Weil, 1991, structural determinants of political tolerance in germany, rps

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Rick Weil

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Weil, 1991, structural determinants of political tolerance in germany, rps

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The effects of education on liberal values are shown to be not universal, but rather, to vary systematically across time and place. These effects were interpreted as a form of socialization - not as psychodynamic or class effects - and they were investigated in a comparative-historical perspecitve, using attitudes on anti-Semitism as the dependent variable. Selznick and Steinberg's hypothesis that education's liberalizing effects represent the influence of the "official," Enlightenment culture in the United States was expanded and applied cross-nationally in the United States, West Germany, Austria, and France. This effect varied according to two determinants of Enlightenment culture: the length of time a country had had a liberal democratic regime form, and the degree either of "traditionalism" or of religious pluralism in the country. However, temporal change in education's effects in the United States (i.e., in a constant Enlightenment culture) was interpreted differently, by making distinctions among other agents of socialization and between anti-Semitism as prejudice and as intergroup conflict.

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Though researchers have begun to prefer cohort and period-cohort accounts of generational differences to life-cycle accounts, clear and unambiguous empirical support for either has been rare. Mannheim's theory of generations suggests that this failure may result from seeking cohort or period-cohort effects where the historical events that generate them did not have sufficient impact. Therefore, the aftermath of a revolutionary event is investigated - Nazism in Germany. Cohort and period-cohort effects without life-cycle effects were found in opinions on democracy and Nazism in West Germany in the decades following World War II. The "Nazi generation" lagged initially in embracing the new West German democracy, but its views subsequently converged with those of other cohorts. Transitions to democracy in several other countries are briefly considered in the discussion section.

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Both new-left and neo-conservative theorists argue that poor state performance can lead to a legitimation crisis, but they neglect distinctions among different forms of political support and objective conditions that citizens evaluate. I propose a theoretical model that distinguishes between (a) confidence in institutions and legitimation of democracy and (b) state performance and the structure of opposition (party systems, governing coalitions). I test the model with data located in an extensive new search of survey archives in six Western countries. The results show that poor state performance leads to a decline of confidence, but not a softening of support for democracy. Problems in the structure of opposition lead to a decline of both confidence and support for democracy. In the conclusion, I speculate whether state performance might affect democratic legitimacy in a less straightforward fashion.

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This article aims to demonstrate that the Lula government is faced with two major challenges in its effort to promote Brazil's economic and social development. The first challenge, of an economic nature, is represented by the obstacles that exist with the spending cap policy, despite the flexibility provided by the fiscal framework and the existence of an independent Central Bank, which make the Brazilian government unable to coordinate its fiscal and monetary policies, make public investments in the expansion of the economy and obtain macroeconomic stability and, the second challenge, of a political nature, is represented by the obstacles existing in the National Congress due to the fact that it does not have a majority in parliament, which prevents the federal government from putting its national developmental project into practice and fully meet social demands. For Brazil's progressive forces to re-elect President Lula in the 2026 presidential elections and obtain a parliamentary majority in the National Congress committed to political, economic and social advances, the Lula government will have to be successful on the economic front, promoting the expansion of the economy, increasing significantly generating jobs and income, keeping inflation under control and meeting the maximum social demands that benefit, above all, the country's underserved populations. Brazil's progressive forces need to commit, starting from the 2024 municipal elections, towards to elect the maximum number of mayors and councilors committed to Brazil's political, economic and social advances. These are the conditions to prevent, in 2026, right-wing extremists from regaining the Presidency of the Republic, expanding their participation in state governments and the National Congress and putting their nefarious anti-social and anti-national project into practice.

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Article in The Times of Israel by Andy Blumenthal: This is not about free speech but about a takeover of America. These vile terrorist supporters are using our very Constitution against us as they falsely cry Islamophobia and free speech, all the while impeding, threatening, and committing acts of violence against students, citizens, and an orderly democracy. It is time for Americans to stop being complacent or fooled by their terrorist talking points and rhetoric of hate, racism, and Communist ideology. In the face of this evil, we are finally seeing Patriots emerge, proudly carrying and defending the American flag, singing the Star-Spangled Banner, and boldly chanting USA!

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