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How the Advanced Western Nations Developed 
     Technologically, and Implications for Late‐
             Industrializing Economies 

                   Poh Kam WONG
            Professor, NUS Business School
Professor (by courtesy), Lee Kuan Yew School of Public 
       Policy, National University of Singapore

                     Ver 1, 2009 
© Wong Poh Kam


Core Issues
  How Britain emerged from the industrial revolution as a leading 
  industrial technological power
  How other European nations became strong technologically 
  How the US became the leading technological nation after 
  WWII
  How  late‐comer economies  like Japan, Korea, Taiwan , 
  Singapore and Finland had achieved rapid industrial and 
  technological catch‐up  
  Implications for other late‐industrializing economies   
© Wong Poh Kam


Current Rhetoric vs. Historical Facts 
  Prevailing policy prescriptions by Western scholars typically 
  emphasize the desirability of laissez faire policy, particularly 
  trade liberalization, and argue against the adoption of any 
  industrial policy
  Implicit assumption is that the Western nations have achieved 
  their more advanced economic development status today by 
  adopting such policies in the past
  But the actual historical facts show otherwise
   o Britain promoted free‐trade only after she has acquired significant 
     technological capabilities in key manufacturing industries (textiles, 
     machineries)
   o USA had been amongst the most highly protectionist nations in the 
     world up to the second world war
   o State interventionist roles had been significant among most 
     Western European nations, although actual policies varied
© Wong Poh Kam
Historical Development of British Industrial Capability 
(see Chang, 2002 for more details) 
  Before the mid‐nineteenth century, Britain was a producer of raw 
  wool and relied on technology from the “Lowland countries” 
  (Belgium/the Netherlands) 
  In 1721, the British government embarked on a deliberate 
  mercantile policy to promote domestic manufacturing and 
  discourage export of raw materials, through a combination of 
  industrial and trade policies (e.g. tax on raw wool export and 
  import of manufactured goods, reduction of raw material import 
  duties & drawbacks for manufacturers, export subsidies, etc)
  This deliberate “industrial policy” heralded the start of the 
  industrial revolution in Britain in the mid‐eighteenth century & 
  continued for a century     
  Britain only started to promote free‐trade from 1846 with the 
  repeal of Corn Law and the subsequent unilateral tariff reduction 
  in 1860, after she has established a strong technological lead in 
  key industries; even then, policies to discourage manufacturing in 
  overseas colonies continued long after that
© Wong Poh Kam
Historical Development of other European nations
(see Chang, 2002 for more details) 
  From the mid‐18th century, although Germany implemented 
  lower level of tariff protection than Britain, the German 
  (Prussian) state intervened actively to promote domestic 
  technological capability in a wide range of industries, 
  particularly through state investment in infrastructure and 
  training, state‐supported espionage and poaching of skilled 
  workers from abroad. These policies were continued well into 
  the mid‐19th century to secure German technological 
  leadership, particularly in iron & steel and chemical industries
  Contrary to most conventional account, France did not embark 
  on a strong “dirigiste” state role until after WWII.  This may have 
  accounted for the lower industrial development of France 
  before WWII, and its accelerated catch‐up after WWII
  Likewise, Sweden pursued a strong state intervention role in 
  industrial development, particularly through state investment in 
  R&D, education, acquisition of foreign technologies, promotion 
  of public‐private partnership and a high‐wage policy
© Wong Poh Kam

The Historical Rise of the US
  The role of government in developing & protecting indigenous 
  industry already dominated the political agenda of the US when 
  it was still a British colony; indeed, the emerging local industrial 
  capitalist class was a major driver for independence from Britain 
  The policy shift to stronger promotion of local industries 
  accelerated after 1776, especially after 1812 with the war with 
  Britain that resulted in significant increase in tariff rates for most 
  manufactured goods
  The Civil War (1861‐5) was fought between the Northern and 
  Southern states not just over the slavery issue, but also over the 
  demand by the Northern states to maintain high protection of 
  industries
  USA had remained the most protectionist nation among 
  industrial economies right up to WWII, when it had become the 
  leading industrial superpower.  It is only in the post WWII period 
  that USA began to liberalize trade      
© Wong Poh Kam

