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Writing a Short Literature Review
William Ashton, Ph.D.
York College, CUNY
A student began a short literature review on the stigma of the mentally ill and
perceptions of dangerousness. Working through PsychArticles she found three
likely articles. When she read each, she wrote a paragraph description of each:
Alexander, L.A., & Link, B.G. (2003). The impact of contact on stigmatizing
attitudes towards people with mental illness. Journal of Mental Health, 12,
271-289.
Alexander and Link (2003) examined the stigma of mental illness,
perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They
found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals
increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill
individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social
distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for
demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education,
income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact –
with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public
place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the
target in the vignette.
Corrigan, P. W., Rowan, D., Green, A., Lundin, R., River, P., Uphoff-Wasowski, K.,
White, K., & Kubiak, M.A. (2002). Challenging two mental illness stigmas:
Personality responsibility and dangerousness. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 28,
293-309.
Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and
Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies to investigate the strength of the theoretical
relationship between stigma and personality responsibility, and stigma and
dangerousness. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing
reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, personality
responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental
patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior.
In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness
influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the
mentally ill.
In their first study, Corrigan etal. (2002), administered a questionnaire to
216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which
would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis
indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness
model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an
attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an
educational group or a mental patient. During the meetings, either myths about
the personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were
discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results, contact
with mental patients produced stronger results.
Martin, J. K., Pescosolido, B. A., & Tuch, S. A. (2000). Of fear and loathing: The
role of ‘disturbing behavior’ labels, and causal attributions in shaping
public attitudes toward people with mental illness. Journal of Health and
Social Behavior, 41, 208-223.
Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined the effects of descriptions of
the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the
target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic
characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with
depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those
described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would
be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and
21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do
violence to others (61% for the schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles).
Next she decided upon the order of the paragraphs in the paper:
Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined the effects of descriptions of the
targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the target’s
perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic
characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with
depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those
described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would
be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and
21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do
violence to others (61% for the schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles).
Alexander and Link (2003) examined the stigma of mental illness,
perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They
found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals
increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill
individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social
distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for
demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education,
income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact –
with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public
place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the
target in the vignette.
Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and
Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies to investigate the strength of the theoretical
relationship between stigma and personality responsibility, and stigma and
dangerousness. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing
reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, personality
responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental
patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior.
In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness
influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the
mentally ill.
In their first study, Corrigan etal. (2002), administered a questionnaire to
216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which
would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis
indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness
model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an
attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an
educational group or a mental patient. During the meetings, either myths about
the personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were
discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results, contact
with mental patients produced stronger results.
She carefully chose the order of the paragraphs so she could talk about: (1) that
people respond to the mentally ill with fear and rejection, (2) contact reduces both
rejection and fear and (3) how to best arrange the contact to reduce stigma.
Now she added introductory and concluding sentences, paragraph hooks and
short transition paragraphs to help the flow of ideas.
Regarding the mentally ill, it appears that people respond to the mentally ill
with feelings of fear and rejection. Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined
the effects of descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the
source of the behavior, the target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and
participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Twenty percent of the
participants labeled a target described with depressed symptoms as having a
mental illness (as compared with 54% for those described with schizophrenic
symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be unwilling to interact with
the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles);
and 33% felt that the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the
schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles). Thus, a common respond to the
mentally ill are rejection and fear of violence.
While, based upon research, the common response to a mentally ill person
is to fear violence, diagnosed mental patients commit violence at the same rates
as non-diagnosed people (Martin, et al., 2000). Public perceptions may not match
reality due to the public’s lack of contact with the mentally ill.
Alexander and Link (2003) examined contact with the mentally ill and the
stigma of mental illness, perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a
telephone survey. They found that, as a participant’s own life contact with
mentally ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a
target mentally ill individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely
to desire social distance from the target. This relationship remained after
controlling for demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity,
education, income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of
contact – with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in
a public place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of
dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Thus, according to Alexander and
Link (2003), any contact with the mentally ill is associated with reduced fear and
rejection. However, since this study was observational in nature, we cannot know
if contact reduces fear or having lower fear increased contact.
Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and
Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies examining the causal processes in contact,
fear and rejection. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing
reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, beliefs about
personality responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed
toward mental patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence
helping behavior. In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived
dangerousness influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the
avoidance of the mentally ill.
