Development in Bihar- Overview of appraisal and approach AKDN

AGA KHAN DEVELOPMENT NETWORK
AGA KHAN FOUNDATION (INDIA)
D e v e l o p m e n t i n B i h a r
o v e r v i e w , a p p r a i s a l a n d a p p r o a c h
j u ly 2007

D e v e l o p m e n t i n B i h a r o v e rv i e w, a p p r a i s a l a n d a p p r o a c h

“There are those who enter the world in such poverty that they are deprived of both the means and the
motivation to improve their circumstances. Unless they can be touched with the spark which ignites
the spirit of individual enterprise and determination, they will only sink into apathy, degradation and
despair. It is for us, who are more fortunate, to provide that spark.”
His Highness the Aga Khan
India, 1983
Cover picture: Madhubani painting
The stylized peacocks in this painting appear to be fighting over a fish. But mirrored or opposing animals are a frequent theme
in this tradition, and the peacock can be a symbol of eternity. These paired birds may recall a passage from the Upanishads
that refers to two birds, sitting on a single branch. One of them eats a delicious fig; the other simply watches. That passage is
taken to be an affirmation of the complementary nature of action and consciousness (or contemplation) -- “He whose own heart
is pure makes no judgment: there is no good or bad in what is done without desire.”

Acknowledgements
This document has been prepared by senior staff of the Aga Khan Foundation, with major support from Seyed
Faiz Hayat – a young consultant hired for the purpose, and under the direct guidance of its CEO – Mr Nicholas
Mckinlay.
The Chairman of the National Committee of the Aga Khan Foundation in India – Dr Abad Ahmad – has taken
personal interest in getting clear directives from the Board, exciting members of the National Committee to these
new initiatives and guiding the staff with patience. Members of the National Committee have always supported
the endeavour with suggestions, contacts and comments which were most valuable.
Colleagues from other Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) institutions, in particular the Chief Executive
Officers of the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (India) and the Aga Khan Planning and Building Services,
India – Apoorva Oza and Surekha Ghogale respectively – provided enthusiastic leadership in field appraisals.
We’ve met a whole range of experts, academics and managers from different institutions who’ve enthusiastically
explained the various nuances to the development issues of Bihar. In particular, staff from different NGOs in the
region we visited – Kanchan Seva Ashram and Grameen Samaj Kalyan Sansthan – assisted us in every way during
the intensive reconnaissance and appraisal visits.
Finally, this document would not have been possible without the insights obtained from the communities who
volunteered not just their time, but also details from their private lives. We were also treated to their generous
hospitality including fruits, snacks and even health-drinks. What makes this contribution even more remarkable is
the fact that they were always aware that our programme might not be reaching them in particular. We hope this
report is an honest reflection of the realities on the ground which is the best way to pay tribute to the indomitable
spirit of the people of Bihar.

PURBA CHAMPARAN
ARARIA
KISHAN
GANJ
KATIHAR
SAUPAL
PURNIA
BHAGALPUR
BANKA
MADHEPURA
KHAGARIA
JAMUI
SHEIKHPURA
SAMASTIPUR
DARBHANGA
PASHCHIM CHAMPARAN
NAWADA
NALANDA
GAYA
ROHTAS
BUXAR
AURANGABAD
JEHANABAD
PATNA
VAISHALI
MUZAFFARPUR
BHOJPUR
GOPALGANJ
SIWAN
KAIMUR
(BHABUA)
SARAN
SITAMARHI
MADHUBANI
SHEOHAR
BEGUSARAI
MUNGER
SAHARSA
LAKHISARAI
BIHAR
2001

List of Acronyms
AKDN: Aga Khan Development Network
AKF: Aga Khan Foundation
AKPBS, I: Aga Khan Planning and Building Services,
India
AKRSP (India): Aga Khan Rural Support Programme
(India)
ASHA: Accredited Social Health Activist
AWC: Anganwadi centre
BCE: Before Common Era/ Before Christian Era
BMI: Basal Metabolic Index
BRLP: Bihar Rural Livelihoods Programme
CABE:
CBSE: Central Board for Secondary Education
CD ratio: Credit-deposit ration
CSO: Civil Society Organisation
DCCB: District Credit Co-operative Bank
EBC: Extremely Backward Castes
GDP: Gross Domestic Product
GoB: Government of Bihar
GoI: Government of India
GSDP: Gross State Domestic Product
HIV: Human Immune-deficiency Virus
ICDS: Integrated Child Development Scheme
ICSE: Indian Council for Secondary Education
IMR: Infant Mortality Rate
ITI: Industrial Training Institute
JP: Jay Prakash Narayan
MDG: Millennium Development Goal
MP: Member of Parliament
NABARD: National Bank for Agriculture and Rural
Development
NACDOR: National Confederation of Dalit Organisations
NCDHR: National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights
NFHS: National Family Health Survey
NGO: Non-government organisation
NREGS: National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
NRHM: National Rural Health Mission
OBC: Other Backward Castes
PACS: Poorest Area Civil Society
PHC: Primary Health Centre
PMGSY: Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana
PUCL: People’s Union for Civil Liberties
RHS: Rural Health Survey
RRB: Regional Rural Bank
SC: Scheduled Castes
ST: Scheduled Tribes
SGSY: Swarnajayanti Gramin Swarojgar Yojana
SHG: Self-help group
SSI: Small-scale industry
UNICEF: United Nations International Children’s
Education Fund
UP: Uttar Pradesh
VC: Vice Chancellor
VSS: Vidyalay Shiksha Samiti
WNTA: Wada Na Todo Abhiyan
WPR: Work Participation Rate
Weights and measures
kg: kilogram
km: kilometres
ha: hectares
sq km: square kilometres

Contents
P R E F A C E 9
O V E R V I E W O F B I H A R 13
The land, the people
Trends in Bihar’s economy
Overview of the key economic sectors
Livelihoods scenario in Bihar
Education scenario in Bihar
Health scenario in Bihar
Muslims in Bihar
Caste dynamics in Bihar
Governance and civil society
Civil society organisations in Bihar
A R E A S E L E C T I O N 35
Broad criteria for area selection
Selection of districts
Selection of areas within identified districts
Planning the appraisal
Peri-urban and urban areas
A P P R A I S A L O F S E L E C T E D A R E A S 47
Appraisal in select blocks of Muzaffarpur and Samastipur
Observations on elementary education
Observations on community health: services and status
Observations on rural livelihoods
Observations on civil society and governance
Appraisal of peri-urban areas and poorer areas of Patna
F R A M E W O R K F O R D E V E L O P M E N T 65
Key challenges key opportunities
Probable interventions
Potential for different programme interventions

