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A “MINI-COURSE”
ON SOCIAL
MOVEMENTS FOR
WORLD VEGAN
MONTH 2013
SESSION II
Roger Yates
Vegan Information Project
Elton Mayo
2










The “discontented” were irrational individuals
The „outbursts‟ of „irrational sentiment‟

Bolshevism/Socialism/Fascism were „dreams‟
and
„reveries‟ created by the monotony of industrial
labour
The solution: counselling and social support
3

A “functionalist” model of
society…






assumes that present society was basically
okay
the “needs” of society are met be prevailing
relations
a REFUSAL to engage them on their own
terms....
 pathological

assumption imposed from the
The social system…
4



mechanisms for solving social problems
 political parties
 government
 parties
 trade

unions
 interest groups
 associations
 lobbies
 pressure groups
5



The theory of collective behaviour represented
the first explicit attempt to make sense of large
scale social movements



Its popular counterpart might be said to be the
notion of „rent-a-mob‟
 the

idea that there is a pool of potential members or
supporters available to be drawn into all and any form
of activity
Social disturbances
6



people may become…







emotional
anxious
annoyed
jealous

this swells the numbers of those prepared to “step out
of line”


Periods of RAPID social change can create such
problems for social stability
Robert Merton
7



‘anomie’

 normlessness


 such



‘alienation’

things increase the risk of „a social
explosion‟

“collective behavior” may be the
outcome...
8

Stephen Buechler (2000) Social
Movements in Advanced Capitalism.
Oxford




a „distinctive theoretical lens‟ for examining collective
behaviour
 core assumptions:
 a unitary concept of behaviour embracing a range of
examples
 panics
 crazes
 movements
CB is essentially non-institutional

Its primary causation is rooted in the
individual
Its meaning is psychological rather than
political
9

What distinguishes CB from ‘normal’
responses to change is that it compresses or
short-circuits levels of social action, giving
CB a crude, excessive, eccentric, impatient
quality when compared to routine and
institutionalised social action (Buechler
2000: 16)
1960: Something Completely
Different
10
Paul Byrne (1997) Social Movements
in Britain. Routledge.
11



British SMs are…

unpredictable
 irrational
 unreasonable
 disorganised

Blumer, Social Movements reprinted in Lyman 1995: 60
12

The career of a social movement depicts the
emergence of a new order of life. In its beginning, a SM is amorphous, poorly organised, and
without form; collective behaviour is primitive
and the mechanisms of interaction are
elementary and spontaneous. As a social
movement develops, it takes on the character of
a society. It acquires organisation and form, a
body of customs and traditions, established
leadership, an enduring division of labour, social
rules and social values - in short, a culture, an
organisation and a new scheme of life
13

Jacobs & Landau (1966: 3646)
The Movement is a melange of people, mostly young
people; organisations, mostly new; and ideas, mostly
American. ...These young people believe that they must
make something happen, that they are part of a
movement stirring just below the surface of life hitherto
accepted... The Movement is organisations plus
unaffiliated supporters, who outnumber by thousands
and perhaps even hundreds of thousands, those
committed to specific groups. The movement‟s strength
rests on those unaffiliated reserves. ...To be in the
movement is to search for a psychic community, in
which one‟s own identity can be defined, social and
personal relationships based on love can be established
and can grow, unfettered by the cramping pressures of
the careers and life styles so characteristic of America
today (Jacobs & Landau 1966: 14-5)
14

„theory‟ and even „ideology‟ are uncomfortable words. Most SDS
members are anti-ideological... not well read in Marxism or in
other radical literature (but) moved to action primarily by events
in their own lives. SDS is more than an organisation; it is a
community of friends... personal relationships are inseparable
from political life...the vocabulary and community life are part of
the SDS style...at group meetings their openness is apparent.
They exhibit great tolerance, and no speaker is silenced, no
matter how irrelevant or repetitious. And it is difficult to single
out those who hold authority... Leaders mean organisation,
organisation means hierarchy, and hierarchy is undemocratic...
SDSers believe that the new movements are in their infancy and
a great amount of work has to be done at the base...theory or
long-run strategy is a fuzzy notion to them. The question of how
to link the various projects is unanswered...
15



in the trippy 1960s activists adopted a style of talk
which “made a virtue of their inability to articulate
and analyse coherently. They talked from the gut,
stumbling, using the language of the new
folksinger” (Jacobs & Landau) – with a
“commitment to participatory democracy” that was
felt to underpin “a passionate anti-authoritarian
ethos, a preoccupation with direct action,
community and self-activity that carried into
virtually every arena of struggle” (Boggs).
16