In their first study, Corrigan et al. (2002) administered a questionnaire to
216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which
would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis
indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness
model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an
attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an
educational group or with a mental patient. During the meetings, myths about the
personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were
discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results
regarding fear and rejection, contact with mental patients produced stronger
results. Thus, Corrigan et al. demonstrated that contact causes less rejection and
fear.
In the final stage, she needs to write an introductory and concluding paragraph.
She wrote the concluding paragraph first. In this paragraph she needs to
overview the paper and make a conclusion.
It appears that the mentally ill are rejected because of the public’s fear of the
mentally ill. At least one-third of the people sampled in one study said that they
would both reject socially and fear violence from someone displaying behaviors
associated with different mentally illnesses. Other research discovered that this
rejection is associated to lack of contact with the mentally ill and that as contact
increased, fear of the mentally ill decreased. The direction of the relationship
between fear and rejection seems to be that fear (possibly based upon myths
about mental illness) causes rejection. Taken as a whole, it appears that
exposing these myths as myths increases the acceptance of the mentally ill and
that staged contact with a mentally person to expose myths has an even more
powerful effect.
Now she needs to say something about the research methods.
Caution must be advised, though; Martin et al.’s (2002) and Alexander and Link’s
(2003) studies and the first study of Corrigan et al. (2002) were based upon paper
and pencil methodologies. And while Corrigan et al.’s (2002) second study
involved staged presentations, it was conducted in a college setting with a college
sample. Future research should replicate these findings in more natural settings
with different populations.
The student then brought her draft to me. After I read it I asked her about the first
sentence of her conclusion. I asked her if she could phrase it as a clear and
strong statement. She did:
The rejection of the mentally ill is caused by the public’s belief in myths about the
dangerousness of the mentally ill and exposing those myths can reduce rejection.
Now she needs to write the Introduction. With an introduction, begin broad and
narrow down to the thesis statement. The thesis statement is the last sentence in
the introduction and the first sentence in the conclusion.
The mentally ill face a multitude of challenges. One of those challenges is the
stigmatization they face. Stigmatization is social rejection; they are rejected by
people because of the label they carry or that their behaviors clearly indicate that
they belong to a certain labeled group. Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused
by the public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally ill and
exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization.
Here’s how her whole paper looked:
Myths of violence 1
Myths of violence and the stigma of mental illness12
Suzie Student
York College, CUNY
1 For the text of an APA article, use Courier or New Times Roman font at 12 pts.
2 Before the page number is the Page Header (sometimes called, Key Words) the first few words
of your title.
Myths of violence 2
Myths of violence and the stigma of mental illness3
The mentally ill face a multitude of challenges. One of
those challenges is the stigmatization they face.
Stigmatization is social rejection; those stigmatized are
rejected by people because of the label they carry or that their
behaviors clearly indicate that they belong to a certain labeled
group. Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused by the
public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally
ill and exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization.
Regarding the mentally ill, it appears that people respond
to the mentally ill with feelings of fear and rejection.
Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000)4
examined the effects of
descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about
the source of the behavior, the target’s perceived
dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic
characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a
target described with depressed symptoms as having a mental
illness (as compared with 54% for those described with
schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be
unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the
schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that
the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the
3 before the text begins, repeat the title, centered.
4 the first time you cite an article, list all of the authors’ names.
Myths of violence 3
schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles). Thus, a common
respond to the mentally ill are rejection and fear of violence.
While, based upon research, the common response to a
mentally ill person is to fear violence, diagnosed mental
patients commit violence at the same rates as non-diagnosed
people (Martin, et al., 2000)5
. Public perceptions may not match
reality due to the public’s lack of contact with the mentally
ill.
Alexander and Link (2003) examined contact with the
mentally ill and the stigma of mental illness, perceptions of
dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They
found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally
ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to
perceive a target mentally ill individual in a vignette as
physically dangerous and less likely to desire social distance
from the target. This relationship remained after controlling
for demographic and confound variables, such as gender,
ethnicity, education, income and political conservatism. They
also found that any type of contact – with a friend, a spouse, a
family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public place –
with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of
dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Thus, according to
5 the second (etc) times you cite an article, you can use et al. if the article has more than 2
authors
Myths of violence 4
Alexander and Link (2003), any contact with the mentally ill is
associated with reduced fear and rejection. However, since this
study was observational in nature, we cannot know if contact
reduces fear or having lower fear increased contact.
Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski,
White and Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies examining the
causal processes in contact, fear and rejection. Corrigan et
al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing reactions.