The Historical Rise of the US
  Several major Federal and state policies helped sustain rapid 
  technological capability development in the US in the pre‐ and 
  post‐ WWII periods:
   o The “Land‐Grant” system created a state‐based university 
     education system that not only significantly raised S&T manpower 
     supply, but also encouraged R&D collaboration to serve practical 
     local (particularly agricultural) needs  
   o The adoption of the anti‐trust legislation in the early 1900s led to  
     the growth of multi‐product conglomerates and the rise of 
     oligopolistic industrial structure, which in turn stimulated the 
     development of corporate R&D labs 
   o The significant growth of Federal funding for defense R&D arising 
     from the war efforts for WWII (and to a smaller extent WWI) was 
     sustained after the war, and greatly increased industrial R&D 
     capability among private enterprises and universities through the 
     contract R&D system; The success of defense technology also 
     boosted Federal funding for “basic science” at universities    
© Wong Poh Kam

The Historical Rise of the US
   o To overcome the reluctance of traditional banking institutions to 
     lend to risky, small businesses, the Federal government created the 
     Small Business Investment Companies (SBICs) in 1958 to channel 
     public co‐funding to fund managers to provide investment capital 
     to small businesses.  This laid the foundation for the subsequent 
     emergence of the private venture capital (VC) industry model, 
     which in turn spurred the phenomenon of technological 
     commercialization through start‐ups.  Subsequent Federal policy to 
     allow public pension funds to invest in VC firms also helped.  
   o The passage by the Congress of the Bayh‐Dole Act in 1980, which 
     allow universities and public research institutes to own the IP 
     created from Federal R&D grants, provided strong incentives for 
     them to commercialize their R&D results.  
   o Likewise, the passage by the Congress of the SBIR grant scheme in 
     1982, which mandates that a certain % of the Federal R&D funding 
     be allocated to support commercialization activities of small 
     businesses, increased the rate technology commercialization via  
     high‐tech spin‐offs 
© Wong Poh Kam

The Historical Rise of the US
   o The US also benefited from a net inflow of highly talented scientists 
     and engineers in the pre‐ and post‐WWII period.  Many of the top 
     scientists and engineers who worked on developing military 
     technologies for the war efforts were foreign born. 
   o The early and extensive development of the university system also 
     attracted a big inflow of talented students from around the world, 
     and a relatively generous immigration policy allowed many of them 
     to stay on to work in the US.  
   o In more recent years, the private universities in the US have built up 
     significant financial endowment, and with greater flexibility than 
     their counterpart universities in Europe and Asia which are still 
     predominantly publicly‐funded, were able to attract top talents 
     away from foreign universities  
   o The early leadership of the US in developing the venture capital 
     model , particularly its concentration in Silicon Valley, further 
     attracted many talented technology entrepreneurs to move to the 
     US to pursue their start‐up activities
© Wong Poh Kam
Experience of Late‐industrializing economies that have achieved 
rapid industrial and technological catch‐up
  Among the late‐industrializing economies, the few that had 
  been relatively successful – Japan, Korea, Taiwan & Singapore in 
  Asia, and Finland and Ireland in Europe – had all pursued 
  significant state interventionist industrial and trade policies, 
  albeit in different ways, rather than the laissez‐faire, free‐trade 
  policy now being prescribed for developing countries
  Japan started on its industrial development only in 1868 with 
  the Meiji Restoration, much later than the western nations. 
  Korea, Taiwan & Singapore have started the industrial catch‐up 
  process even later in the 1960s. The active implementation of  
  industrial and technology policies  have contributed significantly 
  to their rapid catch‐up, even though mistakes were made (see 
  e.g. Wong & Ng, 2001, Wade 1990, Woo‐Cumings 1999)
  The evidence thus suggests that technological capability 
  development in the past was not the result of a laissez‐faire, 
  free‐trade approach, but significant state policy intervention
© Wong Poh Kam

Lessons for other Late‐industrializing economies?

  The argument for “free‐trade” is based on the theory of static
  comparative advantage, i.e. it assumes that the trading nations 
  involved are contented to stay at their current state of resource 
  endowments and capabilities
  But the aspiration of many lower‐income, late‐industrializing 
  economies is not to stay as such, but to move up to more 
  advanced level of capabilities, i.e. they should be concerned 
  with dynamic comparative advantage
  By exhorting the state in late‐comer countries to adopt laissez‐
  faire and free‐trade, and by enforcing international rules that 
  constrain their ability to pursue strategic industrial/trade 
  policies, the advanced countries can be seen as “kicking away 
  the ladder” (Chang, 2002) that they themselves used earlier to 
  gain their current advanced technological positions     
© Wong Poh Kam