The strategy framework
Programme initiation
R E F E R E N C E S 83
Annex I Terms of reference for the Appraisal Mission
Annex II Members of the Appraisal Mission
Annex III Itinerary of the Appraisal Mission
Annex IV Participants of the group discussions
Annex V Debriefing note

Preface
The Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) focuses on health, education, culture, rural
development, institution-building and the promotion of economic development. It is dedicated to
improving living conditions and opportunities for the poor, without regard to their faith, origin or
gender. Different agencies of the AKDN operate in social and economic development as well as in
the field of culture.
While each agency pursues its own mandate, all of them work together within the overarching
framework of the Aga Khan Development Network so that their different pursuits can interact and
reinforce one another. Their common goal is to help the poor achieve a level of self-reliance whereby
they are able to plan their own livelihoods and help those even more needy than themselves. A
central feature of the AKDN’s approach to development is to design and implement strategies in
which its different agencies participate in particular settings.
Development models require time to demonstrate their effectiveness and to enable local communities
to take on full responsibility for their own future development. The AKDN agencies, therefore, make
a long-term commitment to the areas in which they work, guided by the philosophy that a humane,
sustainable environment must reflect the choices made by people themselves of how they live and
wish to improve their prospects in harmony with their environment. Sustainability is, thus, a central
consideration from the outset.
In India, programmes of the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) span the states of Andhra
Pradesh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan and address a broad spectrum of
development issues in the social, economic and cultural spheres.
AKDN is now poised to expand its activities in the states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh (UP)
where poverty is entrenched and marginalisation is an accepted way of life.
Significant political changes have taken place in both the states over the past few years that have
seen a shift in the political power towards those that represent the backward and extremely backward
communities. However, this in itself has not resulted in any major social or economic uplift of the
poor and other marginalised communities in these states. Several indicators even point to a decline,
particularly in matters related to women and child health, nutrition, skill-building and availability of
jobs. Bihar is the only state in the country where the rate of growth of population is increasing, which
adds to the urgency to intervene.

AGA KHAN DEVELOPMENT NETWORK10
Uttar Pradesh and Bihar is home to over 250 million people, living along the fertile Gangetic plains
where civilisation dates back to over 5000 years. The chequered history of this region has left a
deep imprint on society and has influenced the development trajectory in social, political, economic
and cultural dimensions. It is imperative, therefore, that a deep and nuanced understanding be
developed within AKDN before a detailed action plan is worked out. It is also important that this
initiative of AKDN be well-coordinated, in order to establish a very positive and lasting impression
in this new terrain of operations.
A phased approach was undertaken to study the issues in Bihar first and then Uttar Pradesh, since
the latter was about to go to the polls. A quick desk research was commissioned to familiarise with
the more important literature on development issues in Bihar (see ‘References’). The process itself
led to interaction with a range of eminent experts whose insights were most invaluable. The issues,
including specific conditions of Muslim minorities, were summarised and discussed with limited
persons. Much of this information has been refined and presented in the ‘Overview’ chapter. AKF
also began to engage with the Bihar Rural Livelihoods Programme (BRLP), initiated with support
from the World Bank. In addition to attending workshops of the BRLP, exclusive meetings were
organised with key persons from the World Bank and its partner agencies in Bihar, such as BASIX.
Census data and the National Sample Survey findings were used to obtain a disaggregated
understanding of the people, particularly the Scheduled Castes and Muslim minorities, in different
administrative units of Bihar. Again, in consultation with the National Committee of AKF in India, a set
of criteria were developed to determine the most suitable area where implementation would begin.
While the details are provided in the ‘Area selection’ chapter, the idea was to initiate a programme
that was more amenable to successful experimentation and the lessons from which could generally
be applied to the long-term target area of operations. The overlay of the different data sets were
discussed internally as well as validated through reconnaissance visits. Opinion and comments were
also sought from intelligent and active workers associated with grassroots agencies in the region.
In order to get a better understanding of the situation and to develop an appropriate strategy, it
was decided to send a Mission to the State to carry out a ‘Rapid Appraisal’, the key findings from
which form the bulk of this report. The Mission worked on the basis of a Terms of Reference (Annex
I) and comprised of a mix of persons with diverse expertise, both in terms of the themes as well as
perspectives and was supported by senior staff from AKF, AKRSP (India) and AKPBS,I (Annex II).
The Mission worked on a very rigorous schedule (Annex III) that saw them interacting with people
at different levels and with different perspectives. In order to enhance the quality of interactions,
several knowledgeable people in the State were invited to group discussions that were held around
livelihoods, health, education and civil society. A list of the participants to the group discussions is
provided at Annex IV. De-briefing notes were prepared by all the members of the Appraisal Mission
and formed the basis of this report. In order to reflect some of the nuanced understanding from field-
level observations, a sample is provided at Annex V.
In the first meeting of the appraisal team, two blocks each in two districts in Bihar, viz., Dholi and
Sakra blocks in Muzaffarpur district and Tajpur and Pusa blocks in Samastipur district, and the
peri-urban area around Patna, were selected as potential locations for study and interventions. An
elaborate visit to these areas in different groups was followed by group discussions where many
of the questions arising from field observations were examined. The final two days were spent in
synthesising the key observations, drawing a few specific conclusions and proposing some concrete
action points for each sector. An external economist was engaged in these discussions in order to
help think through some of these issues with greater clarity.
Uttar Pradesh
and Bihar is
home to over
250 million
people, living
along the
fertile
Gangetic
plains where
civilisation
dates back to
over
5000 years.