In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, beliefs
about personality responsibility influences both the level of
pity and anger displayed toward mental patients. Additionally,
the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior. In
the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness
influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the
avoidance of the mentally ill.
In their first study, Corrigan et al. (2002) administered a
questionnaire to 216 community college students. This
questionnaire contained items which would allow the examination
of the two models. The results of a path analysis indicated
that while both models fit the data, the results for the
dangerousness model seemed far more consistent with the data.
Their second study was an attempt to manipulate variables in the
models. Participants met with either an educational group or
with a mental patient. During the meetings, myths about the
Myths of violence 5
personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental
patients were discussed and debunked. While education yielded
some positive results regarding fear and rejection, contact with
mental patients produced stronger results. Thus, Corrigan et
al. demonstrated that contact causes less rejection and fear.
Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused by the
public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally
ill and exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization. At
least one-third of the people sampled in one study said that
they would both reject socially and fear violence from someone
displaying behaviors associated with different mentally
illnesses. Other research discovered that this rejection is
associated to lack of contact with the mentally ill and that as
contact increased, fear of the mentally ill decreased. The
direction of the relationship between fear and rejection seems
to be that fear (possibly based upon myths about mental illness)
causes rejection. Taken as a whole, it appears that exposing
these myths as myths increases the acceptance of the mentally
ill and that staged contact with a mentally person to expose
myths has an even more powerful effect. Caution must be
advised, though; Martin et al.’s (2002) and Alexander and Link’s
(2003) studies and the first study of Corrigan et al. (2002)
were based upon paper and pencil methodologies. And while
Corrigan et al.’s (2002) second study involved staged
Myths of violence 6
presentations, it was conducted in a college setting with a
college sample. Future research should replicate these findings
in more natural settings with different populations.
Myths of violence 7
References6
Alexander, L.A., & Link, B.G. (2003). The impact of contact on
stigmatizing attitudes towards people with mental illness.
Journal of Mental Health, 12, 271-289.
Corrigan, P. W., Rowan, D., Green, A., Lundin, R., River, P.,
Uphoff-Wasowski, K., White, K., & Kubiak, M.A. (2002).
Challenging two mental illness stigmas: Personality
responsibility and dangerousness. Schizophrenia Bulletin,
28, 293-309.
Martin, J. K., Pescosolido, B. A., & Tuch, S. A. (2000). Of fear
and loathing: The role of ‘disturbing behavior’ labels, and
causal attributions in shaping public attitudes toward
people with mental illness. Journal of Health and Social
Behavior, 41, 208-223.
6 references begin on a new page.

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Lit rev eg

  • 1. Writing a Short Literature Review William Ashton, Ph.D. York College, CUNY A student began a short literature review on the stigma of the mentally ill and perceptions of dangerousness. Working through PsychArticles she found three likely articles. When she read each, she wrote a paragraph description of each: Alexander, L.A., & Link, B.G. (2003). The impact of contact on stigmatizing attitudes towards people with mental illness. Journal of Mental Health, 12, 271-289. Alexander and Link (2003) examined the stigma of mental illness, perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education, income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact – with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Corrigan, P. W., Rowan, D., Green, A., Lundin, R., River, P., Uphoff-Wasowski, K., White, K., & Kubiak, M.A. (2002). Challenging two mental illness stigmas: Personality responsibility and dangerousness. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 28, 293-309. Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies to investigate the strength of the theoretical relationship between stigma and personality responsibility, and stigma and dangerousness. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, personality responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior. In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the mentally ill. In their first study, Corrigan etal. (2002), administered a questionnaire to 216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness
  • 2. model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an educational group or a mental patient. During the meetings, either myths about the personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results, contact with mental patients produced stronger results. Martin, J. K., Pescosolido, B. A., & Tuch, S. A. (2000). Of fear and loathing: The role of ‘disturbing behavior’ labels, and causal attributions in shaping public attitudes toward people with mental illness. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 41, 208-223. Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined the effects of descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles). Next she decided upon the order of the paragraphs in the paper: Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined the effects of descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles).
