The Experience of Gay and Lesbian Students of Color in Counterspaces

Running head: THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS 1
The Experience of Gay and Lesbian Students of Color in Counterspaces
Cornell F. Woodson
Advisor: Dr. Shametrice Davis
April 4, 2013

THE EXPERIENCE OF GAY AND LESBIAN STUDENTS 2
Prologue
The inspiration for this topic derives from my positionality as a gay Black male and
experiences with the Black heterosexual community and the Black and White queer
communities. According to Paulo Freire (2006), instead of rising above the oppressor, the
oppressed groups emulate the oppressor to satisfy their desire to be in a position of power. Since
subordinated groups cannot have power over the dominant White, male, and straight community,
they attempt to dominate those within their own community. Each of the groups mentioned
above have shown how they have taken on characteristics of the oppressor by discriminating
against people within their own community.
In the Black heterosexual community, I have been called “faggot” in both a quiet room
and in the middle of a teacher’s lesson. It was as if this treatment was normal, because no one
ever said anything about it, not even the teachers. In middle school, my peers beat me like a rag
doll. They knocked me to the ground, spit on me, kicked me in my ribs, and even threw rocks at
my head. Meanwhile, the school security guards watched and cheered them on as if it was an
Olympic sport. In the Black church, I have sat through Sunday morning sermons about the sinful
ways of the homosexual lifestyle and of my future to spend eternity burning in Hell. At the same
time, the pastor preaches how we need to be more loving of our fellow man [sic]. I have watched
how members of that same church fight to hide secrets of their sexuality as they spew hate in the
name of God from the pulpit.
I have felt rejected by the Black queer community, because of the dark pigmentation of
my skin. When in a social setting, such as a nightclub, I have noticed how the dark skin and light
skin people congregate away from each other. In the same social setting, I am aware of the
different reactions people have when a dark skinned or light skinned person walks into the room.

When a dark skin person enters the room, people return to their conversations and ignore their
presence. When the person who walks into the room is light skinned, people smile widely, start
pointing at them, and scurry toward them to start a conversation. I have been in conversation
with people in the Black queer community who have blatantly stated they would never date a
person who was darker than a brown paper bag. This community gives into the dominant
narrative of what is considered attractive in order to fit into a culture that continuously rejects
them because they are not White.
Members of the White queer community have neglected my experiences as a Black gay
man. I have been told again and again by White gay men that they feel there is no difference
between the experience of White and Black gay men, because we are all gay and fighting for the
same rights. I have been called overly sensitive and told that things really are not that bad. It
appears that the White queer community has no interest in understanding the experience of queer
students of color. In my experience, the only time some members of the White queer community,
mainly White gay men, have been interested in students of color is when they are looking for an
amazing sexual experience. I have had White gay men approach me and share their sexual
fantasies that include Black gay men and their large extremities. In social settings, I have
watched White gay men chase after Hispanic, Asian, or Middle-Eastern gay men because they
are, “exotic”. Some White gay men see gay men of color only as sexual beast or some rare item
to be acquired.
It is for these reasons that I chose to highlight some of the experiences of gay and lesbian
students of color. We do not walk through the world or experience life through a singular lens.
Unlike the White queer and heterosexual communities, and the heterosexual students of color,
gay and lesbian students of color deal with discrimination from numerous other groups all at

once. Therefore, it is important that affinity spaces be open to these diverse narratives and the
issues that sometimes come with the intersection of multiple marginalized identities.

Abstract
Due to their multiple marginalized identities, gay and lesbian students of color have a
different developmental experience and journey towards self-authorship than their peers in the
White mainstream queer and heterosexual communities, as well as among heterosexual people of
color. As a result, counterspaces should be equipped to support gay and lesbian students of color
in a way that may be quite different than the support for the mainstream communities they
typically engage with. This paper examines the literature that exists on this topic and offers
suggestions for improving our counterspaces on college and university campuses.