AGA KHAN DEVELOPMENT NETWORK 11
Debriefing notes from different members of the Appraisal Mission were first compiled by persons
specifically engaged to provide sector reports on livelihoods, health, education, civil society and
water management. These sector reports were then synthesised by the Mission Coordinator to
produce the first draft of this report.
Senior staff from AKF has then reworked this report to provide a broad outline of possible AKDN
interventions, available in the ‘Approach’ section. This report will now be reviewed by at least three
independent external experts and then discussed in a meeting of different key AKDN agencies in
India. The objective is to forge a consensus on an integrated area development programme that
could be piloted in the State of Bihar with a degree of confidence and ownership. The same would
then be submitted to the Board for approval.
p r e fa c e

Overview of Bihar
Bihar, from the Sanskrit word vihara meaning abode, used to be one of the most important places
on earth in history. It’s capital, Patna, then called Pataliputra, was the capital of the Mauryan Empire
(321 – 184 BCE) “which ruled over much of the Indian subcontinent and extended as far as Iran and
Afghanistan to the West. Emperor Ashoka, one of the greatest monarchs in the history of the world,
who ruled between 273 BCE and 232 BCE was the most famous ruler of the Mauryan dynasty.”
The Buddha’s enlightenment was centered around the realization that the universe is characterized by
impermanence (called annicha in Pali) and change, that nothing abides eternally. That event occurred
when he was intensely meditating under a tree 2,500 years ago in a grove. Bihar is associated with
not just Buddhism. Mahavira, the 24th and the last Tirthankara of Jainism, was born in Bihar. He
attained moksha in Bihar as well. Bihar lays claim to being the birthplace of Sita, the wife of Hindu
god Ram. She was the daughter of King Janaka of the Mithila kingdom. Guru Gobind Singh, the 10th
guru of the Sikhs, was born in Patna.
One cannot refer to learning and scholarship in the ancient world without mentioning Vikramshila
and Nalanda universities. Nalanda was the equivalent of today’s Harvard, Yale, Oxford, Cambridge,
Berkeley and Stanford, all rolled into one. At its peak, Nalanda used to house 10,000 students and
2,000 teachers.
It’s all gone now.1
The aura of its ancient glory makes the present decadence of Bihar stand out in stark relief.
Nearly half of its people are poor, less than half can read or write and its per-capita income is a third
of the Indian average. It is India’s most lawless state - a murder takes place every two hours, a rape
is committed every six and a bank is looted every day, according to police records. Kidnapping for
ransom is a flourishing industry - police say someone is abducted every six hours.2
So why do development and law and order not seem to matter to the 86 million people of
Bihar? Political scientists say the entrenched caste system is the bane of development and law
in Bihar.
1
http://www.deeshaa.org/2007/05/31/bihar-part-1
2
BBC News, 19 February 2005

T h e l a n d
A part of Bihar was separated and formed into a new state Jharkhand on November 15, 2000.
Situated in the vast Gangetic plain, Bihar is a land-locked state between West Bengal on the east,
Uttar Pradesh on the west, Jharkhand on the south and Nepal (international border) on the north,
covering an area of 94,163 sq km.
Bihar experiences extreme temperatures, plenty of floods and occasional earthquakes. The Ganga,
which acts as the master drain for most of the state, flows in an easterly direction and stretches
B I H A R ’ S W O E S
Bihar’s per capita income is $94 a year against India’s average of $255
A total of 42.6 percent live below the poverty line against India’s average of 26.1 percent
A total of 47.5 percent are literate against India’s 65.38 percent
There were 32,600 kidnappings from 1992 to September 2004, and more than 1,000 political
workers have been murdered since 1990
An estimated 37 percent of area of the State or 22 out of 38 districts and 5000 villages are
under the grip of severe flood every year
•
•
•
•
•
life is a constant struggle for survival and , if possible , escape to S O M E distant cit y.

432 kilometers across Bihar, bisecting the state. Almost a million hectares are permanently water-
logged while another seven million are flood prone affecting the livelihoods of 6-20 million people,
mostly in North Bihar.
North Bihar is almost entirely a level tract (a mere 76.5 metres over 550 km tract), while the south
is wooded and hilly. It is interspersed with eight major river basins: the Ghaghra, the Gandak, the
Burhi Gandak, the Bagmati, the Adhwara group of rivers, the Kamala, the Kosi, and the Mahananda
that normally carry 10-20 times more water during the monsoon season (June – September). If the
rainfall intensity in the catchment area is higher, the discharge could be as high as 100 times. Of the
total volume of water that flows through North Bihar, only 10 percent comes from rainfall within the
State while for Ganga it is a mere 3 percent. Snow, rainfall and topography of Nepal, therefore, plays
a major role in determining the hydrological conditions of North Bihar.
Himalayan rivers contain large amounts of sediment during the monsoon. The heavy downpours
in the mountains scour the slopes and turn the swift waters into a muddy brew. As they reach the
plains and lose momentum, the rivers deposit their loads and begin to meander. Rivers like the Kosi
have been notorious for changing course. Available records suggest that the river was flowing about
160 kilometers east of its present course some 200 years ago. The lateral movements of rivers cause
erosion and loss of land. At the same time new land is also continuously formed. However, these
new chaurs are low-lying and remain waterlogged for years before they become productive.
South Bihar is drained by the Karmanasa, Sone, Punpun, Harohar, Kiul, Badua and Chandan, all
of which are north flowing tributaries of the Ganga, originating from southern plateau and carrying
very little water during the non-monsoon months. The right bank of the Ganga rises beyond Patna
and acts as a natural embankment to block drainage and create waterlogging. There is a series of
water bodies, the more prominent being the Fatuha Tal (lake), Bakhtiyarpur Tal, Barh Tal, More Tal,
Mokamma Tal, Barhaiya Tal and Sighaul Tal. The backwaters of the Ganga also find their way into
these lakes. About 100,000 hectares of submerged land emerge briefly only for the winter cropping
season. Such land is prized because it is very fertile.
T h e p e o p l e
The state is the third most populous in the country (after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra) and has the
second highest population density (after West Bengal) among the larger states.
The birth rate in Bihar is not only higher than the national average (Table 1), but it is the only state in
the country where the fertility rate is increasing. This increasing rate of growth of the population has
serious implications, not only in terms of urgent systems of care, but also addressing a sense of
hopelessness. It is not about bridging a gap in the pace of development with respect to other states,
but about stemming the slide of Bihar into despair.
Hindi is commonly known by the people throughout the state and is seen to be increasingly
dominating other indigenous languages. Bhojpuri, Magahi and Maithili are the major languages
spoken by the people of different regions of the state. Among these, Maithili is the only language
recognized by the national Sahitya Academy and included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution
of India. Angika and Bajjika are variants of Maithili which have lately started claiming independent
status. Urdu is confined mostly to the towns. Bhojpuri and Maithili are spoken by more than 20
percent of the people in Nepal as well. It is because of this linguistic confusion that the question of
mother tongue as the medium of instruction at the primary school level has always been problematic
in the state.
Bihar shares the major north Indian festivals like Dussehra (also, Vijayadashami), Diwali and Holi.
Chhath is observed on the sixth day from Diwali when offerings are made to the sun god during
o v e rv i e w
Lateral
movements
of rivers
cause erosion
and loss of
land.
Bihar is the
only state in
the country
where the
fertility rate is
increasing.