  • 3. Alexander and Link (2003) examined the stigma of mental illness, perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education, income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact – with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies to investigate the strength of the theoretical relationship between stigma and personality responsibility, and stigma and dangerousness. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, personality responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior. In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the mentally ill. In their first study, Corrigan etal. (2002), administered a questionnaire to 216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which
  • 4. would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an educational group or a mental patient. During the meetings, either myths about the personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results, contact with mental patients produced stronger results. She carefully chose the order of the paragraphs so she could talk about: (1) that people respond to the mentally ill with fear and rejection, (2) contact reduces both rejection and fear and (3) how to best arrange the contact to reduce stigma. Now she added introductory and concluding sentences, paragraph hooks and short transition paragraphs to help the flow of ideas. Regarding the mentally ill, it appears that people respond to the mentally ill with feelings of fear and rejection. Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000) examined the effects of descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the
  • 5. schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles). Thus, a common respond to the mentally ill are rejection and fear of violence. While, based upon research, the common response to a mentally ill person is to fear violence, diagnosed mental patients commit violence at the same rates as non-diagnosed people (Martin, et al., 2000). Public perceptions may not match reality due to the public’s lack of contact with the mentally ill. Alexander and Link (2003) examined contact with the mentally ill and the stigma of mental illness, perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education, income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact – with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Thus, according to Alexander and Link (2003), any contact with the mentally ill is associated with reduced fear and rejection. However, since this study was observational in nature, we cannot know if contact reduces fear or having lower fear increased contact. Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies examining the causal processes in contact, fear and rejection. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing
  • 6. reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, beliefs about personality responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior. In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the mentally ill. In their first study, Corrigan et al. (2002) administered a questionnaire to 216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an educational group or with a mental patient. During the meetings, myths about the personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results regarding fear and rejection, contact with mental patients produced stronger results. Thus, Corrigan et al. demonstrated that contact causes less rejection and fear. In the final stage, she needs to write an introductory and concluding paragraph. She wrote the concluding paragraph first. In this paragraph she needs to overview the paper and make a conclusion. It appears that the mentally ill are rejected because of the public’s fear of the mentally ill. At least one-third of the people sampled in one study said that they would both reject socially and fear violence from someone displaying behaviors
  • 7. associated with different mentally illnesses. Other research discovered that this rejection is associated to lack of contact with the mentally ill and that as contact increased, fear of the mentally ill decreased. The direction of the relationship between fear and rejection seems to be that fear (possibly based upon myths about mental illness) causes rejection. Taken as a whole, it appears that exposing these myths as myths increases the acceptance of the mentally ill and that staged contact with a mentally person to expose myths has an even more powerful effect. Now she needs to say something about the research methods. Caution must be advised, though; Martin et al.’s (2002) and Alexander and Link’s (2003) studies and the first study of Corrigan et al. (2002) were based upon paper and pencil methodologies. And while Corrigan et al.’s (2002) second study involved staged presentations, it was conducted in a college setting with a college sample. Future research should replicate these findings in more natural settings with different populations. The student then brought her draft to me. After I read it I asked her about the first sentence of her conclusion. I asked her if she could phrase it as a clear and strong statement. She did: The rejection of the mentally ill is caused by the public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally ill and exposing those myths can reduce rejection. Now she needs to write the Introduction. With an introduction, begin broad and narrow down to the thesis statement. The thesis statement is the last sentence in the introduction and the first sentence in the conclusion.
  • 8. The mentally ill face a multitude of challenges. One of those challenges is the stigmatization they face. Stigmatization is social rejection; they are rejected by people because of the label they carry or that their behaviors clearly indicate that they belong to a certain labeled group. Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused by the public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally ill and exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization. Here’s how her whole paper looked:
  • 9. Myths of violence 1 Myths of violence and the stigma of mental illness12 Suzie Student York College, CUNY 1 For the text of an APA article, use Courier or New Times Roman font at 12 pts. 2 Before the page number is the Page Header (sometimes called, Key Words) the first few words of your title.
  • 10. Myths of violence 2 Myths of violence and the stigma of mental illness3 The mentally ill face a multitude of challenges. One of those challenges is the stigmatization they face. Stigmatization is social rejection; those stigmatized are rejected by people because of the label they carry or that their behaviors clearly indicate that they belong to a certain labeled group. Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused by the public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally ill and exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization. Regarding the mentally ill, it appears that people respond to the mentally ill with feelings of fear and rejection. Martin, Pescosolido & Tuch (2000)4 examined the effects of descriptions of the targets’ behavior, causal attributions about the source of the behavior, the target’s perceived dangerousness, labeling and participants’ sociodemographic characteristics. Twenty percent of the participants labeled a target described with depressed symptoms as having a mental illness (as compared with 54% for those described with schizophrenic symptoms or 1% with normal troubles); 37% would be unwilling to interact with the depressed person (48% for the schizophrenic and 21% for normal troubles); and 33% felt that the depressed person would do violence to others (61% for the 3 before the text begins, repeat the title, centered. 4 the first time you cite an article, list all of the authors’ names.