Literature Review
While there have been studies completed on gay and lesbian students of color (Adams,
Cahill & Ackerlind, 2004; Bridges, Selvidge & Matthews, 2003; Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011;
Griffin, 2000; Harris, 2003; Misawa, 2010; Strayhorn, Blakewood & DeVita, 2008), most have
only focused on the experience of Black gay men. A small sample of literature (Harris, 2003;
Mobley & Levey, 1998; Savin-Williams, 1996; Boykin, 1996) mentions other racial minorities
besides African Americans, as well as women of color and their experiences in the queer
community. However, there has not been enough research conducted that focuses on queer
students of color equally. Similarly to how the White master narrative is used, most of the
literature attempted to provide insight into the experience of all queer students of color through
the lens of Black gay men.
This review of literature focuses on the broader umbrella of issues of the GL community
of color. Most if not all of the literature only highlights the experience of Black gay men in the
classrooms, residential halls, fraternities and sororities, athletic teams, and student organizations
(Unks, 1995; Evans & Wall, 1991; Sanlo, 1998). There is a lack of focus on the experience of
queer students of color in counterspaces on college and university campuses, which are meant to
serve as a safe havens for students who hold marginalized identities (Jones, 2005; Sanlo, 2000).
Although not all of the literature was higher education specific, the literature reveals four major
themes that describe experiences some GL students of color face on campus.
The Rocky Relationship between the Queer and the Black Community
Boykin (1996) argued the conflict between the two groups was and still is instigated by
White religious conservatives who tell the Black community that the Queer community threatens
the legitimacy of the civil rights movement. The 1993 National March on Washington for

Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual (LGB) Equality challenged the Black community to include the LGB
community in the mainstream American civil rights movement. Influenced by White religious
leaders, the Black community was convinced that the LGB community would threaten their fight
for racial equality.
High-ranking Black leaders, such as Coretta Scott King, supported the LGB movement,
but many conservative-religious leaders refused to consider the connection between the Black
and Queer community and their fight for equality. Boykin (1996) quoted Former Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Colin Powell when he stated, “Skin color is a benign, non-behavioral
characteristic. Sexual orientation is perhaps the most profound of human behavioral
characteristics. Comparison of the two is a convenient, but invalid argument” (p. 32). It is easy to
understand the hesitation of the Black community, who has endured years of organizing against
racial inequality, to be seen as equal to a community who is considered the most disfavored in
society. Showing support for the Queer community would have, in the eyes of the Black
community, ruined everything they had worked so hard to gain. The lack of support and
condemnation from the Black community caused a huge divide between these respective groups.
Instead of joining together to fight for equality, the two groups now compete against one another.
To avoid discrimination both ethnic communities and the LGB community try to emulate
their oppressors (Freire, 2006). Boykin (1996) noted that the Black community and the Queer
community learn to hate themselves and each other. In order to stop the cycle of internal and
external hatred, both groups must reestablish their own self-images. The debate here is not
whether the two groups are the same, but rather that both communities are fighting for the same
equal rights. Both groups share a common thread of dealing with prejudice from the dominant
groups that oppress and place them against each other.

Racism in the Queer Community and on Campus
Despite the Queer community’s long history of fighting for equality and acceptance,
racial discrimination still exists in the community (Battle, Cohen, Warren, Fergerson, & Audam,
2000; Savin-Williams, 1996). GL students of color often find themselves not feeling part of the
larger Queer community because they are expected to place their sexual identity at the forefront
of their lives; therefore, their experience as a queer person of color is ignored (Savin-Williams,
1996; Boykin, 1996). On college campuses GL students of color may struggle to find a
connection with the LGBTQA Center that lacks programming which supports the intersection of
their sexual and racial/ethnic identities (Dumas, 1998; Wall & Washington, 1991).
Many GL students of color report their racial identity as being their most salient identity
due to the racial discrimination they face and the sense of feeling invisible (Goode-Cross &
Tager, 2011; Battle et al., 2000; Adams, Cahill & Ackerlind, 2005). Bridges et al. (2003)
mentioned that some GL students of color choose to remain in the closet to avoid losing their
support system, which helps them combat the racism from the dominant society. For some, it is
easier to hide their sexual identity and assimilate into the straight ethnic community than it is to
be out and try to navigate a culture that is dominated by Whiteness (Boykin, 1996). As a result,
GL students of color also reported feeling like the only one in their classes and other areas of
campus because other out GL students of color were hard to find (Goode-Cross & Tager, 2011).
In other ethnic communities, such as the Asian-American community, scholarship on the
issues of sexuality is limited (Manalansan, 1996). Wooden, Kawasaki, and Mayeda’s (1983)
study described common stereotypes placed upon Asian men in the queer community as being
passive and more likely to fit into the role of the housewife in a relationship. Other stereotypes
included being seen as more feminine or subservient, youthful due to the lack of body hair, and

