Grandparenting in Europe produced for Grandparents Plus by the Institute for Gerontology at King’s College London, shows that over 40% of grandparents in 12 European countries studied provide child care. This major new research shows a direct relationship between grandparents caring and the availability of affordable formal childcare and support for parents. It points to an emerging childcare crisis as the very grandmothers who are providing care are being expected by governments to stay in work longer.
Rohan Jaitley: Central Gov't Standing Counsel for Justice
Grandparenting in Europe 2013- who are the grandparents provoding childcare?
1. Karen Glaser, Debora Price,
Eloi Ribe Montserrat, Giorgio
di Gessa and Anthea Tinker
King’s College London
2. Outline of presentation
The research study:
1. Funder and timescale
2. The objective of the research
3. The research questions
4. Findings
a)
b)
c)
d)
2
Grandparent characteristics
Living arrangements
Policy
Multivariate analysis
3. 1. The research study – funder
and timescale
Supported by the Calouste Gulbenkian
Foundation through Grandparents Plus and
the Beth Johnson Foundation
Start April 2011/October 2011 – March
2013
Preliminary Findings Briefing June
2012
Final Report May 2013
3
4. 2. The objective of the
research
To investigate variations across Europe in
the diversity of grandparents, how
grandparents contribute to childcare, and
how policies are related to patterns of
grandparenting.
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5. 3. The research questions
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1. How do the living arrangements of
grandparents vary across European
countries and how have they changed over
time?
2. How do the characteristics of grandparents
vary across 12 European states in terms of
age, number of grandchildren, marital
status, socio-economic status, participation
in paid work, and well-being?
6. 3. The research questions
3. How does the level of involvement of
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grandparents with their grandchildren vary
across Europe in terms of care? What
characteristics of grandparents help to
explain the diversity of care arrangements?
4. How do family policies interact with gender,
family, care and labour market cultures and
structures to shape the levels of involvement
of grandparents with their grandchildren?
7. 4a. Findings Grandparent
Characteristics
How do the characteristics of grandparents
vary across12 European countries? (e.g. age,
number of grandchildren, marital status,
socio-economic status, participation in paid
work, and well-being)
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8. Data Sources
ELSA (England) and SHARE – Austria,
Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands, Spain,
Italy, France, Denmark, Greece,
Switzerland and Belgium.
Both surveys are based on people aged 50
and over are comparable.
9. % of older adults who are
grandparents: 12 European States
9
Source: SHARE, 2004/05; ELSA, 2002/03; own calculations. Weighted
data.
10. Age profile grandparents
Considerable variation in % grandparents
who are of working age (i.e. 50-64 age
group).
England relatively high percentage (41%)
as France and the Scandinavian countries
(e.g. Denmark 50%)
Southern European countries only one
third.
11. Mean number of grandchildren
Source: SHARE, 2004/05; ELSA, 2002/03; own calculations. Weighted data.
•English grandparents also have more grandchildren than their
12
European counterparts, with an average of nearly five (4.9)
compared with an average across the other 11 countries of 4.2.
12. % grandparents with at least one
grandchild aged 0-2
Source: SHARE, 2004/05; own calculations. Weighted data.
•Dutch grandparents most likely have grandchild <
13
followed by French, Danish and Swedish.
3
13. % grandparents in paid work
Source: SHARE, 2004/05; ELSA, 2002/03; own calculations. Weighted
data.
14
14. 4b. Living Arrangements
Examine changes in living arrangements
between grandparents and grandchildren
over time (with or without the parents
being present) in England & Wales, France,
Germany, Portugal and Romania.
15
15. What do we not know
Lack evidence about trends and nature of
grandparent households in Europe
Evidence from the UK suggests grandparents
form largest group among family and friends
awarded kinship care of children.
16
16. Data Sources
Trends in prevalence of grandparent
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households
Multivariate analysis to investigate how
grandparent households vary across selected
European countries and U.S.
Integrated Public Use Microdata Series
International (IPUMS), the ONS Longitudinal
Study for England & Wales, and the German
Socio-Economic Panel Study (SOEP).
18. The Findings
Increase in prevalence over time in skippedgeneration households in England & Wales (as in
U.S.)
Skipped-generation households much more likely to
have older grandchild – raised by grandparents?
