Sla and culture

Language Learning 56:4, December 2006, pp. 609–632
C 2006 Language Learning Research Club, University of Michigan

Second Language Learning
and Cultural Representations:
Beyond Competence and Identity

Sara Rubenfeld and Richard Cl´ ment
e
University of Ottawa

Denise Lussier
McGill University

Monique Lebrun and R´ jean Auger
e
Universit´ du Qu´ bec a Montr´ al
e e ` e

The socio-contextual model of second language (L2)
learning proposes that L2 learning is influenced by as-
pects of contact with the L2 community, L2 confidence,
and identification to both the first language and L2 com-
munity (Cl´ ment, 1980; Noels & Cl´ ment, 1996). The
e e
present study examines how these aspects are linked to
individuals’ cultural representations, corresponding to at-
titudes toward the L2 community (Sperber, 1996). Re-
spondents included Francophone (n = 50) and Anglophone
(n = 50) university students with low and high ethnolin-
guistic vitality, respectively. Path analyses were conducted
in order to examine the interrelations between aspects of
the socio-contextual model and cultural representations.

Sara Rubenfeld and Richard Cl´ ment, School of Psychology; Denise Lussier,
e
Faculty of Education; Monique Lebrun and R´ jean Auger, Faculty of Educa-
e
tion. This project was supported by research grants from the Social Science
and Humanities Research Council and Heritage Canada. A version of this
article was presented at the Canadian Psychological Association Conference
on June 10, 2005, in Montr´ al, Qu´ bec, Canada.
e e
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Richard
Cl´ ment, School of Psychology, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario,
e
Canada, K1N 8A5. Internet: rclement@uottawa.ca.

609

610 Language Learning Vol. 56, No. 4

These analyses revealed that, for both groups, learning an
L2 leads individuals to hold more positive and accepting
views of the L2 community. Implications of the findings
are discussed with respect to ethnolinguistic vitality, L2
learning, and cultural representations.

How does the process of learning a second language (L2)
relate to the ways in which an L2 learner comes to view the L2
community? Although it is known that contact with an L2 group is
associated with confidence in the L2 and feelings of identification
with the L2 community (Cl´ ment, 1980; Noels & Cl´ ment, 1996),
e e
research has not established how this process, in turn, relates
to the formation of attitudes and beliefs, in the form of cultural
representations, about that community. The goal of this study
is to examine this process. Further, it aims to explore how it is
affected by the relative linguistic status of the learners involved.
In order to do this, the beliefs of Francophones and Anglophones,
a minority group and majority group respectively, sharing the
same environment, are compared.

Second Language Learning and Social Representations

Second language learning has been the object of much theo-
rizing. As one among many (Cl´ ment & Gardner, 2001), the socio-
e
contextual model of L2 learning (Cl´ ment, 1980) postulates that
e
L2 confidence is the key construct underlying L2 behavior as well
as its social psychological correlates. L2 confidence corresponds to
a relative lack of anxiety when using an L2 coupled with the belief
in being able to cope linguistically with the L2 situation at hand. It
is specifically derived from relatively frequent and pleasant con-
tacts with the members of the L2 community whether through
face-to-face interactions or L2 media. It has been shown to sus-
tain motivation to learn an L2, to promote identification to the
L2 group, to be related to better production of the L2, and finally,
to better adaptation among those living in a bilingual context
(Cl´ ment, 1986; Cl´ ment & Kruidenier, 1985; Cl´ ment & Noels,
e e e

Rubenfeld et al. 611

1992; Noels & Cl´ ment, 1996). Cl´ ment and Gardner argued that
e e
the link between L2 confidence and contact is critical to the degree
of identification with the L2 community as confidence takes the
learner to contact beyond the classroom.
Like Cl´ ment’s socio-contextual model of L2 learning,
e
Moscovici’s (1984) phenomenon of social representation recog-
nizes the importance of communication in predicting how indi-
viduals come to view themselves and other groups. Accordingly,
It was essential from the very beginning [of theory devel-
opment] to establish the relationship between communica-
tion and social representations. One conditions the other
because we cannot communicate unless we share certain
representations, and a representation is shared and en-
ters our social heritage when it becomes an object of inter-
´
est and of communication. (Moscovici & Markova, 1998,
p. 274)