having small genitals. Manalansan (1996) noted that White men who desire Asian men
commonly call them “rice queens” and places that cater to Asian men and the White men who
desire them are called “rice bars”. Wooden et al. (1983) noted, “the gay community reflects the
prejudices of the White society” (p. 407).
According to Johnson (2009), “one of the most insidious and widespread issues for Black
gay men to contend with is racism from the White [queer] community” (p. 158). For example,
Queer students of color rarely see images of people who look like them in queer advertisements
and films. The lack of images of queer students of color makes it seem as if they do not exist and
therefore everyone comes to think that the queer community is completely White (Boykin,
1996). Ninety percent of all queer advertisements still have only White male models (Johnson,
2009). Furthermore, Tat (2008) argued that Black, Hispanic, and Asian American gay men have
always had to work extra hard to live up to the standards of beauty created by the White queer
community.
Homophobia in Ethnic Communities
Although many GL students of color hold their racial identity as most salient, the racism
they experience within the LGB community is not the sole reason. Homophobia is more visible
within the ethnic communities than the White community (Battle et al., 2000; Goode-Cross &
Tager, 2011; Parker et al. 2004). According to Savin-Williams (1996), an ethnic community
rarely serves as an escape from homophobia. GL students of color are usually welcomed as long
as their sexual orientation remains invisible (Griffin, 2000; Savin-Williams, 1996). The Black
community views homosexuality as a result of the White culture (Boykin, 1996; Savin-Williams,
1996). They also see those within their community who are homosexual as heavily influenced by

White culture. Therefore, some members of the Black community reject anyone who strays away
from cultural norms.
Since GL students of color must hide their sexuality due to homophobia in their ethnic
communities, it is harder to find a community who can support them as they navigate the
intersection of their sexual and racial identity development (Wall & Washington, 1991). Goode-
Cross & Tager (2011) found that due to the perceived small number of gay men of color and the
inability to access the larger LGB community on campus, gay men of color found it difficult to
find people who shared their identities. Boykin (1996) argued that GL students of color, if out to
their families, often lack the family support that heterosexual students of color have in dealing
with racial prejudice. As a result, some GL students of color, who become fed up with the
homophobia they experience, seek solace within the White gay community (Boykin, 1996;
Griffin, 2000).
Often the homophobia found within ethnic communities is due to a strong connection to
religion (Boykin, 1996; Johnson, 2009; Savin-Williams, 1996; Wall & Washington, 1991;
Harris, 2003). Religious ethnic communities often justify their homophobia by stating that the
bible considers homosexuality a sin (Dumas, 1998). Even when the person of color does not
consider himself or herself religious they seem to use that sentiment to make their argument.
Boykin (1996) argued that religious ethnic communities, such as the Black community swear by
their interpretations of the bible. Meanwhile, those are the same interpretations that White people
used to defend slavery and racism.
The underlying issue that some ethnic groups have with homosexuality is that it will stunt
the growth of the community and break apart families (Boykin, 1996). For example, the Asian
American and Black community contend that lesbianism threatens the growth of the community

because lesbians are not seen as child bearers (Boykin, 1996; Bridges et al., 2003). Furthermore,
butch lesbians present a threat, because Black men feel they could potentially seduce their
women. Perhaps the most disturbing point Boykin (1996) noted is that some Black men do not
consider butch lesbians real women.
Intersectionality of Identities
Some students, who have more than one marginalized identity, tend to have a much
harder time with their development and are more prone to stress (Harris, 2003; Zamboni &
Crawford, 2006;). For example, GL students of color are prone to stress directly caused by their
experience with discrimination from the mainstream American culture, the mainstream gay
culture, and their own families and communities (Adams et al. 2005; Fukuyama & Ferguson,
2000). Given their multiple marginalized identities, GL students of color do not enjoy the luxury
of focusing their energy solely on one form of oppression in their lives (Boykin, 1996). Sexuality
is only one of the identities that make GL students of color a minority. For White queer people
and heterosexual people of color, they only have one identity separating them from the dominant
culture. Therefore, they only have to focus on one form of discrimination; homophobia and
racism.
Given the discrimination from various groups that GL students of color face, they have a
considerably different experience coming out than their White GL peers (Mobley & Levey,
1998). Harris (2003) focused on the experiences of GL students of color on campus and argued
there are four factors which affect their development: (1) campus climate, (2) double-burden
phenomenon, (3) Programmatic issues, and (4) down-low issues. White GL people do cope with
discrimination based on their sexuality, but they do not have to cope with racial and cultural
hostility (Blanco, 1998). White GL people have a layer of protection that GL students of color do