Scott: movements typified as...
 primarily social rather than
political
 less concerned with achieving
state power than transforming
values and life styles
 located in „civil society‟ rather
than the state
 attempting to bring about change
through cultural innovations and
identities
 using grass roots and network
types of organisation.

Buechler: theoretical „paradigm shift‟
leading to SMs being seen as...
 distinct from CB - worthy of
analysis in own right
 showing their own enduring,
patterned, and institutionalised
elements [sim to Blumer]
 being rooted in collective
understandings/group interests
 having claims to be treated as
rational phenomena
 constituting therefore political
rather than psychological
entities.
17

When a new wave of environmental activism
emerged in the 1970s, along with other
movements on issues such as peace, women‟s
and human rights, it was difficult for political
analysts to relate it to previously dominant
conflicts. Such difficulty has largely persisted to
date (Della Porta & Diani 1999: 25).
18

Basic framework of conflict
theories such as Marx and
Weber
framework of understanding....














politics seen as revolving around a set of clearly defined
material interests
these interests were distinct, and frequently contradictory,
between different social groupings
each group tends to organise around the pursuit of its
material interest in opposition to others
parties/political organisations represent interests
political power [control of the state] contested to change the
structure of inequality
economic concerns central
Other concerns could „wait‟
a fully developed political challenge brings specific material
interests together in a general vision of an alternative society
Della Porta & Diani
19

What is the social base of this movement?
 It is not w/c in any obvious sense; but what kind of social position do
„students‟ occupy and in what ways could this provide a stable and
alternative foundation for organised social action, and for what reasons?
Who or what is ‘the enemy’?
 Is there an opponent which somehow represents the antagonist of students
as a social force? In their own perceptions, it is not straightforwardly
„capitalism‟ or „the rich‟ being targeted, but a much wider (and less well
defined?) notion of „authority‟ or „domination‟, which seems as much a
matter of generational as of class politics - the student movement shades
over into the „counterculture‟ which is against everything that is „square‟ and
„uptight‟
Whose interests are being served?
 The „movement‟ appears to be neither class based, nor organised within
the framework of standard national politics; it is not competing for control of
the state, as an alternative potential ruling group or class, and to some
extent it claims to speak for „everyone‟, for universal rights and
„participation‟ or „liberation‟, in a way which eludes confinement within
ordinary political limits - is it a movement of all parties and none?
20



For some time, a strong strand of opinion
existed on the political left that feminism was a
conservative diversion from the pursuit of class
equality and that women‟s rights would be a
natural by-product of general social
transformation (Elizabeth Meehan, cited in
Scott: 24)
Resource Mobilisation Theory
(RMT)
21

Major Q‟s…




movement momentum
 tactics
 contact with others
 directional strategy

Such questions are addressed by many
organisations.
22

social movement
organisations
Must….




secure support
channel collective efforts towards a goal (or set of)
handle problems of RECRUITMENT & CONTROL.

Assumption:




people act as individuals
they act in self-interest
„what‟s in it for me?‟
not psychologically-driven as much as calculating cost/benefit.
23

social movement
organisations




attracted to the notion of “professionalism”
 towards the creation of a “inner circle”
 or an “elite”

separated from
 passive

supporters
 financial supporters
 those who go to the odd meeting


[“Help Us to Help.....”]
24

high levels of collective action entail high costs
and risks for those involved and will tend to be
short-lived and focus on specific contentious
issues... The long term difficulties in activating
support [create] a strong pull towards building a
formal organisation that can carry the movement
over the low points of cycles of collective activity
(Scott, 2000: 117)
Zald & McCarthy
25

The technologies available for resource
accumulation should affect the ability of SMOs
within the sector to mobilize resources. For
instance, the advent of mass-mailing techniques in
the United States has dramatically affected the
ability of SMOs to compete with local advertising in
offering a product to consumers... The greater
range of SMOs, the more different “taste”
preferences can be transformed into constituents.