England & Wales and US only countries where in
skipped-generation households see increase in %
households with youngest grandchild 0-5 (thus
decrease in % households with 18+).
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19. 4c. Research Question
To what extent are national patterns in the
demography of (non-co-residential)
grandparental care influenced by family policy at
national level?
What difference does the nation state make?
What is it about the nation state that makes a
difference?
Focus on intensive grandmaternal care
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20. Method
Select indicators
Tabulate across ten countries [cross-sectional, 2008 data,
various sources: Eurostat, OECD, GGS, SHARE, EVS,
Eurobarometer, National and International web sources
(statistical and departmental agencies)]
Qualitative (theory driven) analysis of associations with
grandparental care, using a constant comparative method
Note: outcome variable of grandparental care from various
sources, 2004 – 2008 [but these kinds of national patterns
change very slowly]
Select indicators to test with multi-level, multivariate model
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Denmark, Sweden, The Netherlands, Germany, France,
the UK, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Hungary, Romania
22. Metadata
Will be published as a web resource (2013)
Compares eleven widely differing European countries on
over 100 indicators at a single point in time [2008]
Each country has three Excel ‘books’, one for each set of
indicators (policy, family & gender, labour force)
+ Tables of cross-eleven-country analyses
Summaries of policies will be in the report, and some
comparative tables
23
23. Grandparenting policy
regimes
No assumption of grandparental care
(Denmark, Sweden and to a lesser extent France)
Grandparental care is assumed (explicit or
implicit):
(Hungary, Italy, Portugal, Romania and Spain)
State policies are neutral
(Germany, Netherlands, UK)
But policy matrix is not the only factor
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24. Source: SHARE
2004; Eurostat
LFS 2011
In countries where more mothers are out of work, grandmothers play aagreater
In countries where more mothers are out of work, grandmothers play greater
role in looking after grandchildren intensively.
role in looking after grandchildren intensively.
Childcare is really challenging for those mothers who do work in these countries.
Childcare is really challenging for those mothers who do work in these countries.
25 Note: No relationship between proportion of mothers working full time and grandparental care, whether daily, weekly or at all
25. Source: SHARE
2004; OECD 2011
In countries where it is more common for mid-life women not to be in
In countries where it is more common for mid-life women not to be in
paid work, more grandmothers care for their grandchildren intensively
paid work, more grandmothers care for their grandchildren intensively
26
There is aatension between women in their 50s and 60s being in paid
There is tension between women in their 50s and 60s being in paid
work, and their being available to look after their grandchildren (enabling
work, and their being available to look after their grandchildren (enabling
their adult daughters to work)
their adult daughters to work)
26. Source: SHARE 2004;
EVS 2008
In countries where more of the population believes that aapre-school
In countries where more of the population believes that pre-school
child suffers with aaworking mother, more grandmothers provide intensive
child suffers with working mother, more grandmothers provide intensive
childcare for their grandchildren
childcare for their grandchildren
27
In these countries, it is more socially acceptable/accepted/trusted for
In these countries, it is more socially acceptable/accepted/trusted for
grandmothers to care when mothers work, than for formal childcare
grandmothers to care when mothers work, than for formal childcare
services.
services.
27. Children aged 0-2
%
Children
in formal
care
% of all
children in
childcare
who are
30+ hours
Total % of
children in
formal care in
30+ hours (1)
Gross cost
on average
as %
average
wage
Formal
entitlement
Regional
variation
Satisfaction
public
support for
families
Denmark
73
65
47
8.4
Yes
Low
68.7
Sweden
49
31
15
4.5
Yes
Low
64.4
Portugal
33
31
10
27.8
No
High
11.5
France
40
23
9
25.1
No
Low
49
Spain
39
16
6
30.3
No
High
19
Italy
27
16
4
:
No
High
22
Netherlands
47
6
3
17.5
No
Low
48
Germany
19
9
2
9.1
No
High
37
UK
35
4
1
24.7
No
High
62.4
Hungary
7
5
0.4
4.2
Yes
:
22.5
Romania
8
2
0.2
:
No
High
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In countries where there isis more use of formal childcare,especially long hours childcare, formal entitlements
In countries where there more use of formal childcare, especially long hours childcare, formal entitlements
to childcare especially for children aged -0 –– 2, the cost is low, there is low regional variation and high public
to childcare especially for children aged -0 2, the cost is low, there is low regional variation and high public
satisfaction with public support for families, grandmothers play less of aa role in providing intensive childcare.
satisfaction with public support for families, grandmothers play less of role in providing intensive childcare.