Social representations, corresponding to images, beliefs,
and attitudes, are, therefore, created by interindividual and in-
tergroup communication (Gohard-Radenkovic, Lussier, Penz, &
Zarate, 2004). Our social representations are “used for the dis-
covery and organization of reality” (Jaspars & Fraser, 1984, p.
102) in that they provide both an order, which allows individu-
als to acquaint themselves and master their social world, and a
code in the form of communication, which enables social groups
to label aspects of their world (Jaspars & Fraser, 1984; Moscovici,
1976).
According to Moscovici (2001), “[the] representation is a
notion conceived to explain what, if anything, binds people to-
gether in a group, a society, and makes them act together” (p. 21).
Although initial exposure to representations occurs while so-
cial agents “[incorporate a child] into a representational sys-
tem” (Duveen, 2001, p. 260), our representations are mutable, as
exposure to new situations necessitates adjustment (Philog` ne,
e
2001). Given the frequency of exposure to new and unfamil-
iar situations as a result of intercultural contact (Gudykunst &
Kim, 1997), a more specialized version of social representations,


pertaining directly to knowledge of cultures, would, however,
seem appropriate. As a result, Sperber (1996) has introduced the
concept of cultural representations.

Cultural Representations

Cultural representations consist of mental and public repre-
sentations that characterize a specific group or subgroup within a
community (Sperber, 1996). Cultural representations can be posi-
tive (xenophilic), where attitudes toward the other group are open
and accepting, or negative (xenophobic), marked by rejection and
refusal of the other group (Gohard-Radenkovic et al., 2004). The
original question of how the process of learning an L2 identified
by the socio-contextual model relates to knowledge of and atti-
tudes toward the L2 community can, therefore, be reformulated.
More specifically, how does the process of learning an L2, identi-
fied by the socio-contextual model, relate to the endorsement of
xenophilic or xenophobic cultural representations?
According to Gohard-Radenkovic et al. (2004), “the teach-
ing/learning of modern languages seems to us to be the discipline
par excellence for intensifying the openness to other cultures and
the contact with otherness in the development of positive cul-
tural representations associated with xenophile attitudes” (p. 53).
Given the link between language learning and positive cultural
representations, it is, therefore, hypothesized that positive inter-
relations between aspects of the socio-contextual model, namely
contact with the L2 community, confidence when speaking the L2,
and identification with the L2 community would, in turn, lead to
more positive cultural representations.
Qualifying this hypothesis, however, the specific interrela-
tions among aspects of the socio-contextual model, contact, L2
confidence, and ethnic identity are moderated by the ethnolin-
guistic status of the groups involved (Noels & Cl´ ment, 1996;
e
Noels, Pon, & Cl´ ment, 1996). Ethnolinguistic vitality (ELV;
e
Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977) is defined according to collec-
tive or structural characteristics of a group such as demographic