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Vip mini course social movements 2013 sess 2

  • 1. A “MINI-COURSE” ON SOCIAL MOVEMENTS FOR WORLD VEGAN MONTH 2013 SESSION II Roger Yates Vegan Information Project
  • 2. Elton Mayo 2      The “discontented” were irrational individuals The „outbursts‟ of „irrational sentiment‟ Bolshevism/Socialism/Fascism were „dreams‟ and „reveries‟ created by the monotony of industrial labour The solution: counselling and social support
  • 3. 3 A “functionalist” model of society…    assumes that present society was basically okay the “needs” of society are met be prevailing relations a REFUSAL to engage them on their own terms....  pathological assumption imposed from the
  • 4. The social system… 4  mechanisms for solving social problems  political parties  government  parties  trade unions  interest groups  associations  lobbies  pressure groups
  • 5. 5  The theory of collective behaviour represented the first explicit attempt to make sense of large scale social movements  Its popular counterpart might be said to be the notion of „rent-a-mob‟  the idea that there is a pool of potential members or supporters available to be drawn into all and any form of activity
  • 6. Social disturbances 6  people may become…      emotional anxious annoyed jealous this swells the numbers of those prepared to “step out of line”  Periods of RAPID social change can create such problems for social stability
  • 7. Robert Merton 7  ‘anomie’  normlessness   such  ‘alienation’ things increase the risk of „a social explosion‟ “collective behavior” may be the outcome...
  • 8. 8 Stephen Buechler (2000) Social Movements in Advanced Capitalism. Oxford   a „distinctive theoretical lens‟ for examining collective behaviour  core assumptions:  a unitary concept of behaviour embracing a range of examples  panics  crazes  movements CB is essentially non-institutional Its primary causation is rooted in the individual Its meaning is psychological rather than political
  • 9. 9 What distinguishes CB from ‘normal’ responses to change is that it compresses or short-circuits levels of social action, giving CB a crude, excessive, eccentric, impatient quality when compared to routine and institutionalised social action (Buechler 2000: 16)
  • 11. Paul Byrne (1997) Social Movements in Britain. Routledge. 11  British SMs are… unpredictable  irrational  unreasonable  disorganised 
  • 12. Blumer, Social Movements reprinted in Lyman 1995: 60 12 The career of a social movement depicts the emergence of a new order of life. In its beginning, a SM is amorphous, poorly organised, and without form; collective behaviour is primitive and the mechanisms of interaction are elementary and spontaneous. As a social movement develops, it takes on the character of a society. It acquires organisation and form, a body of customs and traditions, established leadership, an enduring division of labour, social rules and social values - in short, a culture, an organisation and a new scheme of life
  • 13. 13 Jacobs & Landau (1966: 3646) The Movement is a melange of people, mostly young people; organisations, mostly new; and ideas, mostly American. ...These young people believe that they must make something happen, that they are part of a movement stirring just below the surface of life hitherto accepted... The Movement is organisations plus unaffiliated supporters, who outnumber by thousands and perhaps even hundreds of thousands, those committed to specific groups. The movement‟s strength rests on those unaffiliated reserves. ...To be in the movement is to search for a psychic community, in which one‟s own identity can be defined, social and personal relationships based on love can be established and can grow, unfettered by the cramping pressures of the careers and life styles so characteristic of America today (Jacobs & Landau 1966: 14-5)
  • 14. 14 „theory‟ and even „ideology‟ are uncomfortable words. Most SDS members are anti-ideological... not well read in Marxism or in other radical literature (but) moved to action primarily by events in their own lives. SDS is more than an organisation; it is a community of friends... personal relationships are inseparable from political life...the vocabulary and community life are part of the SDS style...at group meetings their openness is apparent. They exhibit great tolerance, and no speaker is silenced, no matter how irrelevant or repetitious. And it is difficult to single out those who hold authority... Leaders mean organisation, organisation means hierarchy, and hierarchy is undemocratic... SDSers believe that the new movements are in their infancy and a great amount of work has to be done at the base...theory or long-run strategy is a fuzzy notion to them. The question of how to link the various projects is unanswered...
  • 15. 15  in the trippy 1960s activists adopted a style of talk which “made a virtue of their inability to articulate and analyse coherently. They talked from the gut, stumbling, using the language of the new folksinger” (Jacobs & Landau) – with a “commitment to participatory democracy” that was felt to underpin “a passionate anti-authoritarian ethos, a preoccupation with direct action, community and self-activity that carried into virtually every arena of struggle” (Boggs).