sunset (and the following sunrise), usually in the Ganga. Most of the festivals are clustered after
the monsoon season, when the harvest is brought in. The chief Muslim festivals in Bihar are the
Muharram, the two Ids and shah-i-barat.
The social structure of Bihar is deeply fractured around caste3
considerations. Brahman, Bhumihar,
Rajput and Kayastha constitute the “forward” castes. Kayasthas are the two important caste groups
in the cities and towns, the former being prominent in all modern professional occupations and the
latter dominating trade and commerce. Members of all these caste groups have occupied prominent
positions in the educational and political life of the state.
Ahirs (Yadavas), Kurmis and Koiris in the plains of Bihar are prominent “backward” caste groups
who are either settled cultivators or cattle-herders or both. Many Koiris are prosperous cultivators,
particularly of cash crops and vegetables in the neighbourhood of large towns. The most notable
among the “scheduled” castes are Bhumij, Chamar (Mochi), Dhobi, Dom, Dusadh, Musahar, Nat and
Pasi, most of them still surviving through hard manual, and often menial, labour.
T r e n d s i n B ihar ’ s e c o n o m y
Trend in the growth rate of Bihar’s Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) during the Tenth Plan
(2002-2006) has been volatile, mainly because of the dominance of the agricultural sector. During
this period, against an average growth rate of 7 percent for the Indian economy, Bihar’s average
annual growth rate was 4.01 percent. During the Tenth Plan, Bihar’s economy grew at a rate
that was marginally higher than its growth rate in the Ninth Plan period and even its per capita
income just crept up (Table 2). However, the state’s growth rates have been low compared to the
national average.
Agriculture and allied sector has grown at around 5 percent since 2001, as compared to less than
2 percent at the national level, indicating that agricultural growth is sustaining the economy. The
contribution of the manufacturing sector to the state GDP is low and the benefits from any growth
in this sector has been largely offset by the bifurcation of Bihar, since Jharkhand is more rich in
minerals and has a much greater advantage in this sector. Moreover, registered manufacturing has
shown a negative trend in the recent past. In Bihar, growth in the secondary sector has been primarily
triggered by the burgeoning construction sector limited to urban and semi-urban areas.
3
Caste systems are traditional, hereditary systems of social restriction and social stratification, enforced by law or
common practice.
Table 1 : D emographic profile of B ihar , compared with I ndia
I ndia B ihar
Total Population (in million) 1027.3 82.9
- percent urbanised 27.78 10.47
Crude Birth Rate* 23.4 30.4
Crude Death Rate* 8.1 7.6
Decadal growth rate (percent) 21.34 28.43
Density of population (sq km) 324 880
Sex ratio (per 1000 males) 933 921
(Source: Census of India, 2001); *SRS, 2005
The social
structure
of Bihar is
deeply
fractured
around caste
consider-
ations.
...yet, the
density is a
whopping
880 persons/
sq km...
following
West Bengal.
...Only
around
10 percent
of the
population
is Urban...

The services sector has grown consistently, chiefly through communication, banking and insurance.
This growth is perhaps facilitated by urban economy rather than the rural economy where such
services are available at a much lower scale.
It is interesting to analyse the relative contribution of the different sectors in the overall economic
growth of the state. The share of primary sector has fallen from 48.8 percent to 42.0 percent while
the secondary sector has remained nearly stagnant at 9.0 percent. The share of tertiary sector has
increased from 41.3 to 49.0 percent. Thus, the economy is witnessing a shift towards services, much
before industrialisation, mostly driven by the urban economy.
Since the agricultural sector still significantly contributes to the state economy, the livelihood
patterns and Work Participation Rates (WPR) in Bihar are different from the normal national picture.
Both male and female WPR is lower in Bihar as compared to national average, as the traditional
economy offers less opportunity. Moreover, the WPR for both males and females is lower for urban
areas in comparison to rural areas, indicating less opportunity in the urban areas. The sectoral
distribution of main workers is again very different in Bihar. Although the proportion of cultivators in
Bihar and India stands at 29.3 and 31.7 percent respectively, the corresponding percentage of main
workers engaged as agricultural labourers is 48.0 and 25.6 percent.
Table 2 : T rends in B ihar ’ s G ross S tate D omestic P roduct
Year S tate D omestic P roduct C hange over P revious Year A nnual Average G rowth R ate
( lakh R s . ) ( % ) ( constant 1 9 9 3 - 9 4 )
prices ( % )
1997-1998 25,92,076 (-) 3.85 3.25
1998-1999 27,88,792 7.59 4.10
1999-2000 28,91,397 3.68 4.03
2000-2001 34,50,098 19.32 6.09
2001-2002 31,25,936 (-) 9.40 4.02
2002-2003 36,15,961 15.68 5.25
2003-2004 (P) 32,90,950 (-) 8.98 3.73
2004-2005 (Q) 36,88,196 12.07 4.46
2005-2006 (A) 36,19,819 (-) 1.85 3.92
(Note: P : Provisional, Q : Quick Estimate, A : Advanced Estimate)
Table 3 : G rowth in income and G S D P : B ihar vs I ndia
N i n t h P l a n T e n t h P l a n A c c o r d i n g t o P l a n n i n g C o mm i s s i o n
C A G R 3 Years ( 2 0 0 1 - 0 2 to 2 0 0 4 - 0 5 )
I ndia B ihar I ndia B ihar I ndia B ihar
Per capita GDP growth rate 4.00 1.00 5.50 2.00 NA NA
Growth in GDP of which 5.50 2.90 7.00 4.01 6.45 5.67
(a) Agriculture 2.00 (-) 1.14 1.80 0.96 1.03 5.01
(b) Industry 4.60 7.53 8.00 9.80 6.96 10.58
(c) Services 8.10 6.37 8.90 5.08 8.64 5.12
o v e rv i e w
The
economy is
witnessing a
shift towards
services,
much before
industrialisa-
tion, mostly
driven by
the urban
economy.