not have; White privilege. Likewise, heterosexual people of color are considered more socially
acceptable, because of their privileged identity as a straight person.
While having two marginalized identities can be extremely difficult to navigate, lesbian
women of color must simultaneously deal with the triple oppression of racism, sexism, and
heterosexism (Adams et al., 2005; Ferguson & Howard-Hamilton, 2000; Parks, Hughes &
Matthews, 2004). They must learn to cope with the oppression coming from all the dominant
cultures. Bridges et al. (2003) discussed lesbian women of color’s frequent concern of being
unable to integrate multiple identities. They go on to state that lesbian women of color feel as if
they must choose one of their identities as their most salient.
On campus, GL students of color have to decide whether or not to join an organization
that affirms their ethnic identity or their sexual identity. Having an option to join a queer student
organization does not mean that GL students of color will feel comfortable and may even attempt
to avoid them (Mobley & Levey, 1998). Mobley & Levey (1998) also mention how GL students
of color have to think about whether or not the group will meet their needs as ethnic individuals,
because of the racism they experience within the LGB community. As mentioned before, this
experience causes GL students of color to remain in the closet and stay close to multicultural
organizations on campus.
As the literature review illustrates, the experience of GL students of color is not only
shaped by their interactions with the mainstream queer community. Therefore, a much deeper
dialogue must be had about how to make all counterspaces places where people with multiple
marginalized identities can go for holistic support; beginning with LGBTQA centers.

Implications
For this discussion, it is important to have an understanding of what exactly
defines a counterspace. According to Solórzano, Ceja, and Yosso (2000), counterspaces serve as
“sites where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where a positive climate
can be established and maintained” (p. 70). Jones (2005) mentions that these spaces are
comprised of individuals with a common narrative and experience dealing with oppression. As a
result, these spaces serve as an escape, for any student with a marginalized identity (e.g. racial
and sexual minority individuals, etc), from the tyranny they face from the dominant culture.
They also help “promote positive self-concepts among marginalized individuals”, which is more
likely to happen in spaces like these (Case and Hunter, 2012, p. 261).
While I am using the term counterspace, it is important to note that these spaces are also
referred to as safe spaces and alternative settings (Cherniss and Deegan, 2000), free spaces (Fine,
Weis, Weseen, and Wong, 2000), sites of resistance (Hooks, 1990), critical spaces (McCorkel,
1998), sites of resilience (Payne, 2008), and empowering community settings (Maton, 2008). All
of these spaces exist to challenge the White, hetero-normative, and male narrative that dominants
our culture (Case and Hunter, 2012). The term affinity space is also commonly used. However,
Gee (2005) argues that affinity spaces are different because within these spaces people relate to
each other primarily in terms of common interests and not primarily in terms of race, gender,
age, disability or social class. Therefore, affinity spaces would not serve as a place where people
with marginalized identities can develop a positive sense of self-worth.
If counterspaces such as LGBTQ and cultural centers serve to ensure that the cycle of
oppression that takes place in society is not reproduced in the space, then they have fallen short
of their purpose (Case and Hunter, 2012). Although LGBTQ centers were established to address