representation, social status, and institutional support. It helps
promote the maintenance of an ethnolinguistic group’s charac-
teristics in the context of intergroup contact (Giles et al.); that
is, ethnolinguistic groups differ in the extent to which they are
impacted by intergroup contact. High-ELV groups are considered
such because their characteristics allow them greater resistance
to language shift and, more generally, cultural erosion.
In Canada, for example, the province of Ontario is predomi-
nantly English speaking. Although both English and French are
official languages, Anglophones in Ontario experience higher vi-
tality than Francophones. In line with the proposition that high-
ELV groups will maintain their group characteristics in the face
of intergroup contact, research has found that Anglophones expe-
rience an additive process, whereby identifying with an L2 group
occurs without the loss of identity associated with the original
language community (Cl´ ment, 1980; Lambert, 1978). Low-ELV
e
groups, on the other hand, hold less power, socioeconomic status,
and demographic representation. It is, therefore, expected that
intergroup contact will result in the loss of group characteris-
tics. Consistent with this proposition, Noels and Cl´ ment (1996)
e
found that intergroup contact experienced by the low-ELV group,
Francophones, results in a subtractive process whereby identi-
fication with the L2 group is at the expense of original group
identity. In line with patterns of interrelations found among as-
pects of the socio-contextual model (Cl´ ment; Cl´ ment, Noels, &
e e
Deneault, 2001; Noels & Cl´ ment), we expect consistent subtrac-
e
tive and additive patterns among low- and high-ELV groups, re-
spectively. This perspective applied to the current issue has two
consequences for our conceptualization of the relationship among
communication, identity, and cultural representations.
The first consequence has to do with the influence of eth-
nolinguistic vitality on the causal sequence of the language con-
fidence process. The socio-contextual model poses the existence
of a proportional relation between contact and confidence. Based
on previous research and theorizing, it would follow that contact
experience would determine the development of L2 confidence.


Germane to the current situation, however, is the fact that the
Francophone minority group is as confident in its English skills
as native Anglophones. This, in our view, would entail a reversal of
the contact-confidence process. Specifically, as a result of belong-
ing to a low-ELV group, its members speak in an L2 more often
and across a greater number of domains than would members of a
high-ELV group (Cl´ ment & Noels, 1992). We hypothesize, there-
e
fore, that Francophones, the low-ELV group, will exhibit higher
levels of confidence than Anglophones, the high-ELV group. As
a result of this confidence, this low-ELV group will already have
the skills and past experiences that are necessary for the active
pursuit of contact in the L2 (see Figure 1). In acknowledging the
preexisting confidence among Francophones, we hypothesize that
confidence will act as a precursor to contact.
However, individuals with lower confidence in an L2 and
higher ELV, such as the Anglophone group, would be less likely
to seek out situations of contact (see Figure 2). Therefore, in line
with the socio-contextual model, confidence occurs passively as a
result of contact experiences. For Anglophones, experiencing more
contact with the Francophone community will, therefore, lead to
more confidence when speaking French. In this case, contact is
the precursor of language confidence.

Figure 1. Hypothesized model for Francophone respondents.


Figure 2. Hypothesized model for Anglophone respondents.

The second consequence relates to the expected dynamics
of the link between first (L1) and L2 identity. The Multicul-
tural Hypothesis perspective (Berry, 1984; Lambert, Mermigis,
& Taylor, 1986) argues that holding positive cultural representa-
tions would be largely associated with one’s own ethnic identity.
This hypothesis posits that positive feelings toward and greater
acceptance of other ethnic groups occur in the presence of greater
identification to one’s own cultural group. According to Berry,
“own group development and maintenance permits a sense of
confidence which will lead to other group acceptance and toler-
ance” (p. 363). This implies that patterns of additive bilingualism
(see Figure 2), where identification to the L2 community does
not entail a loss of identification to the original language commu-
nity, will result in positive relations between identification to the
original community and cultural representations of the L2 com-
munity. In contrast, subtractive tendencies (see Figure 1) would
not permit the cultural maintenance that is required in order
to maintain the confidence that leads to acceptance of the other
group. As a result, we hypothesize that there will not be a link
between L1 identity and cultural representations for the low-ELV
group.


In summary, this research will examine how L2 confidence
influences cultural representations of the L2 community. For both
Anglophones and Francophones, we believe that L2 confidence
will lead to increases in positive cultural representations of the
L2 community; that is, increases in confidence and contact lead to
greater identification with the L2 community, which sets the stage
for openness to and positive attitudes toward the L2 community.
As a result of differences in ELV, both the commencement and
the completion of our proposed model will be impacted. To begin,
the active pursuit or the passive receipt of contact will depend
on confidence in speaking the L2, which differs between high-
and low-ELV groups. At the other end of the model, in accordance
with the Multicultural Hypothesis, we expect that the additive
bilingualism characterizing high-ELV groups will permit the L1
identity maintenance that is required for positive representations
of the L2 community. Without this maintenance, positive cultural
representations of the L2 community would not be aided by the
L1 identity, due to subtractive bilingualism.