This signifies high dependence on agriculture and no real movement of workers into secondary
and tertiary sectors. The critical factor to the development of Bihar is creation of opportunities in
secondary and tertiary sectors resulting in shift from agriculture.
A n o v e r v i e w o f th e k e y e c o n o m i c s e c tors
a g r i c u l t u r e
Agriculture continues to be the mainstay of the population and the cropping intensity is high.
Although very fertile, the productivity of its main crops is among the lowest in the country. One of
the major reasons cited for low productivity is non-availability of good quality seeds and low seed
replacement rate.
Inequitable land distribution and perverse land tenure relations – hallmarks of semi-feudal agrarian
structure – remain intractable problems. Among all Indian states, land reforms have been the worst
failure in Bihar, even though it took the first initiative in this direction by abolishing the zamindari
system in 1953.
The flood prone area in the State is over 73 percent of its total geographical area, being more
severe in the northern plains of Bihar. This affects the livelihoods of the people in the rural areas
considerably.
Irrigated area of the state is around 57 percent of the gross cropped area. This is mainly supplied
through tube-well irrigation (63 percent) followed by canal (30 percent). Because of drastic shortage
of electricity, most tube-wells are operated by diesel engines, leading to high costs.
Fertiliser consumption in the state has steadily increased over the years. The consumption of
fertilisers has increased from 85 kg/ha to 110 kg/ha in 2005-06. However, even this is lower than the
national average.
Without increasing productivity in the agricultural sector, development in Bihar cannot pick up required
momentum. But there is scope of increase in productivity and shift to more remunerative crops, such
as vegetables.
i n d u s t r i e s
The size of industrial sector in Bihar in terms of income is only 3.2 percent of GSDP as against
the national average of 20.1 percent. Infrastructural bottlenecks, especially roads and electricity
continue to plague the industrial sector and investments in the same are required at the state level
to boost the secondary sector.
The overall industrial sector in the State is dominated by the unregistered units, which account for
more than half of its total income. As per the third all-India Census of SSI units (2001-02), there are
only 72632 permanently registered small-scale units in Bihar, out of which 52107 units are working.
The percentage of tiny units among SSI was 99.95 percent, in which output and employment
potential are much lower.
Bihar has the potential to produce about 5-6 percent of the total agro-based industrial products in
India, and this will enable the industrial sector in the State to become one and a half times of its
present size. Tea and dairy have been two recent successes in the industrial sector of the State.
Other potential industries are sugar, makhana, leather, textile and handloom, which have not been
explored to its full potential.
Bihar has
the potential
to produce
about
5-6 percent
of the total
agro-based
industrial
products
in India.

i n f r a s t r u c t u r e
The state is serviced by 2,318 km of national highways,
4,192 km of state highways, 12,579 km of district roads
and over 69,000 km of other roads. Nearly half the road
network is unpaved, while floods pose a continuous
challenge to the expansion of high quality roads in
the state.
Attempts to modernize roads include the national Golden
Quadrilateral as well as the East West Corridor Project.
The World Bank has provided supplementary funds for the
PMGSY roads in 4-5 districts. The Naxals in Bihar have
often halted the developmental work in rural areas of the
State by serving extortion notices to petty construction
workers engaged in building roads and bridges.
Farakka to Buxar in the river Ganges has been declared
as National Water Ways No.1. It is presently operative
from Haldia to Patna. This provides access to Calcutta
Seaport (417 km) and Haldia (517 km).
A mere 6 percent of the households in the state have
been provided with electric connection compared to 35
percent at the national level. Only 40 percent villages are
electrified as opposed to 80 percent at the national level
and, given the fact that Bihar accounts for one-twelfth
of the country’s villages, affects the national average.
The installed capacity is under 600 MW, compared to
nearly 8000 MW for Maharashtra. As expected, the
per capita energy consumption is less than half the
national average.
f i n a n c i a l s e c t o r
The market size in Bihar is estimated to be Rs. 1,036,000 million, or 4.8 percent of the market size of
all India. This is more than that of Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana or Delhi and little less than that
of Rajasthan, Karnataka or Gujarat. However, the performance of the commercial banking systems
in Bihar is far from encouraging. Priority sector target by the commercial banks is being met but the
stipulated 10 percent of the same to weaker sections is not being fulfilled. Banks have not been able
to provide necessary credit to the weaker sections and people seeking small loans. The CD ratio of
Bihar is pegged at 32 percent in 2005-06 but has started improving over the last few years (up from
21 percent in 2001-02). Still, the CD ratio is among the lowest in the country.
Recovery is quite low at 47 percent in March 2006. According to the Annual Focus Paper of NABARD,
the commercial banks accounts for 68 percent of the formal sector loan and is also the largest lender
of agricultural loan followed by RRBs (20.7 percent) and Cooperative banks (10.8 percent). The new
generation private commercial banks are to yet to penetrate the rural financial sector in Bihar. The
cooperative banking systems is almost defunct in the state. Although there are 37 districts in the
state, the number of DCCBs functioning in the state is 26. The number of PACS in the state is 7057,
out of which about 50 percent make profits.
f l o o d s p o s e a c o n t i n u o u s c h a l l e n g e t o t h e
expansion M A I N T E N C E of infrastructure .
o v e rv i e w