References 

  Chang, Ha Joon (2002), Kicking Away the Ladder: Development 
  Strategy in Historical Perspective,  Anthem Press
  Greene, J. Megan(2008), The Origins of the Developmental State 
  in Taiwan: Science Policy and the Quest for Modernization, 
  Harvard University Press
  Wade, Robert (1990), Governing the Market: Economic Theory 
  and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization, 
  Princeton University Press
  Wong, Poh Kam and C.Y. Ng (eds.) (2001), Industrial Policy, 
  Innovation and Economic Growth: The Experience of Japan and 
  the Asian NIEs, Singapore University Press
  Woo‐Cumings, Meredith (ed.) (1999), The Developmental State, 
  Cornell University Press

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Industrial & Technology Policy Historical Perspective

  • 1. How the Advanced Western Nations Developed  Technologically, and Implications for Late‐ Industrializing Economies  Poh Kam WONG Professor, NUS Business School Professor (by courtesy), Lee Kuan Yew School of Public  Policy, National University of Singapore Ver 1, 2009 
  • 2. © Wong Poh Kam Core Issues How Britain emerged from the industrial revolution as a leading  industrial technological power How other European nations became strong technologically  How the US became the leading technological nation after  WWII How  late‐comer economies  like Japan, Korea, Taiwan ,  Singapore and Finland had achieved rapid industrial and  technological catch‐up   Implications for other late‐industrializing economies   
  • 3. © Wong Poh Kam Current Rhetoric vs. Historical Facts  Prevailing policy prescriptions by Western scholars typically  emphasize the desirability of laissez faire policy, particularly  trade liberalization, and argue against the adoption of any  industrial policy Implicit assumption is that the Western nations have achieved  their more advanced economic development status today by  adopting such policies in the past But the actual historical facts show otherwise o Britain promoted free‐trade only after she has acquired significant  technological capabilities in key manufacturing industries (textiles,  machineries) o USA had been amongst the most highly protectionist nations in the  world up to the second world war o State interventionist roles had been significant among most  Western European nations, although actual policies varied
  • 4. © Wong Poh Kam Historical Development of British Industrial Capability  (see Chang, 2002 for more details)  Before the mid‐nineteenth century, Britain was a producer of raw  wool and relied on technology from the “Lowland countries”  (Belgium/the Netherlands)  In 1721, the British government embarked on a deliberate  mercantile policy to promote domestic manufacturing and  discourage export of raw materials, through a combination of  industrial and trade policies (e.g. tax on raw wool export and  import of manufactured goods, reduction of raw material import  duties & drawbacks for manufacturers, export subsidies, etc) This deliberate “industrial policy” heralded the start of the  industrial revolution in Britain in the mid‐eighteenth century &  continued for a century      Britain only started to promote free‐trade from 1846 with the  repeal of Corn Law and the subsequent unilateral tariff reduction  in 1860, after she has established a strong technological lead in  key industries; even then, policies to discourage manufacturing in  overseas colonies continued long after that
  • 5. © Wong Poh Kam Historical Development of other European nations (see Chang, 2002 for more details)  From the mid‐18th century, although Germany implemented  lower level of tariff protection than Britain, the German  (Prussian) state intervened actively to promote domestic  technological capability in a wide range of industries,  particularly through state investment in infrastructure and  training, state‐supported espionage and poaching of skilled  workers from abroad. These policies were continued well into  the mid‐19th century to secure German technological  leadership, particularly in iron & steel and chemical industries Contrary to most conventional account, France did not embark  on a strong “dirigiste” state role until after WWII.  This may have  accounted for the lower industrial development of France  before WWII, and its accelerated catch‐up after WWII Likewise, Sweden pursued a strong state intervention role in  industrial development, particularly through state investment in  R&D, education, acquisition of foreign technologies, promotion  of public‐private partnership and a high‐wage policy
  • 6. © Wong Poh Kam The Historical Rise of the US The role of government in developing & protecting indigenous  industry already dominated the political agenda of the US when  it was still a British colony; indeed, the emerging local industrial  capitalist class was a major driver for independence from Britain  The policy shift to stronger promotion of local industries  accelerated after 1776, especially after 1812 with the war with  Britain that resulted in significant increase in tariff rates for most  manufactured goods The Civil War (1861‐5) was fought between the Northern and  Southern states not just over the slavery issue, but also over the  demand by the Northern states to maintain high protection of  industries USA had remained the most protectionist nation among  industrial economies right up to WWII, when it had become the  leading industrial superpower.  It is only in the post WWII period  that USA began to liberalize trade      
