Comparing Populism and the Tea Party

1. A Populist Tea Party
Comparing Social Protest Movements in American History

2. The Tea Party Teens January 5, 2010
By DAVID BROOKS
The United States opens this decade in a sour mood. First, Americans are anxious about
the future. Sixty-one percent of Americans believe the country is in decline, according to
the latest NBC News/Wall Street Journal survey. Only 27 percent feel confident that
their children’s generation will be better off than they are.
Second, Americans have lost faith in their institutions. During the great moments of
social reform, at least 60 percent of Americans trusted government to do the right thing
most of the time. Now, only a quarter have that kind of trust.
The country is evenly divided about President Obama, but state governments are in
disrepute and confidence in Congress is at withering lows. As Frank Newport of the
Gallup organization noted in his year-end wrap-up, “Americans have less faith in their
elected representatives than ever before.”
Third, the new administration has not galvanized a popular majority. In almost every
sphere of public opinion, Americans are moving away from the administration, not
toward it. The Ipsos/McClatchy organizations have been asking voters which party can
do the best job of handling a range of 13 different issues. During the first year of the
Obama administration, the Republicans gained ground on all 13.
The public is not only shifting from left to right. Every single idea associated with the
educated class has grown more unpopular over the past year.
The educated class believes in global warming, so public skepticism about global
warming is on

3. the rise. The educated class supports abortion rights, so public opinion is shifting
against them. The educated class supports gun control, so opposition to gun
control is mounting.
The story is the same in foreign affairs. The educated class is internationalist, so
isolationist sentiment is now at an all-time high, according to a Pew Research
Center survey. The educated class believes in multilateral action, so the number of
Americans who believe we should “go our own way” has risen sharply.
A year ago, the Obama supporters were the passionate ones. Now the tea party
brigades have all the intensity.
The tea party movement is a large, fractious confederation of Americans who are
defined by what they are against. They are against the concentrated power of the
educated class. They believe big government, big business, big media and the
affluent professionals are merging to form self-serving oligarchy — with bloated
government, unsustainable deficits, high taxes and intrusive regulation.
The tea party movement is mostly famous for its flamboyant fringe. But it is now
more popular than either major party. According to the NBC News/Wall Street
Journal poll, 41 percent of Americans have a positive view of the tea party
movement. Only 35 percent of Americans have a positive view of the Democrats
and only 28 percent have a positive view of the Republican Party.
The movement is especially popular among independents. The Rasmussen
organization asked independent voters whom they would support in a generic
election between a Democrat, a Republican and a tea party candidate. The tea
party

4. won, with 33 percent of independents. Undecided came in second with 30 percent. The
Democrats came in third with 25 percent and the Republicans fourth with 12 percent.
Over the course of this year, the tea party movement will probably be transformed. Right
now, it is an amateurish movement with mediocre leadership. But several bright and
polished politicians, like Marco Rubio of Florida and Gary Johnson of New Mexico, are
unofficially competing to become its de facto leader. If they succeed, their movement is
likely to outgrow its crude beginnings and become a major force in American politics. After
all, it represents arguments that are deeply rooted in American history.
The Obama administration is premised on the conviction that pragmatic federal leaders
with professional expertise should have the power to implement programs to solve the
country’s problems. Many Americans do not have faith in that sort of centralized expertise
or in the political class generally.
Moreover, the tea party movement has passion. Think back on the recent decades of
American history — the way the hippies defined the 1960s; the feminists, the 1970s; the
Christian conservatives, the 1980s. American history is often driven by passionate
outsiders who force themselves into the center of American life.
In the near term, the tea party tendency will dominate the Republican Party. It could be
the ruin of the party, pulling it in an angry direction that suburban voters will not tolerate.
But don’t underestimate the deep reservoirs of public disgust. If there is a double-dip
recession, a long period of stagnation, a fiscal crisis, a terrorist attack or some other major
scandal or event, the country could demand total change, creating a vacuum that only the
tea party movement and its inheritors would be in a position to fill.
Personally, I’m not a fan of this movement. But I can certainly see its potential to shape
the coming decade.