m i c r o - f i n a n c e i n b i h a r
In comparison to other states, the micro-finance activity is in a rudimentary stage in Bihar. The
cumulative SHGs linked to the banking systems is 46,221, lower than states like Assam (56,449)
and Orissa (180,896) and lagging way behind leaders such as Andhra Pradesh (587,238). However,
there has been a thrust on micro-finance in the state with the SHG bank linkage growing consistently
over 50 percent in the last three years. This growth is also skewed, the highest (9,361) being in West
Champaran, followed by Gaya (6,720). Out of 37 districts, 15 districts have less than 500 SHGs
linked with banks. Among the institutions and programs, the Women’s Development Corporation
has been instrumental in promoting good quality SHGs in the state.
Thus the overall picture of Bihar is quite dismal, with slow development of the secondary and tertiary
sectors and high dependence on agriculture. The disconcerting situation is the poor infrastructure
inhibiting development in the state, especially in the manufacturing sector. Moreover, the financial
sector’s performance is also far from satisfactory and is one of the main factors limiting growth
and development.
Li v e l ihoo d s s c e n ario i n B ihar
Bihar is characterised by a very low rate of urbanisation (only 10.5 percent of the population is
urban), and a high degree of dependence on agriculture as a means of livelihood.
However, agriculture suffers from a fundamental constraint – small, skewed and dispersed land
holdings (at least a third of the population is landless – up to 70 percent in some districts – and yet
the average size of landholding in Bihar is about 0.75 hectares, second lowest in the country after
Kerala). This implies that there is a high degree of expropriation in the form of rents, collected at
different levels, leaving little incentive for the actual tiller to improve productivity. The productivity of
rice and wheat – the two most widely cultivated crops – are 20-25 percent below the India average
and less than half of that obtained in Punjab, which is otherwise comparable in terms of natural
endowment of land, water and labour resources. Scattered land holding is also a big constraint
for modernisation.
This has led to grossly inadequate investments in infrastructure, services (extension, credit etc.)
and human development (health care, education, sanitation etc.). Chronic floods, and improper
measures undertaken on the basis of inadequate understanding, add to the problem in the form of
water-logging and poor drainage.
There has been little diversification from cereal crops, reflecting the subsistence nature of farming
in the state. Interestingly, fruits and vegetables, which occupy only 10 percent of the total cropping
area, account for nearly 50 percent of the total value of the agricultural output. Bihar ranks third in
vegetable (potato, okra, tomato, brinjal) production and sixth in fruit (mangoes, litchis, bananas,
guavas and pineapples) production in the country.
At 2.7 percent per annum, the growth in agriculture is amongst the highest in the country, although
highly unstable and with significant year to year variations. The most rapid growth occurred in the
fisheries sub-sector (8 percent), albeit from a smaller base. This is significant because nearly 4.6
million rural households (about 40 percent of rural households in north Bihar) are engaged in fishing,
which is one of the highest proportions in India.
Milk production is growing at 5.5 percent, again from a lower base (following the recent bifurcation
of the State), providing supplementary income, employment and nutrition to thousands of small
Most farmers
have small,
skewed and
dispersed
land holdings.
Fruits and
vegetables,
which occupy
only 10
percent of the
total cropping
area, account
for nearly
50 percent
of the total
value of the
agricultural
output.

Table 4 : L iterac y in B ihar ( percent )
Year P ersons M ales F emales
1951 13.49 22.68 4.22
1961 21.95 35.85 8.11
1971 23.17 35.86 9.86
1981 32.32 47.11 16.61
1991 37.49 51.37 21.99
2001 47.53 60.32 33.57
rural households. About 35 percent of rural households in Bihar reported owning cattle, 20 percent
buffaloes and 15 percent sheep and goat (concentrated more among landless and marginal rural
households).
The non-farm sector accounts for about 40 percent of the total household incomes in Bihar,
across all income levels but more so for the poorer households. However, while agriculture
wage labour accounts for half of this income in the poorest brackets, regular employment accounts
for two-thirds of this income in the highest bracket. The rest is accounted through self-
employment.
Cane sugar is the chief agro-based industry in Bihar, engaging an estimated 500,000 farmers
in cultivation and another 50,000 skilled and unskilled workers in the factories. From producing
a quarter of the country’s sugar during independence (1947), Bihar today barely accounts for 3
percent. Denial of gate prices has been chiefly responsible for this. The government of Bihar has
taken some steps to revive the sugar industry through a package of incentives to both the industries
as well as the cultivators.
E d u c atio n s c e n ario i n B ihar
At 48 percent (Table 4), literacy in Bihar is the lowest in the country and significantly less than the
national average of 65 percent. Women are considerably worse with a literacy gap of 26 percent and
enrolment gap of 14 percent.
There is also a wide disparity in the literacy levels in Bihar.
More than three-fourth of urban males are literate whereas
literate men are in a minority in rural Bihar (despite the fact
that only 18 percent of women are literate there). Literacy
levels are particularly low among various communities
of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, such as
Musahars and Bhuinyas.
e l e m e n t a r y e d u c a t i o n
According to Seventh All India Education Survey in 2002 the population of children of school going
age (between 6 years and 14 years) was about 20.5 million (10.8 million boys and 9.6 million girls).
Given the high fertility rate in Bihar, the number of younger people is higher, and growing. According
to the same survey, there were 13.1 million children between 6 and 11 years (of which 6.2 million
were girls). It should also be noted that, of this total, the population of rural children was about
ninety percent.
The growth in the number of children is in sharp contrast to the availability of schools (Tables 5, 6
7) and teachers. Between 1993 and 2002, Bihar showed a 10.4 percent increase in the number
of primary schools, as against the national increase of 12.9 percent. In the case of upper primary
schools, however, the increase was a meagre 1.1 percent, in sharp contrast to the 50.6 percent
increase at the national level.
Most schools lack basic infrastructure in terms of adequate classrooms, toilet facilities, equipment
etc., causing difficulties in accommodating the required number of children, as well as in ensuring
retention, especially of girls, in the absence of appropriate toilet facilities.
o v e rv i e w
At 48 percent
literacy in
Bihar is the
lowest in the
country
The growth in
the number
of children
is in sharp
contrast
to the
availability of
schools.

It is not just that the total number of primary and middle schools in the State remained constant
at around 59,000 over the past quarter century, but the teacher student ratio of 1:122 has been
appalling (reduced from 1:90 a decade ago).
Teacher absenteeism – estimated to be as high as 26 percent – has been an endemic problem.
Factors such as lack of monitoring of teachers’ performance and involvement of teachers in a
different government duties account for their poor attendance. According to a UNICEF estimate, if
official work and holidays are taken together, a teacher gets to spend only about two months of the
year in a classroom.
Delayed supply of text books is another problem compounding the difficulties faced by the students.
Although the academic session begins in March, textbooks often do not reach the schools before
August, sometimes it is November.
According to the Social and Rural Research Institute, Bihar has the dubious distinction of having
the highest number of out of school children in India, surpassing even Uttar Pradesh. Of the total
estimated 13.5 million out of school children in India, Bihar alone accounts for nearly a quarter
(23.4 percent), i.e. over 3 million.
Table 5 : C omparative profile of N umber of P rimary U pper P rimary schools
M anagement P rimary P r + P r + U pper U pper N o A ll
U pper P r U p. P r + P rimary P rimary + response schools
S ec / H sec only S ec / H . sec
Dept of Education 40332 8959 403 361 1015 64 51134
Tribal Welfare Dept 66 37 9 0 5 1 118
Local body 78 37 12 1 6 3 137
Private aided 105 131 79 14 25 0 354
Private Unaided 21 4 3 0 4 0 32
Others 6 5 5 2 5 1 24
No response 48 11 2 1 3 338 403
State Total 40656 9184 513 379 1063 407 52202
DISE Report 2003-04
Table 7 : T he number of government senior
secondary schools / colleges is as below :
+ 2 schools 89
Recognised Inter colleges 350
Constituent colleges 231
Degree affiliated 96
Madrasa schools 55
CBSE schools 200
I.C.S.E. schools 35
Total 969
Table 6 : T he number of government secondary
schools is 2 9 6 9 with the following break up :
Government schools 63
Nationalised schools 2534
Minority schools 73
Sanskrit schools 206
Madrasa schools 93
Total 2969
Bihar has
the highest
number of
out of school
children in
India.