Method

Participants

Participants originally included 50 Francophone and 50
Anglophone students taking Introductory Psychology at the
University of Ottawa. The University of Ottawa is a bilin-
gual institution in Ottawa, Canada’s national capital, that pro-
vides classes in both official languages. Given that the uni-
versity is located in Ontario, where Franco-Ontarians comprise
only 6% of the population (Cl´ ment, Baker, Josephson, & Noels,
e
2005), Francophones possess lower vitality than Anglophones.
At the University of Ottawa, however, there are many oppor-
tunities for intergroup contact. Participants’ responses, there-
fore, provide relevant insights about how L2 experience relates
to representations of the L2 community.


Questionnaires were given to students in the correspond-
ing language of instruction. Given the bilingual atmosphere of
the university, students have the option to take classes in ei-
ther official language. Students in French classes were, there-
fore, given questionnaires in French, whereas students in English
classes were given questionnaires in English. Questionnaires
were eliminated when respondents, whose mother tongue was
one of Canada’s official languages, completed the questionnaire
in the other official language. This resulted in the elimination
of seven French and five English questionnaires. One additional
French questionnaire was eliminated due to missing data. After
all eliminations, participants included 42 Francophone and 45
Anglophone students.
Francophone students ranged in age from 18 to 32 years,
with a mean age of 19.7. Participants included 31 females and 11
males. Anglophone students ranged in age from 18 to 29, with a
mean age of 19.7. Participants included 36 females and 9 males.

Procedure

Upon receiving permission from Introductory Psychology
professors, classes were visited by two to three researchers. While
being addressed in the language of instruction, students were in-
formed of the general topic of the research and asked to voluntar-
ily take a questionnaire home for completion. All questionnaires
were handed out with a self-addressed stamped envelope. Par-
ticipants were informed that their participation was optional and
that all responses would be confidential and would not affect their
marks.

Materials

Participants completed questionnaires examining their
experiences as they relate to the other official language
community. Francophone participants, for example, completed
measures that evaluated confidence when speaking English,


contact with English-speaking people, and representations of
English-speaking people. A description of the scales follows.
Self-evaluation of L2 confidence. Self-evaluations of L2 con-
fidence consisted of 7-point scales (Cl´ ment & Kruidenier, 1985)
e
related to four aspects of L2 ability: writing, reading, comprehen-
sion, and speaking. Participants indicated their perceived com-
petence in all abilities, ranging from 1 (not at all) to 7 (fluently).
Francophone and Anglophone responses had Cronbach’s alphas
of .81 and .95, respectively.
Second language contact consisted of two measures: (1) ex-
posure to second language media and (2) frequency of second lan-
guage use.
Exposure to L2 media. An abridged version of the media ex-
posure scale (Cl´ ment et al., 2005) asked respondents to indicate
e
to what extent their media exposure was 1 (mostly French) to 7
(mostly English) in four mediums: television, radio, magazines,
and flyers. In order to measure exposure to L2 media, Anglo-
phones’ responses were inversely coded to allow for one consistent
variable having high scores represent high exposure to L2 media.
Cronbach’s alpha for Francophone and Anglophone participants
was .79 and .55, respectively.
Frequency of L2 use. Participants indicated their frequency
of L2 use ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (always) across five situ-
ations: in social interactions, at school, with close friends, with
family, and while reading or writing for pleasure. Cronbach’s al-
pha for Francophone and Anglophone participants was .79 and
.78, respectively.
Situated ethnic identity. The Situated Ethnic Identity mea-
sure (Cl´ ment & Noels, 1992) assesses participants’ identities
e
across 10 everyday situations (e.g., when I am at home, I feel. . .;
when I listen to music, I feel. . .). Specifically, it evaluates the
degree to which individuals (a) identify with their own ethnic
group, ranging from 1 (not at all like my own ethnic group) to 7
(very much like my own ethnic group; e.g., when I am at home,
I feel. . .); Cronbach’s alpha for Francophones and Anglophones
was .88 and .91, respectively, and (b) identify with the other