These are complex interactions. If you only look at one or two columns, you miss the wider picture.
These are complex interactions. If you only look at one or two columns, you miss the wider picture.
28. Country-level factors to be included in multi-level
analysis
% pre-school
children suffer
Country
with working
mother
England
5
Denmark
2
Sweden
4
The Netherlands
7
Germany
17
France
13
Austria
26
Belgium
11
Spain
11
Italy
13
Greece
27
29
% mothers
aged 25-49
not in paid
work
31
15
17
21
29
25
25
25
37
44
40
% children
<3 in formal
care
% women
50-64 in
paid work
35
73
49
47
19
40
29
35
39
27
25
58
62
72
53
56
50
47
39
40
35
36
Source: OECD 2011, Eurostat (EU-SILC) 2011, European Values Survey Wave 4.
29. 4d. Policy & grandparent
childcare
Testing policy model empirically with data
about intensity and frequency of
grandparental involvement with
grandchildren.
Focus on intensive of grandparent childcare
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31. Findings - Multivariate
You need both an understanding of demographic, policy,
cultural-structural factors to explain variations in national
patterns of grandparent childcare.
E.g. More women aged 50 to 64 in paid work, less intensive
grandparent childcare.
E.g. More children 0-2 in formal care, less intensive
grandparent care.
In countries (e.g. Italy, Portugal, Spain) women working fulltime rely heavily on family care and on grandparent childcare in
particular (as there is little formal childcare)
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32. Overall Project Aim:
Theoretical development of understanding
intergenerational relations in the realm of grandparental
care;
Inform understanding of the relevance of policy and
demography in understanding the structure of
grandparenting;
Grandparents Plus: Evidence based campaigning for
recognition and support of the role grandparents play in
children’s lives, especially when they take on the caring
role in difficult family circumstances
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How grandparent policy regimes related to diversity in grandparenting
Gulbenkian funded scoping study which is phase I.
Based on data from 12 European countries, the new research shows that 63% of people in England over 50 are grandparents, similar to France (and Austria), but more than in Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. Only Belgium, Denmark and Sweden have a higher percentage of older people who are grandparents.
For example, the odds of older people being a grandparent in England are around 50% higher than in Italy.
English grandparents are on average younger than in most European countries, with only Denmark having a higher proportion of grandparents in the 50 to 65 age group. While this makes England similar to France, the Netherlands, Sweden, Austria and Belgium, grandparents are older in Greece, Italy, Spain, Germany and Switzerland, where about two thirds or more are over 65.
Even though Dutch and Spanish grandparents report significantly more children than their English counterparts, English grandparents have the most grandchildren.
Average number of grandchildren ranges from high of 4.93 in England to a low of 3.67 in Germany.
Differences across countries in the number of children and grandchildren are a reflection of variations in the timing of past fertility. In Europe, birth rates have been at a low level for around 3 to 4 decades (for example, in France, Germany and Italy).
While fertility began to decline in Southern European countries later than in Northern and Western Europe, since the 1980s fertility levels in these countries (and in Eastern European countries such as Romania) are among the lowest in the world (Coleman 1996).
By contrast, Northern and Western Europe - now relatively high fertility zone - never experienced really low fertility (Coleman 1996). For example, the fewer children among German grandparents reflect the low fertility levels in the country in the 1960s (see Table 4-3, in comparison fertility in the UK in the 1960s was relatively because of the baby boom).
The children of the grandparents in our study would be having their own children in the late1980s and 1990s (i.e. the grandchildren). This was a time of especially low fertility; particularly for Southern European countries (see Table 4-3). Low fertility, in combination with late ages at first birth, resulted in fewer grandchildren among Italian grandparents, for example, when compared to their English counterparts.
Among those over 50, more than one in four grandparents in the SHARE countries had at least one grandchild under the age of 3, and over half had at least one grandchild under the age of 6.