o v e rv i e w
Importantly, 82.6 percent of these are never enrolled in school (as against 68.3 percent at the
national level). Strikingly, Bihar is the only state in India where primary enrolment has fallen by 2
percent during the late ‘90s. The quality of school education is also indicated by the high drop-out
rate of over 65 percent (as against the national average of about 50 percent) which means that for
every 100 pupils enrolled in Class I in Bihar, only 13 manage to reach Class VIII.
e d u c a t i o n o f d i s a d v a n t a g e d a n d m a r g i n a l i s e d c o m m u n i t i e s
40 percent of out of school children belong to the backward castes, while the scheduled castes and
Muslims account for 35 and 20 percent respectively.
Children from poor households do get enrolled in schools but the drop-out rate is high, primarily
because they get drawn into some form of work, either at home (for girls) or outside (for both boys
and girls). The curriculum, clearly, has an urban middle-class orientation and is largely irrelevant
to the lives of these people. Working children and street children, both in Bihar and as migrants
elsewhere, have little opportunity to attend any school. Use of legal instruments and transfer of
such children to juvenile homes is hardly a solution, given the lack of capacity in such institutions.
Release of child labour is never linked with much needed provision of special care.
Among the school going children in Bihar a substantial proportion are first generation learners
who are unlikely to have any family support for their academic enterprise. Many such children are
not able to attend regular schools, and hence are covered by alternative and innovative education
programmes, under Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Vidyalaya Chalo Kendras, Prayas Kendras or Utkarsh
Kendras etc. Again, different types of schools are run by the Welfare department (residential schools
for children from dalit families) or the Labour department (schools for freed child labour). While there
is a need for some kind of transitional educational arrangement, with distinctive curricula, many
such children are placed under the charge of less experienced and less qualified teachers.
The situation in madrasas is more complex. Education in madrasas combines general education
with religious instruction, with general education subjects introduced at a different stage, or missing
altogether, as compared to regular schools. In many cases, students transiting from a madrasa to a
regular school face difficulties in language and in certain specific subjects such as social science,
general science, etc. Again, if children are educated solely in madrasas, the process runs contrary
to the principle of an inclusive, common education system.
a substantial proportion of school - going children are first generation learners .
For every
100 pupils
enrolled in
Class I in
Bihar, only
13 manage
to reach
Class VIII.

v o c a t i o n a l e d u c a t i o n
With regard to vocational education even the national scenario is not promising, but the state scenario
is even more dismal. Few Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) that exist in different districts are short
of staff and run courses designed decades back, with little relevance now. New institutions have
not been created in the state sector, while private sector institutions often lack standardization or
credibility. At the senior secondary level only a handful of vocational subjects have been introduced,
but there are hardly any arrangements made for the teaching of even these limited numbers of
subjects.
The earlier “Basic School” education system used to provide some training in crafts including
spinning, weaving, carpentry etc., but these schools are also not functioning at present, for want of
adequate staff or resources or environment. While some of the trades taught in these schools might
not be still relevant, this system was a significant innovation pioneered in Bihar, and it is unfortunate
that little thought is spared to redesign and revitalize these institutions.
c i v i l s o c i e t y a n d s c h o o l e d u c a t i o n
While there are notable examples of civil society engaging with the state on different policy issues,
their involvement in elementary education is either low or problematic. At the state level there were
several critiques of the proposed version of the bill on right to education in terms article 21A of the
constitution, in seminars and meetings organized by various groups. In addition an alternative bill
was also drafted as a civil society initiative which was discussed at the CABE meetings and at other
centres in the country. However there are very few NGOs working consistently in the field with élan
and effectiveness.
If panchayats are viewed as civil society organizations, rather than mere implementing agency of the
government, their involvement is very low. PRIs even generally are not working in a satisfactory manner
for want of clear guidelines or real devolution of authority, absence of proper training, bureaucratic
apathy etc. Vidyalaya Shiksha Samitis (VSSs) are involved to a degree but their functioning depends
much on the choice of members, especially adhyaksha and sachiva. They can be both asset and
liability, but their potential contribution remains unrealized. In many places the power structure,
domination, conflicts and problems of the villages are transmitted into the VSS. In the last one year
panchayats have been given the authority to appoint additional teachers to government schools, but
again there has been little effort at building capacity of the panchayats in assessing the quality of the
candidates and in reviewing the quality of education.
H e a l th s c e n ario i n B ihar
The information on health statistics is week but indicates that the MDG targets for infant mortality,
child malnutrition and access to safe drinking water will be reached. However, the State attainments
will fall short of target against two key indicators of attended birth and sanitation. Even as per the
official data, the infant mortality and maternal mortality rates are worse than the national levels.
Bihar has the highest population of malnourished children in the country and the prevalence of
marriage of minor girls (median age of marriage is 15.1 years) is very high. Although intensity of
immunisation has improved (still 20 percent as against 42 percent at the national level), cases of
polio are still reported. There is also a large-scale prevalence of tuberculosis in the State. With acute
shortage of health-care facilities and attendants, it can be said that the system of State delivery of
health care has collapsed.
Bihar has
the highest
population of
malnourished
children in
the country.