official language group, ranging from 1 (not at all like Ontario
Francophones/Canadian Anglophones) to 7 (very much like On-
tario Francophones/Canadian Anglophones); Cronbach’s alpha
for Francophones and Anglophones was .85 and .92, respectively.
To measure attitudes toward, images of, and beliefs about
the L2 community, the questionnaire consisted of three mea-
sures of cultural representations: (a) semantic differential scales
(Osgood, 1964) about the L2 community, Francophones or Anglo-
phones, (b) feelings toward Francophones or Anglophones, and (c)
feelings toward ethnic minorities who speak English or French.
Semantic differential scales. Following the method devised
by Osgood, Suci, and Tannenbaum (1957), participants were
asked to indicate their impressions of the L2 community by rat-
ing it on a series of bipolar scales defined at each end by an ad-
jective and its antonym. Twenty-two antonymous adjectives (e.g.,
stupid-intelligent, boring-amusing, honest-dishonest) were listed
at extremes of a scale ranging from 1 to 7. Scale items were alter-
nated such that positive or negative antonyms could be found at
either extreme. Positive items originally presented as an extreme
low were recoded so that high scores always reflected positive
adjectives.
Originally, participants were asked to respond to bipolar ad-
jectives about the L2 community in both Ontario and Quebec. For
example, Francophones were asked to rate their agreement to
adjectives about Ontario Anglophones and Quebec Anglophones.
However, results indicated that there were high correlations be-
tween Ontario and Quebec Francophones (r = .73), as viewed by
Anglophones, and high correlations between Ontario and Quebec
Anglophones (r = .71), as viewed by Francophones. Scores were,
therefore, computed to combine the two provinces, resulting in one
score each for Francophones and Anglophones. Cronbach’s alpha
for English- and French-speaking participants’ representations of
the corresponding L2 community was .94 and .95, respectively.
Feelings associated with the L2 community. Participants
were asked to indicate the degree to which they agreed or dis-
agreed with statements that they held feelings of mistrust,


friendship, exasperation, rejection, and criticism toward the L2
community, ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally agree).
For example, Francophones were asked to indicate to what extent
they felt friendship toward Anglophones. All negative feelings
were recoded such that high scores represented positive feelings
toward the L2 community. As with the semantic differential scale,
participants were asked to rate the L2 community, from both On-
tario and Quebec, on a series of adjectives. Results indicated that
there were high correlations between Ontario and Quebec Franco-
phones (r = .81), as viewed by Anglophones, and high correlations
between Ontario and Quebec Anglophones (r = .79), as viewed by
Francophones. Scores were, therefore, computed to combine the
two provinces, resulting in one score each for Francophones and
Anglophones. Cronbach’s alpha for English- and French-speaking
participants’ representations of the corresponding L2 community
was .92 and .92, respectively.
Feelings associated with minorities who speak the L2. Par-
ticipants were asked to indicate the degree to which they agreed
or disagreed with statements that they held feelings of mistrust,
friendship, exasperation, rejection, and criticism toward minori-
ties who speak the L2, French or English, ranging from 1 (totally
disagree) to 7 (totally agree). For example, Anglophones were
asked to indicate to what extent they felt rejection from ethnic
minorities who spoke French. All negative feelings were recoded
such that high scores represented positive feelings toward minori-
ties speaking the L2. Cronbach’s alpha for English- and French-
speaking participants’ representations of minorities speaking the
corresponding L2 was .87 and .83, respectively.