issues around sexual identities (Sanlo, 2000) and cultural centers to address issues around race
and ethnicity (Solórzano et al., 2000), they must work to meet the changing and growing needs
of today’s queer students of color. Intentional efforts to understand how multiple identities affect
the holistic development of students must be consistent. Based on the existing literature and the
initial findings of a pilot study I conducted with two queer students of color, I put forth the
following areas of improvement.
Provide Training for Students and Staff
A major step in the right direction is partaking in the self-work needed to become more
culturally sensitive and embrace the various narratives that exist among students. There are
numerous organizations that provide trainings and work with staff to understand their own
privileged identities and how people of multiple marginalized identities experience that privilege.
However, initiatives of this kind can be extremely expensive. To offset the cost, joint trainings
for multiple departments could be beneficial. Another cost-effective way to begin the self-work
is to implement professional development during staff meetings. Read articles and research
studies on topics, such as intersecting marginalized identities and work to establish concrete
plans to utilize the information.
This form of development need not stop with the administrators. Staff members in the
centers who advise student organizations can implement similar initiatives during check-ins with
the executive boards or when they meet during fall or spring retreats. Challenging our students to
find ways to make space for other voices within their organizations is beneficial to their
development as leaders on campus and beyond.

Collaboration Among Counterspaces
One can never fully understand another group’s experience with their identity. Reading
articles and research studies followed by authentic discussions are great ways to develop basic
knowledge of the issues they face, but that is learning in a vacuum. Direct interaction and
intentional relationship building with GL students of color can help to provide context and
humanize their issues. Counterspaces, such as cultural and LGBTQ centers should consider
developing opportunities to collaborate with each other to bring students together during
different times of the year.
One of the major concerns for both participants in my pilot study was the lack of
visibility of other queer students of color at events. Developing new programming that brings
both the cultural and LGBTQ centers together can potentially help show GL students of color
that they are wanted in the spaces. Furthermore, it provides the opportunity for the staff in both
centers to meet and develop relationships with GL students of color. If the centers are going to
continue being separate entities then at least they can be more intentional about working together
more often.
Establish Multicultural Centers Instead
As student affairs professionals we are guilty of compartmentalizing our student services.
For example, we make GL students of color choose which center to interact with at a given time.
The literature shows that the gross separation of the various communities force students to
choose an identity that is most salient to them (Bridges, Selvidge, and Matthews, 2003; Mobley
& Levey, 1998). In actuality, our GL students of color do not experience their lives that way.
Their identities are woven together as one piece of fabric (Boykin, 1996). As the intersection of

identities become more and more prevalent in our work, we should consider organizing our
services that way as well.
I propose we move the various counterspaces that exist on our campuses into one
combined space where students can access all of their services and encourage more
collaboration. To clarify, the new space would need to be intentionally designed to provide some
sense of privacy for the cultural center since the LGBTQ center does cater to White queer
students too. This space could have several floors or various wings for each counterspace;
however, the concept is that they are close enough for GL students of color to access without
having to trek all around campus. Furthermore, the image of the different counterspaces working
closely together and in close quarters could have a positive effect on our students with multiple
marginalized identities. hooks (1990) described these spaces as “sites with radical possibility” (p.
149). We can live up to the standards Hooks mentioned by no longer letting what happened in
the past hinder our future and come together to do this critical work.
Diversify Staff
The students in my pilot study referenced the need to have other people who look like
them or share their experiences in order to feel safe in a space. In order for queer students of
color to feel like the various counterspaces exist to support them too, all counterspaces must
diversify their staff. Combining the counterspaces into close quarters is not sufficient enough;
there must be staff members who also identify as queer and a person of color. Queer staff
members of color will not only be able to support queer students of color as they navigate the
oppression they experience from having multiple marginalized identities; they can also help the
staff become more culturally sensitive by advocating for queer students of color.

Conclusion
GL students of color face discrimination from the mainstream dominant community, the
mainstream gay community, and their own ethnic community due to their multiple marginalized
identities. This discussion serves as a call to action for student affairs administrators within
counterspaces to consider a change in the way they provide their services to be more inclusive.
The purpose is not to minimize the experience of the White gay community or the Black
community and the discrimination they endure; nor is it meant to be divisive or point fingers.
Instead the purpose is to highlight another narrative of inequality that hopefully we can all rally
behind.
Lastly, a large amount of energy is spent on changing the hearts and minds of people
fully immersed in the dominant culture. However, we have not spent the necessary time on
strengthening the innumerable types of people who make up our community and heal the wounds
from the past. I believe that if we are to win life’s greater battles, then we must do the self-work
needed to make our communities and ourselves strong.

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