  • 11. Myths of violence 3 schizophrenic and 17% for the normal troubles). Thus, a common respond to the mentally ill are rejection and fear of violence. While, based upon research, the common response to a mentally ill person is to fear violence, diagnosed mental patients commit violence at the same rates as non-diagnosed people (Martin, et al., 2000)5 . Public perceptions may not match reality due to the public’s lack of contact with the mentally ill. Alexander and Link (2003) examined contact with the mentally ill and the stigma of mental illness, perceptions of dangerousness and social distance in a telephone survey. They found that, as a participant’s own life contact with mentally ill individuals increased, participants were both less likely to perceive a target mentally ill individual in a vignette as physically dangerous and less likely to desire social distance from the target. This relationship remained after controlling for demographic and confound variables, such as gender, ethnicity, education, income and political conservatism. They also found that any type of contact – with a friend, a spouse, a family member, a work contact, or a contact in a public place – with mentally ill individuals reduced perceptions of dangerousness of the target in the vignette. Thus, according to 5 the second (etc) times you cite an article, you can use et al. if the article has more than 2 authors
  • 12. Myths of violence 4 Alexander and Link (2003), any contact with the mentally ill is associated with reduced fear and rejection. However, since this study was observational in nature, we cannot know if contact reduces fear or having lower fear increased contact. Corrigan, Rowan, Green, Lundin, River, Uphoff-Wasowski, White and Kubiak (2002) conducted two studies examining the causal processes in contact, fear and rejection. Corrigan et al. posited two models to account for stigmatizing reactions. In the first model, labeled personal responsibility, beliefs about personality responsibility influences both the level of pity and anger displayed toward mental patients. Additionally, the variables of pity and anger influence helping behavior. In the second model, labeled dangerousness, perceived dangerousness influences fear of mental patients, which in turn influences the avoidance of the mentally ill. In their first study, Corrigan et al. (2002) administered a questionnaire to 216 community college students. This questionnaire contained items which would allow the examination of the two models. The results of a path analysis indicated that while both models fit the data, the results for the dangerousness model seemed far more consistent with the data. Their second study was an attempt to manipulate variables in the models. Participants met with either an educational group or with a mental patient. During the meetings, myths about the
  • 13. Myths of violence 5 personality responsibility or the dangerousness of mental patients were discussed and debunked. While education yielded some positive results regarding fear and rejection, contact with mental patients produced stronger results. Thus, Corrigan et al. demonstrated that contact causes less rejection and fear. Stigmatization of the mentally ill is caused by the public’s belief in myths about the dangerousness of the mentally ill and exposing those myths can reduce stigmatization. At least one-third of the people sampled in one study said that they would both reject socially and fear violence from someone displaying behaviors associated with different mentally illnesses. Other research discovered that this rejection is associated to lack of contact with the mentally ill and that as contact increased, fear of the mentally ill decreased. The direction of the relationship between fear and rejection seems to be that fear (possibly based upon myths about mental illness) causes rejection. Taken as a whole, it appears that exposing these myths as myths increases the acceptance of the mentally ill and that staged contact with a mentally person to expose myths has an even more powerful effect. Caution must be advised, though; Martin et al.’s (2002) and Alexander and Link’s (2003) studies and the first study of Corrigan et al. (2002) were based upon paper and pencil methodologies. And while Corrigan et al.’s (2002) second study involved staged
  • 14. Myths of violence 6 presentations, it was conducted in a college setting with a college sample. Future research should replicate these findings in more natural settings with different populations.
  • 15. Myths of violence 7 References6 Alexander, L.A., & Link, B.G. (2003). The impact of contact on stigmatizing attitudes towards people with mental illness. Journal of Mental Health, 12, 271-289. Corrigan, P. W., Rowan, D., Green, A., Lundin, R., River, P., Uphoff-Wasowski, K., White, K., & Kubiak, M.A. (2002). Challenging two mental illness stigmas: Personality responsibility and dangerousness. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 28, 293-309. Martin, J. K., Pescosolido, B. A., & Tuch, S. A. (2000). Of fear and loathing: The role of ‘disturbing behavior’ labels, and causal attributions in shaping public attitudes toward people with mental illness. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 41, 208-223. 6 references begin on a new page.