Results

Prior to examining the interrelations of aspects of the socio-
contextual model and cultural representations, we first examined
whether Francophones and Anglophones differed, as expected, in
their level of confidence in the L2. As predicted, a significant
difference was found such that Francophones (M = 6.32 on a


7-point scale) were significantly more confident with their L2
skills than Anglophones, M = 3.92; t(85) = 8.77, p < .01, 2 =
0.48.
In order to examine the interrelations among contact, L2
confidence, identity, and cultural representations among Fran-
cophones and Anglophones, the socio-contextual model’s causal
sequence, as presented in Figures 1 and 2, was tested using path-
analytic techniques via EQS 6.1 (Bentler & Wu, 2004); correla-
tions between variables for both groups are presented in Table 1.
Path analysis is a model-testing approach that extends upon mul-
tiple regression (Streiner, 2005). Both multiple regression and
path analysis examine the influence that predictor variables have
on a criterion variable. However, path analysis tests the hypoth-
esis that the variables operate in a sequence. Essentially, this
statistical technique allows researchers to examine the extent to
which a proposed mediational model, developed from theory and
research, fits the data. Because the data are usually collected us-
ing a correlational design, it would, however, be inappropriate
to infer a causal relationship between aspects of the proposed
model.
Table 2 summarizes the results of the path analyses for the
Anglophone and Francophone groups. For both groups, the ini-
tial test of the model (Model 0 for both groups) did not produce
a good fit of the model to the data. Namely, the Satorra-Bentler
chi-squared (S-B 2 ), which takes the model, estimation method,
and kurtosis into account (Byrne, 1994a), was significant. As
well, the robust Comparative Fix Index (CFI) was far below the
lower limit cutoff point of .90 (Byrne, 1994b) and the root mean
square error of approximation (RMSEA) was higher than the up-
per range cutoff of .05 that indicates a good fit (Byrne & Campbell,
1999). Following this, respecifications were applied in the form of
path addition (Lagrange Multiplier [LM] test) and path subtrac-
tion, resulting in a less restricted model (Wald test; see Bentler,
1990).
The LM test indicated that the first respecification for the
low-vitality Francophone group was to correlate the errors of

622

Table 1

Intercorrelations among contact (frequency of L2 use and L2 media exposure), L2 confidence, identity and
cultural representation (semantic differential scale, feelings toward L2 speakers, and feelings toward minorities
speaking L2) measures for Anglophone (above diagonal) and Francophone (below diagonal) groups
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Frequency .42∗∗ .57∗∗ −.18 .26 .19 .28 .15
∗∗
2. Media .67 .26 −.02 .02 −.01 −.13 −.17
3. Self–confidence in the L2 .52∗∗ .58∗∗ −.07 .42∗∗ .13 .25 .21
4. First Language Group Identity .09 −.08 −.04 .09 .12 −.08 −.14
Language Learning

5. Second Language Group Identity .48∗∗ .49∗∗ .46∗∗ .29 .39∗∗ .48∗∗ .35∗
6. Semantic Differential Scale .33∗ .20 .07 .13 .24 .65∗∗ .55∗∗
7. Feeling Toward L2 Speakers .10 .10 .19 .00 .31∗ .21 .78∗∗
8. Feeling Toward Minorities Speaking L2 .00 −.04 .05 .01 .12 .17 .55∗∗
∗
p < .05.
∗∗
p < .01.
Vol. 56, No. 4


Table 2

Summary of fit statistics for Anglophone and Francophone models
Model S-B 2a
df CFI∗b RMSEAc C.I.d

Francophone (low vitality)
0. Hypothesized 41.55 19 .65 .17 .10-.24
1. Model 1 21.25 17 .94 .08 .00-.17
2. Model 2 35.37 23 .81 .12 .01-.19
3. Model 3 28.68 22 .90 .09 .00-.17
Anglophone (high vitality)
0. Hypothesized 85.34 17 .37 .31 .20-.37
1. Model 1 21.77 14 .93 .11 .00-.20
2. Model 2 25.67 20 .95 .08 .00-.16
a
Satorra-Bentler corrected chi-square.
b 2
Comparative Fit Index (computed from S- B ).
c
Root mean square error of approximation.
d
Confidence intervals based on RMSEA.