  • 16. 16 Scott: movements typified as...  primarily social rather than political  less concerned with achieving state power than transforming values and life styles  located in „civil society‟ rather than the state  attempting to bring about change through cultural innovations and identities  using grass roots and network types of organisation. Buechler: theoretical „paradigm shift‟ leading to SMs being seen as...  distinct from CB - worthy of analysis in own right  showing their own enduring, patterned, and institutionalised elements [sim to Blumer]  being rooted in collective understandings/group interests  having claims to be treated as rational phenomena  constituting therefore political rather than psychological entities.
  • 17. 17 When a new wave of environmental activism emerged in the 1970s, along with other movements on issues such as peace, women‟s and human rights, it was difficult for political analysts to relate it to previously dominant conflicts. Such difficulty has largely persisted to date (Della Porta & Diani 1999: 25).
  • 18. 18 Basic framework of conflict theories such as Marx and Weber framework of understanding....         politics seen as revolving around a set of clearly defined material interests these interests were distinct, and frequently contradictory, between different social groupings each group tends to organise around the pursuit of its material interest in opposition to others parties/political organisations represent interests political power [control of the state] contested to change the structure of inequality economic concerns central Other concerns could „wait‟ a fully developed political challenge brings specific material interests together in a general vision of an alternative society
  • 19. Della Porta & Diani 19 What is the social base of this movement?  It is not w/c in any obvious sense; but what kind of social position do „students‟ occupy and in what ways could this provide a stable and alternative foundation for organised social action, and for what reasons? Who or what is ‘the enemy’?  Is there an opponent which somehow represents the antagonist of students as a social force? In their own perceptions, it is not straightforwardly „capitalism‟ or „the rich‟ being targeted, but a much wider (and less well defined?) notion of „authority‟ or „domination‟, which seems as much a matter of generational as of class politics - the student movement shades over into the „counterculture‟ which is against everything that is „square‟ and „uptight‟ Whose interests are being served?  The „movement‟ appears to be neither class based, nor organised within the framework of standard national politics; it is not competing for control of the state, as an alternative potential ruling group or class, and to some extent it claims to speak for „everyone‟, for universal rights and „participation‟ or „liberation‟, in a way which eludes confinement within ordinary political limits - is it a movement of all parties and none?
  • 20. 20  For some time, a strong strand of opinion existed on the political left that feminism was a conservative diversion from the pursuit of class equality and that women‟s rights would be a natural by-product of general social transformation (Elizabeth Meehan, cited in Scott: 24)
  • 21. Resource Mobilisation Theory (RMT) 21 Major Q‟s…   movement momentum  tactics  contact with others  directional strategy Such questions are addressed by many organisations.
  • 22. 22 social movement organisations Must….    secure support channel collective efforts towards a goal (or set of) handle problems of RECRUITMENT & CONTROL. Assumption:    people act as individuals they act in self-interest „what‟s in it for me?‟ not psychologically-driven as much as calculating cost/benefit.
  • 23. 23 social movement organisations   attracted to the notion of “professionalism”  towards the creation of a “inner circle”  or an “elite” separated from  passive supporters  financial supporters  those who go to the odd meeting  [“Help Us to Help.....”]
  • 24. 24 high levels of collective action entail high costs and risks for those involved and will tend to be short-lived and focus on specific contentious issues... The long term difficulties in activating support [create] a strong pull towards building a formal organisation that can carry the movement over the low points of cycles of collective activity (Scott, 2000: 117)
  • 25. Zald & McCarthy 25 The technologies available for resource accumulation should affect the ability of SMOs within the sector to mobilize resources. For instance, the advent of mass-mailing techniques in the United States has dramatically affected the ability of SMOs to compete with local advertising in offering a product to consumers... The greater range of SMOs, the more different “taste” preferences can be transformed into constituents.