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5 © 2013 by Dr. Victor G. Devinatz “THE CRISIS OF US TRADE UNIONISM AND WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE” * By Dr. Victor G. Devinatz Dr. Victor G. Devinatz is Distinguished Professor of Management in the Depart- ment of Management and Quantitative Methods at Illinois State University where he teaches courses in labor rela- tions and human resource management. *The following article is a revised version of the Distinguished Professor Lecture given by Professor Devinatz at Illinois State University on April 26, 2012. I. Introduction US trade unionism is in crisis. Union density has been declining throughout the United States since 1955, the year of the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL—CIO) merger. With union density peaking at more than 34 percent in 1954,1 increasing globalization over the last thirty years has led to the dramatic weakening of the industrial unions in the basic manufacturing sectors of the US economy such as auto, steel and rubber. The most current statis- tics published by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) demonstrate the severity of this problem. Private sector union density in 2011 registered only 6.9 percent2 which is indicative of the hemorrhaging of millions of members in manufacturing combined with labor being unable to successfully create new bargaining units in both mature and newly emerging industries. While much smaller than the private sector, the public sector continues to be a relatively bright spot for US trade unionism early in the twenty-fi rst century’s second decade. With union density among federal, state and municipal government employees exceeding that found in the private sector by fi vefold, at 37.0 percent3, public sector unionism is relatively healthy. This might soon change, however, with the recent attacks by state governments commenc- ing in early 2011. This plummeting of union density has weakened US labor’s collective bargaining power and all but ended utilizing the strike as an offensive and defensive weapon. Since the BLS began keeping records in 1947, US 6 “THE CRISIS OF US TRADE UNIONISM AND WHAT NEEDS TO BE DONE” strike activity has hit record lows in the past two years. In 2010, there were only 11 strikes and/or lockouts involving 1,000 or more workers for a total of 45,000 workers while in 2009, there were but fi ve work stoppages (with 13,000 workers) of that size.4 These fi gures represent a dramatic decline from an annual average of nearly 280 strikes (comprising more than 1.4 million em- ployees) from 1970 through 1980.5 Moreover, the continued erosion of private sector union density and the belief that dramatic steps had to be taken to reverse this dismal state of affairs was the primary motivation for dissident unions seceding from the AFL-CIO in the summer of 2005 and subsequently establishing the Change to Win Federation (CTW) that September.6 This crisis in US trade unionism fi rst .
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WHY IT MATTERED The 1935 Wagner Act was one of the most important pieces of New Deal legislation. Conservative justices on the Supreme Court, however, thought New Deal legislation increased the power of the federal govern- ment beyond what the Constitution allowed. By the time the Jones and Laughlin case reached the Court in 1937, the Court had already struck down numerous New Deal laws. It appeared to many as if the Wagner Act was doomed. In February 1937, Roosevelt announced a plan to appoint enough justices to build a Court majority in favor of the New Deal. Critics immediately accused Roosevelt of trying to pack the Supreme Court, thus crippling the Constitution’s system of checks and bal- ances. Two months later, the Court delivered its opinion in Jones and Laughlin and at about the same time upheld other New Deal legislation as well. Most histo- rians agree that the Court’s switch was not a response to Roosevelt’s “Court-packing” plan, which already seemed destined for failure. Nevertheless, the decision resolved a potential crisis. HISTORICAL IMPACT The protection that labor unions gained by the Wagner Act helped them to grow quickly. Union mem- bership among non-farm workers grew from around 12 percent in 1930 to around 31 percent by 1950. This increase helped improve the economic standing of many working-class Americans in the years following World War II. Most significantly, Jones and Laughlin greatly broad- ened Congress’s power. Previously, neither the federal nor the state governments were thought to have suffi- cient power to control the large corporations and hold- ing companies doing business in many states. Now, far beyond the power to regulate interstate commerce, Congress had the power to regulate anything “essential or appropriate” to that function. For example, federal laws barring discrimination in hotels and restaurants rest on the Court’s allowing Congress to decide what is an “essential or appropriate” subject of regulation. More recently, the Court has placed tighter limits on Congress’s power to regulate interstate commerce. In United States v. Lopez (1995), the Court struck down a law that banned people from having hand- guns near a school. The Court said Congress was not justified in basing this law on its power to regulate interstate commerce. The New Deal 709 Choosing to work despite the strike, a storekeeper at the Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation tries to pass through picket lines. THINKING CRITICALLYTHINKING CRITICALLY CONNECT TO HISTORY 1. Developing Historical Perspective Lawyers for Jones and Laughlin said that the Wagner Act violated the Tenth Amendment. Chief Justice Hughes said that since the act fell within the scope of the commerce clause, the Tenth Amendment did not apply. Read the Tenth Amendment and then write a paragraph defending Hughes’s position. SEE SKILLBUILDER HANDBOOK, PAGE R11. CONNECT TO TODAY 2. Visit the links for Historic Decisions of the Supreme Court and read the o.
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Chapter 2 Constructing a Government: The Founding and the Constitution Copyright © 2018 W. W. Norton & Company The Founding and the First Principle of Politics All political behavior has a purpose. The events of the Founding era were not primarily driven by philosophical debates. Members of colonial society should be understood as pragmatic political actors with disparate interests. The First Founding There was a variety of interests in colonial America. The notable political sectors included • New England merchants. • southern planters. • royalists. • shopkeepers, artisans, and laborers. • small farmers. The Founding and the History Principle Prior to the 1760s, the British were preoccupied with wars with France across several continents, so colonists were largely left to manage their own affairs. As the war with France ended, the British sought to extract revenue from the colonies and to regulate trade. This history matters, as colonists had become used to greater autonomy. British Taxes and Colonial Interests When the war with France ended, the British Crown began imposing a series of modest taxes on the colonists, in part to pay some of the costs of imperial defense. The particular types of taxes—levies on stamps and commercial goods, such as sugar and molasses—caused several of the colonial interests to begin to organize against the Crown. Clicker Question 1: Rationality Principle Which of the following sectors’ interests in colonial society were mostly likely to organize in opposition to taxes on commerce such as the Stamp Act and the Sugar Act? a) New England merchants b) southern planters c) royalists d) shopkeepers, artisans, and laborers e) small farmers Clicker Question 1: Rationality Principle (Answer) Which of the following sectors’ interests in colonial society were mostly likely to organize in opposition to taxes on commerce such as the Stamp Act and the Sugar Act? a) New England merchants – Correct b) southern planters – Correct c) royalists d) shopkeepers, artisans, and laborers e) small farmers A Coalition for Revolt Taxes and regulation began to move merchants and planters away from their royalist allies and toward the more radical interests in colonial society. Events such as the Boston Massacre (1770) fanned the flames of anti-British sentiment. Political Strife and the Radicalizing of the Colonists A series of provocative acts and counter-acts radicalized the colonists and led to the Declaration of Independence. • Boston Tea Party (1773) • First Continental Congress (1774) • Lexington and Concord (1775) • Second Continental Congress (1776) This is the collective action principle in action. The Declaration of Independence “All men are created equal.” Governments derive their legitimacy from the consent of the governed. When a government no longer serves the needs of the people, the people have aright to revolt. The Declaration does not c ...
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