the two contact measures1 (Model 1). Given that both of these
measures examine aspects of contact with the L2 community, this
post hoc adaptation is acceptable. Wald analyses for the removal
of paths indicated that the paths leading to Francophone Iden-
tity were insignificant. As well, the paths from the two contact
measures (English Media Exposure and Frequency of English
Use) to Anglophone Identity and Anglophone Identity to two of
the measures of cultural representations (Semantic Differential
Scales: Anglophones and Feelings About Minorities Who Speak
English) were not significant (Model 2). A final examination of
necessary restrictions indicated that the data would be better
described by including a path from Francophone Identity to An-
glophone Identity (Model 3). After these respecifications, the fit of
the model to the data reached acceptable levels (see Figure 3).
In line with our proposition that L2 confidence would pro-
pel active pursuit of contact, the final model, therefore, com-
menced with Second Language Confidence. Second Language


Confidence was, in turn, associated with greater contact in the
L2 in the form of English Media Exposure and Frequency of Con-
tact With Anglophones. English Media Exposure predicted Anglo-
phone Identity, which subsequently predicts more positive Feel-
ings About the Anglophone Group.
The first respecifications for the high-vitality Anglophone
group, as indicated by the LM test, was to correlate the errors
for the three measures of cultural representations (Semantic
Differential Scales: Francophone, Feelings about Francophone
Group, and Feelings About Minorities Who Speak French;
Model 1). Given that these measures are intended to examine
the same construct, this post hoc adaptation is acceptable. Wald
test analyses indicated that the path from contact in the form
of French Media Exposure to Second Language Confidence was
not significant. Given the low reliability of this contact measure
( = .55), the insignificance is not surprising. As well, oppos-
ing the Multicultural Hypothesis, the Wald test specified that
none of the paths leading from Anglophone Identity to the cul-
tural representation measures were significant. As can be seen
in Table 2 (Model 2), after the respecifications, the fit of the
model to the data reached acceptable levels (see Figure 4). There-
fore, as shown in Figure 4, the final model for the Anglophone

Figure 3. Final model for Francophone respondents.


Figure 4. Final model for Anglophone respondents.

group shows that Frequency of Contact With Francophones
predicts Second Language Confidence. Second Language Con-
fidence, in turn, predicts Francophone Identity and Franco-
phone Identity predicts positive cultural representations of
Francophones.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to examine how aspects of
the socio-contextual model, contact, confidence, and identity lead
to cultural representations of the L2 community. With the hy-
pothesis that Francophones’ experiences and Anglophones’ ex-
periences with the L2 community differed, a path analysis was
conducted to examine the interrelations among contact, L2 confi-
dence, identity, and cultural representations. Contrary to expecta-
tions, results did not indicate patterns of additive and subtractive
bilingualisms for Anglophones and Francophones, respectively.
Rather, for both groups, L2 confidence or contact led only to L2
community identity and did not relate to the L1 community iden-
tity (i.e., an additive profile). Despite there being no relationship
between L2 contact or L2 confidence and L1 group identity, iden-
tifying with the L2 community, as expected, led to xenophilic cul-
tural representations for both groups.


In line with our theorizing regarding the causal sequence of
L2 confidence, we found that although L2 experience resulted
in positive cultural representations for both groups, the route
through which this occurs differed. Given that minority groups
are often required to speak in their L2, Francophones were more
confident when speaking their L2 than were Anglophones. This
supports the proposition that individuals with high confidence in
an L2 already have the skills and past experiences that are nec-
essary for the active pursuit of contact in the L2. Individuals with
lower confidence in an L2, such as the Anglophone group, would
be less likely to seek out situations of contact. Therefore, in line
with the socio-contextual model, confidence occurs passively as a
result of contact experiences.
The contrasting levels of confidence found between the
Anglophone and Francophone groups allow for an interesting
comparison between a minority and a majority group. Of note,
however, is that path analysis provides a “snapshot” of individ-
uals as they are during testing. For example, if we were to look
at the Francophones at a younger age, while they were at the
earlier stages of English learning, they would likely show a sim-
ilar pattern to the majority group, where passive receipt of confi-
dence occurs as a result of contact. The findings of this research,
however, speak to how the relationship between L2 confidence
and contact with the L2 community differs between minority
and majority groups with high and low levels of L2 confidence,
respectively.
At the other end of the proposed model, consistent with
the Multicultural Hypothesis perspective (Berry, Kalin, & Taylor,
1977; Berry, 1984), it was expected that maintenance of L1 group
identity would provide the confidence that is required for pos-
itive cultural representations of the L2 community; namely, it
was expected that Anglophones would show patterns of addi-
tive bilingualism. As a result, their L1 identity would provide
the reassurance to the L2 identity that is required. However, the
hypothesized paths for the Anglophone group from L1 identity
to L2 identity and cultural representations were nonsignificant.


