if it received a mandate and if its presence
police, reconstruction programmes (CARDs) was requested by both sides of the conflict.
and stability and association agreements (SAP). These same responsibilities would apply if the
The EU acts at once as a protecting power, as mission was coordinated with the USA and thus
a reconstruction partner and as a provider of a with NATO, and if such crisis management was
general perspective for the country. to be accepted by the European public. This is
where the European Parliament together with
A similar responsibility for Kosovo lies ahead. National Parliaments must initiate an opinion-
In this case, the international community must forming debate.
no longer hide behind the military mission of
NATO. The Balkans remain the number one After decades of development aid with very
security interest for Europe. limited effect, not least in Africa, it has become
clear that without security there can be no
With European diplomacy being increasingly development. In Congo, the EU completed its
successful, the perspective will remain a global first autonomous military mission (Artemis)
one and many conflicts will only be resolved requested by the UN and headed by France, and
together with our American partners. The Middle handed it over to UN peacekeeping forces as
East belongs in this category. The initiative will foreseen. Now the EU is helping to establish an
remain with the quartet (USA, EU, Russia, UN) integrated police unit in Kinshasa.
in cooperation with the Arab partners. The EU
must seize every possibility in the post-Arafat The European Security Strategy has delivered
phase to achieve a revival of the peace process. an analysis of the threats and a definition of
Again, the unity of security, democracy and European security interests. The Constitution
economic development is important. Today the will deliver further elements for a modern EU
region is already closely connected to the EU defence policy (see below) and EU Member
with respect to trade and economics. The EU States agreed last year to the concept of battle
could also contribute valuable know-how in groups, the goal for the forces in 2010 and the
building up a functioning democratic Palestinian creation of a European Defence Agency. It is this
State. mosaic of individual decisions in the framework
of the Security Strategy that lays the foundation
Can European peace forces combine with for the growth of a genuine European security
a strong police presence in Gaza? Why not? culture.
NATO’s Secretary General Jaap de Hoop
Scheffer is already offering military capacities. Fight against terrorism
Would a European mission not be much more
suitable, with strong elements of civil, police The fight against terrorism will continue to be
and law enforcement? The answer probably a priority for the EU and a key element of its
lies elsewhere. Can such a young “baby” security and external relations policy. However,
already master such a complex task? Would greater coherence and decisiveness in the
there be enough European troops for such a Union’s counter-terrorism policy vis-à-vis third
peace keeping mission? Would there be enough countries is needed. Consequently, cooperation
political will within the common foreign policy with international and regional organisations
of the EU-25 to undertake such a major burden, (in particular with the UN Counter-Terrorism
thus going much further than just signing a Committee and with NATO) as well as political
cheque? dialogue on terrorism with third partners is

22
European View

Elmar Brok

to be improved. Important elements in this a terrorist attack (or a natural or man-made
context, are the further implementation of disaster), the other Member States shall assist it
the 2004 EU-US Declaration on Combating at the request of its political authorities”. To that
Terrorism, the Commission’s targeted assistance end, the Member States will have to coordinate
strategy (such as CARDS, TACIS, MEDA, etc.) between themselves in the Council of Ministers.
and the strict application of the anti-terrorist Further improvements in the CFSP which will
clause inserted in agreements with countries be introduced by the Constitution are outlined
where there is evidence of terrorist threats or below:
specific terrorist activities, such as recruitment,
training or financing. Reinforcing the use of the Further enhancement of the CFSP through
Rapid Civil or Military Reaction Mechanisms the Constitution
and making full use when necessary of specific
ESDP operations will also form part of the EU’s The Convention and the Intergovernmental
counter-terrorism strategy. Conferences were under the immanent
impression of the shortcomings and
At the same time, the EU’s own contribution to inefficiencies in the EU’s foreign policy, notably
the fight against terrorism must be strengthened. in the Balkans, the Middle East and Iraq.
During recent months the developments in this Consequently, the Constitution envisaged a leap
area received new stimulus through a number forward particularly in EU foreign affairs issues.
of declarations and decisions by different EU-
institutions: However, this does not mean a complete
− The EU Counter-terrorism Co-ordinator, Gijs harmonisation of the EU’s foreign policy. On the
de Vries, presented the Plan of Action on contrary, it will still be based on the principle
combating Terrorism to the Council. of unity in diversity, which is at the heart of the
− At the same time, the European Parliament Constitution. Only through the expansion of the
forwarded a number of recommendations to CFSP can we Europeans expect our values to be
the other EU institutions, most notably on defended and our interests to be guaranteed in
preventing, preparing for and responding the world.
to terrorist attacks, protecting critical
infrastructure and combating terrorist This is why the EU Constitution calls for the
financing. establishment of an EU Minister for Foreign
− In its priorities for the second half of the Affairs, who would belong to both the
year, the European Council refers in Commission and the Council representing the
particular to strengthening police and judicial 25 Member States. He will embody the EU’s
cooperation, e.g. information exchanges and common decisions regarding foreign policy. In
the new arrest warrant. order to be able to fulfil his duties, the EU Foreign
− In the shadow of the London attacks at the Minister will need a European External Action
beginning of July, the Council decided to Service (EEAS) with the necessary worldwide
increase efforts and speed up the adoption representations. It will be a cornerstone of the
of EU counter-terrorism legislation. EU’s foreign policy, ensuring consistency and
effectiveness of the EU’s Foreign Minister and
These efforts within the domain of security his mission to promote our common values in
and justice constitute a very good example of our neighbourhood states and the world.
how internal and external measures in the EU
need to complement each other. They will be To avoid building up a huge bureaucracy, the
endorsed by the so-called "solidarity clause" service should be attached to the European
as envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty: “In Commission, which already has more than 120
the case of a Member State falling victim to representations outside the EU. These could

23

European View - Volume 2 - Autumn 2005 Europe, its Borders and Role in the World

European View - Volume 2 - Autumn 2005 Europe, its Borders and Role in the World

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