The percentage of grandparents reporting a grandchild under the age of 3 ranged from a low of 20% in Germany to a high of 40% in the Netherlands; 33% of grandparents in France reported a grandchild under the age of 3.
We do not have data on this question for England, but we suggest that England probably has a similar profile to France in this respect, because on many other grandparenting demographics, France and England are similar.
French and Danish grandparents are the most likely to have a grandchild under the age of 3 and only Dutch grandparents are more likely to have a grandchild in this age group; grandparents in the other countries tended to have older grandchildren. For example, the odds of grandparents in France having a grandchild under the age of 3 are twice as high as in Germany.
Close to one in four (23%) of English grandparents aged 50 and over are in paid work, compared with an average of just one in seven across the other 11 countries studied. Only Denmark and Sweden have a higher percentage of working grandparents (around 30%).
(Do make clear when you are talking about your analysis that the figs relate to all skipped and 3 generation rather than just those with children under 18 – this is a key difference between Julie’s work and ours.)
While three-generation households more common in Portugal and Romania than U.S. – latest census date US the % of adults aged 40 and over in skipped generation households is higher.
Both types of grandparent households less common in France and Germany (especially skipped generation).
Trends over time - however, England and Wales, like the U.S., showed an increase in the prevalence of skipped -generation households.
In England & Wales this rose from 0.3% of adults aged 35 and over living in such households in 1981 to 0.5% in 2001.
No other European country studied so far has followed this pattern.
This means around 155,000 people in skipped generation households in 2001.
Grandparenting regimes refer to how family and care policy constructs relations of care. The State intervenes to a certain extent either by addition or omission shifting opportunities for individuals and families to provide care to dependent individuals.
Two axes: a) expectations of care: the State stratifies family and childcare relations b) economy of care: economic resources to provide childcare are in a continuum of public-private
Low:
Families with children are publicly supported regardless their financial resources or family composition: universal or low conditional benefits reduce dependences on the partner or labour market participation
Childcare services are largely publicly provided and readily available from early years
Dual-earner families are publicly and explicitly supported
Moderate:
Little public support in the form of cash transfers or benefits in-kind for families, but largely available for all types of family (low conditionality)
Childcare services have little support from the State thought pre-school education: dependences on alternative State-provided childcare services are moderate to high depending on the country
Dual-earner families are not penalised, but at the same time are little or no rewarded
Dependences on market financial means are high: labour market participation is a source for child care provision and protection
High:
The State financially penalises families with high income, which is often the case of dual-earner families. These families are expected to organise care on their own. On the other hand, families with low income are publicly protected
Little childcare service support from the State and very conditional cash transfers indicate high dependences on alternative financial and State-provided support
Dual-earner families are not granted extra public support: self-reliance on family means are accentuated
Some countries have explicit regulations on support from grandparents (Portugal, Spain and Hungary)
Programmes of income maintenance are low, but family care publicly supported
This impacts also on how services are structured, in a feedback loop.
Conclusions
Our analyses support the hypothesis that a country’s cultural-structural environment shapes the extent to which grandparents care for children in European countries. Particularly important is the extent to which mothers aged 25-49 in a country are not in the paid labour force as we hypothesise that this influences policies aimed at providing formal, affordable childcare, particularly for very young children. In those countries where the societal norm reflects the belief that mothers should stay at home to care for their families, most mothers do not work and those who do tend to work full-time (given inflexibilities in the labour market).
In such countries as most mothers are not in paid work there is little formal childcare so that
those who are in full-time work appear to be heavily reliant on family care and on
grandparent childcare in particular. Finally, normative cultural factors are also important: in
countries where more of the population believes that pre-school children suffer with working
mothers, intensive grandparent childcare is also more prevalent. However, given that
grandmothers aged 50–69 who were not in paid work were the most likely to provide
childcare, government plans to extend retirement age and increase female labour participation at older ages is likely to conflict with the provision of childcare, and therefore the employability of younger mothers.
Finally, normative cultural factors also important: in countries where greater % believes pre-school children suffer with mothers in paid work, intensive grandparent childcare more prevalent.
Given that grandmothers 50–64 not in paid work most likely to provide intensive childcare, government plans to extend retirement age and increase female labour participation at older ages is likely to conflict with provision of childcare, and potentially the employability of younger mothers.