5. G.O.P. Grief and Grieving January 9, 2010
By CHARLES M. BLOW
The attack on the Republican establishment by the tea party folks grabs the gaze like a
really bad horror flick — some version of “Hee Haw” meets “28 Days Later.” It’s
fascinating. But it also raises a serious question: Are these the desperate thrashings of a
dying movement or the labor pains of a new one?
My money is on the former. Anyone who says that this is the dawn of a new age of
conservatism is engaging in wishful thinking on a delusional scale.
There is no doubt that the number of people who say that they are conservative has
inched up. According to a report from Gallup on Thursday, conservatives finished 2009 as
the No. 1 ideological group. But ideological identification is no predictor of electoral
outcomes. According to polls by The New York Times, conservative identification was
slightly higher on the verge of Bill Clinton’s first-term election and Barack Obama’s election
than it was on the verge of George W. Bush’s first-term election.
It is likely that Republicans will pick up Congressional seats in November partly because of
the enthusiasm of this conservative fringe, democratic apathy and historical trends. But
make no mistake: This is not 1994.
This is a limited, emotional reaction. It’s a response to the trauma that is the Great
Recession, the uncertainty and creeping suspicion about the risks being taken in
Washington, a visceral reaction to Obama and an overwhelming sense of powerlessness
and loss.

6. Simply put, it’s about fear-fueled anger. But anger is not an idea. It’s not a plan. And it’s
not a vision for the future. It is, however, the second stage of grief, right after denial and
before bargaining.
The right is on the wrong side of history. The demographics of the country are rapidly
changing, young people are becoming increasingly liberal on social issues, and rigid,
dogmatic religious stricture is loosening its grip on the throat of our culture.
The right has seen the enemy, and he is the future.
According to a Gallup report issued this week, Republicans were more than twice as
likely as Democrats and a third more likely as independents to have a pessimistic
outlook for the country over the next 20 years. That might be the fourth stage of grief:
depression.
So what’s their battle plan to fight back from the precipice of irrelevance? Moderation?
A stab at modernity? A slate of innovative ideas? No, their plan is to purge the party’s
moderates and march farther down the road to oblivion.
Erick Erickson, the incendiary editor of the popular conservative blog RedState,
appeared on “The Colbert Report” on Monday and said that “no one really knows what
a Republican is anymore.”
Split hairs about labels if you must, but the Republican brand already has begun a slow
slide into obscurity. And turning further right only hastens its demise. Quiet as it’s kept,
many in the party know this. That, alas, is called acceptance

7. Questions to Consider
• According to David Brooks, why has the decade started with the United
States in a “sour mood”?
• How does Brooks define the Tea Party movement and compare it to past
movements in American history?
• In what way does Brooks believe the Tea Party movement will be
transformed? How does Brooks believel the movement will shape and
influence politics over the next decade?
• How does Charles Blow interpret the Tea Party movement? How do his
views compare and contrast with Brooks’?
• How does Blow describe anger? Why does he believe the right is on the
wrong side of history? Why does he use the analogy to the stages of grief
throughout his piece?

8. Examples of Protest
Movements
• American history is often driven by passionate outsiders who
force themselves into the center of American life---David
Brooks
• social movement, loosely organized but sustained campaign
in support of a social goal, typically either the implementation
or the prevention of a change in society’s structure or values
•What are some examples of
social movements you can
think of?

9. VISUAL INTERPRETATION
Use the images in the slides that follow to help you complete portions of
the chart in the last slide

16. Comparing Social Movements
• Populist Party Platform
• Rise and Fall of the Populist Party
• Free Silver Movement
• Campaign of 1896
• Tea Party Slogans
• History of the Tea Party
• Tea Party Leaders
• Tea Party Platform
• Use any additional resources you may need to complete the
chart

17. Movement Populism Tea Party
Time Period
Political Context in which the
movement arose
Tenets/Beliefs
Origins of the movement
Popular slogans
Visual Symbolism
Methods/Tactics
Leaders
Media Portrayal