Contrary to expectations, examination of the final models
(Figures 3 and 4) reveals that although L1 identity was not im-
plicated for the Anglophone group, it was necessary to add a path
between L1 and L2 identity for the Francophone group. On the
one hand, our results were surprising in that we did not find ad-
ditive and subtractive processes among Anglophones and Fran-
cophones, respectively. Following this nonsignificance, our third
hypothesis was not confirmed. On the other hand, in line with the
Multicultural Hypothesis, the fact that we needed to add a path
between L1 and L2 identity for the Francophone group suggests
that low-ELV groups might face greater ethnolinguistic insecu-
rity than high-ELV groups. As a result, openness to others, in the
form of positive cultural representations, will only occur once re-
assurance of the L1 identity takes place, thus still speaking to the
validity of the Multicultural Hypothesis.
As the preceding discussion suggests, L2 learning has impli-
cations beyond the acquisition of a new avenue of communication;
namely L2 learning provides the opportunity to communicate
with other language communities, which, in turn, is associated
with how we come to view these communities. Additionally, con-
sistent with the idea that intergroup relations “do not occur in
a vacuum” (Harwood, Giles & Bourhis, 1994, p. 167), the results
suggest that ELV infiltrates every aspect of L2 learning and cul-
tural representations.
Taken together, the results suggest that factors involved in
L2 learning propel representations of the new culture. Specifi-
cally, contact with or confidence in an L2 leads individuals to
identify with the L2 community. This process, in turn, guides indi-
viduals to more positive representations of the L2 culture. In day-
to-day life, this research suggests that learning an L2 might pos-
itively influence intergroup relations. In the context of learning
an L2, we see greater identification with that community, which,
in turn, leads us to feel more positively about the community.
It is also conceivable that having positive cultural repre-
sentations of a language community will motivate individuals to
learn that L2. Given the correlational nature of this research, it


would be inappropriate to assert that language learning causes
positive cultural representations in a nonrecurrent manner. A
better understanding of the link between language learning and
cultural representations can be asserted through the use of a
longitudinal design, ideally commencing at the onset of language
learning.
The implications of this research, not withstanding its lim-
ited sample of participants, extend beyond the scope of this study.
According to Jaspars and Fraser (1984), “[Social representations]
can influence individual behaviour” (p. 104). This implies that
cultural representations, formed as a result of L2 learning, might
influence subsequent behaviors. This implication is important, as
it differentiates cognitive and affective aspects, such as positive
thoughts and feelings toward the L2 community, from behaviors,
such as positive interactions between individuals or communities.
However, an evaluation of behavioral consequences was outside
of the scope of this study and is, therefore, left for future research.
Representations might, for example, constitute the social and cog-
nitive basis for the development of the cultural interpreters—
those who are able to actually act as cultural mediators between
the L1 and L2 groups (Gohard-Radenkovic et al., 2004; Lussier
et al., 2004).
In conclusion, the present results suggest that aspects of the
socio-contextual model (i.e., contact, confidence, and identity) do
lead to cultural representations of the L2 community. The results
imply that learning an L2 not only can influence the way individ-
uals come to view the L2 language community, but this process
is also largely influenced by the vitality of the ethnolinguistic
group.
Revised version accepted 20 March 2006

Note
1
In order to simplify the presentation, correlations between error terms are
not indicated in the figures.


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