  • 7. © Wong Poh Kam The Historical Rise of the US Several major Federal and state policies helped sustain rapid  technological capability development in the US in the pre‐ and  post‐ WWII periods: o The “Land‐Grant” system created a state‐based university  education system that not only significantly raised S&T manpower  supply, but also encouraged R&D collaboration to serve practical  local (particularly agricultural) needs   o The adoption of the anti‐trust legislation in the early 1900s led to   the growth of multi‐product conglomerates and the rise of  oligopolistic industrial structure, which in turn stimulated the  development of corporate R&D labs  o The significant growth of Federal funding for defense R&D arising  from the war efforts for WWII (and to a smaller extent WWI) was  sustained after the war, and greatly increased industrial R&D  capability among private enterprises and universities through the  contract R&D system; The success of defense technology also  boosted Federal funding for “basic science” at universities    
  • 8. © Wong Poh Kam The Historical Rise of the US o To overcome the reluctance of traditional banking institutions to  lend to risky, small businesses, the Federal government created the  Small Business Investment Companies (SBICs) in 1958 to channel  public co‐funding to fund managers to provide investment capital  to small businesses.  This laid the foundation for the subsequent  emergence of the private venture capital (VC) industry model,  which in turn spurred the phenomenon of technological  commercialization through start‐ups.  Subsequent Federal policy to  allow public pension funds to invest in VC firms also helped.   o The passage by the Congress of the Bayh‐Dole Act in 1980, which  allow universities and public research institutes to own the IP  created from Federal R&D grants, provided strong incentives for  them to commercialize their R&D results.   o Likewise, the passage by the Congress of the SBIR grant scheme in  1982, which mandates that a certain % of the Federal R&D funding  be allocated to support commercialization activities of small  businesses, increased the rate technology commercialization via   high‐tech spin‐offs 
  • 9. © Wong Poh Kam The Historical Rise of the US o The US also benefited from a net inflow of highly talented scientists  and engineers in the pre‐ and post‐WWII period.  Many of the top  scientists and engineers who worked on developing military  technologies for the war efforts were foreign born.  o The early and extensive development of the university system also  attracted a big inflow of talented students from around the world,  and a relatively generous immigration policy allowed many of them  to stay on to work in the US.   o In more recent years, the private universities in the US have built up  significant financial endowment, and with greater flexibility than  their counterpart universities in Europe and Asia which are still  predominantly publicly‐funded, were able to attract top talents  away from foreign universities   o The early leadership of the US in developing the venture capital  model , particularly its concentration in Silicon Valley, further  attracted many talented technology entrepreneurs to move to the  US to pursue their start‐up activities
  • 10. © Wong Poh Kam Experience of Late‐industrializing economies that have achieved  rapid industrial and technological catch‐up Among the late‐industrializing economies, the few that had  been relatively successful – Japan, Korea, Taiwan & Singapore in  Asia, and Finland and Ireland in Europe – had all pursued  significant state interventionist industrial and trade policies,  albeit in different ways, rather than the laissez‐faire, free‐trade  policy now being prescribed for developing countries Japan started on its industrial development only in 1868 with  the Meiji Restoration, much later than the western nations.  Korea, Taiwan & Singapore have started the industrial catch‐up  process even later in the 1960s. The active implementation of   industrial and technology policies  have contributed significantly  to their rapid catch‐up, even though mistakes were made (see  e.g. Wong & Ng, 2001, Wade 1990, Woo‐Cumings 1999) The evidence thus suggests that technological capability  development in the past was not the result of a laissez‐faire,  free‐trade approach, but significant state policy intervention
  • 11. © Wong Poh Kam Lessons for other Late‐industrializing economies? The argument for “free‐trade” is based on the theory of static comparative advantage, i.e. it assumes that the trading nations  involved are contented to stay at their current state of resource  endowments and capabilities But the aspiration of many lower‐income, late‐industrializing  economies is not to stay as such, but to move up to more  advanced level of capabilities, i.e. they should be concerned  with dynamic comparative advantage By exhorting the state in late‐comer countries to adopt laissez‐ faire and free‐trade, and by enforcing international rules that  constrain their ability to pursue strategic industrial/trade  policies, the advanced countries can be seen as “kicking away  the ladder” (Chang, 2002) that they themselves used earlier to  gain their current advanced technological positions     
  • 12. © Wong Poh Kam References  Chang, Ha Joon (2002), Kicking Away the Ladder: Development  Strategy in Historical Perspective,  Anthem Press Greene, J. Megan(2008), The Origins of the Developmental State  in Taiwan: Science Policy and the Quest for Modernization,  Harvard University Press Wade, Robert (1990), Governing the Market: Economic Theory  and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization,  Princeton University Press Wong, Poh Kam and C.Y. Ng (eds.) (2001), Industrial Policy,  Innovation and Economic Growth: The Experience of Japan and  the Asian NIEs, Singapore University Press Woo‐Cumings, Meredith (ed.) (1999), The Developmental State,  Cornell University Press