o v e rv i e w
Though the land can produce wide varieties of cereals, pulses, oils, fruits, vegetables, spices, herbs,
medicinal plants and that too in plenty, the nutritional status of people are far from satisfactory.
Unequal distribution of land, high levels of poverty, loss of faith in time-tested traditional varieties
and changing food cropping pattern, as well as poor sanitation practices, have contributed to the
burden of disease through its vicious poverty-malnutrition-disease-poverty cycle.
Social and economic factors, especially competitive pressures on livelihoods have led to development
of disrupted and nuclear families, and loss of community togetherness, further leading to a loss of a
social safety net that existed in earlier times. The poor economic development, migration and social
upheavals and conflict have also led to deterioration in health-oriented behaviour and approaches
to health as a whole.
H e a l th stat u s
The health status of the population continues to be poor. Though there have been improvements on
some of the many health indicators between NFHS 2 to 3, however the overall status compared to
other states in the country is not very encouraging. The State has actually regressed with regard to
certain key indicators for maternal and child health (Table 8).
According to the National Family Health Survey 2005-06 (NFHS 3), Bihar has shown an increase
in the fertility rate (from 3.7 in 1998-99 to 4 in 2005-06) even though the rates are decreasing in
the rest of the country. While the Infant Mortality Rate (IMR) has decreased, neonatal deaths still
contribute about 60 percent deaths among infants. There has also been a corresponding increase in
the percentage of “underweight” children below three years.
Table 8 : K e y health indicators in B ihar
B ihar N F H S - 2 ( 1 9 9 8 - 9 9 ) N F H S - 3 ( 2 0 0 5 - 0 6 )
Total Fertility Rate (children per woman) 3.7 4.0
Infant Mortality Rate (per thousand) 78 62
Use of any modern family planning method ( percent) 21.6 28.8
Total unmet need for Family Planning ( percent) 25.7 23.1
Mothers who had at least 3 Ante-Natal Care visits ( percent) 15.9 16.9
Institutional deliveries ( percent) 14.8 22
Children in 12-23 months Received complete immunization ( percent) 11.6 32.8
Children under 3 years breastfed within one hour of birth ( percent) 5.4 4.0
Children under age 3 stunted ( percent) 55 42
Children under age 3 underweight ( percent) 54.3 58.4
Women whose body mass index is below normal ( percent) 39.1 43
Children age 6-35 months who are anaemic ( percent) 81.1 87.6
Ever married women age 15-49 years who are anaemic ( percent) 60.4 68.3
Pregnant women aged 15-49 years who are anaemic ( percent) 46.4 60.2
Women who had heard about HIV ( percent) 10.5 35.2
There has
also been a
corresponding
increase
in the
percentage of
“underweight”
children
below
three years.

Maternal health care has made no improvements, with only 17 percent pregnant women having
received ante-natal care and 22 percent deliveries reported at health facilities. Breastfeeding within
the first hour of birth continues to be abysmally low due to prevailing cultural practices and myths
among the community, with children being given honey and water at birth, and waiting for information
from the family priest on the auspicious time for beginning breast-feeding. The problem of anaemia
has become more severe impacting both children and adults, particularly women.
The drop in IMR in Bihar is also being linked to increased vaccination rates. Till 1999, with Bihar’s
health system completely out of gear, only 12 per cent of children were being fully vaccinated. NFHS
3 has seen a three-fold increase in vaccinations. Now almost 33 per cent infants (as compared to 44
percent at the national level) between two to 23 months receive all recommended vaccinations.
The gender divide in health status and awareness is also revealing. As per NHFS-3, 28.7 percent of
men have BMI below normal, compared to 43 percent for women. Similarly, 70 percent of men have
heard about HIV, against 35.2 percent for women. With regard to use of condoms to reduce risk of
HIV, 58.4 percent men are aware of the fact, as against 22.4 percent for the women. 32.6 percent of
ever-married men are anaemic as compared to 68.3 percent among ever-married women.
h e a l t h i n f r a s t r u c t u r e a n d g o v e r n m e n t p r o g r a m m e s
Thegovernmentsystemofhealthservicedeliveryisatthreelevels:(1)primarycare,intheformofout-reach
servicesatvillagelevel,sub-centreatclusterlevelandPrimaryHealthCentres(PHCs)tillsub-blocklevels;
(2) secondary care, in the form of referrals at Community Health Centre, First Referral Units and District
Hospitals; and (3) tertiary care, in the form of Medical Colleges and Super Speciality Centres. The
primary and secondary care is the responsibility of the state health department. The tertiary care
is delivered by autonomous bodies having state/central support. The various health systems being
practised are primarily allopathic, homoeopathic, ayurvedic and unani, though at the primary and
secondary levels the most common one is allopathy.
However, according to the Government of India estimates provided in Table 9, there is a huge
shortfall of health infrastructure at the primary care level. There is also growing evidence to suggest
that existing health facilities are sub-standard. The buildings are dilapidated or damaged and there is
an acute shortage of beds. Thirteen referral hospitals constructed between 1991 and 2000 were not
operational due to non-availability of medical and paramedical staff and equipment. The situation
has become worse with limited capacity of the state to turn out graduates to fill vacant posts.
The Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), a community-based child development
programme, which aims at holistic development of children (0-6 years) and expectant nursing
mothers from disadvantaged sections has not been able to fulfil its mandate. There is a serious
Table 9 : G ap in healthcare infrastructure
H ealth I nstitution R equired I n P osition S hortfall
Sub-centre 14959 8858 6101
Primary Health Centre 2489 1641 848
Community Health Centre 622 70 522
RHS Bulletin, March 2006, M/O Health F.W., GOI
There is a
huge shortfall
of health
infrastructure
at the primary
care level...
also existing
health
facilities
are sub-
standard..

shortfall in the number of ICDS centres. The network consists of 393 projects, covering nearly
72 percent of the state and the services are being provided through 60,587 Anganwadi Centres.
Wherever the AWCs exist, the performance is far from satisfactory. However, the state is in the
process of opening of more ICDS centres in areas not reached by this programme. A mid-day meal
programme is also being run in all government managed primary schools of the state to address
nutritional needs of the children.
Poor sanitation infrastructure and hygiene practices contribute to increasing disease burden. Only
about 19 percent of the households in rural Bihar have access to a sanitary toilet, while the rest
defecate in the open. While this poses significant health risks, the issues of dignity, convenience
and safety affect women and girls. While drinking water is accessible through hand pumps and dug/
open wells, in places contamination of iron or arsenic is reported.
t h e s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n s
Traditionally women are responsible for the health of all family members, but limited education
and ignorance drive them to many traditional beliefs and superstitions that are often detrimental to
health. The old are socially disadvantaged and are mainly dependent on the mercy of their offspring.
General awareness levels regarding health and health seeking behaviour also are at a low level. In
many parts of the state, communities still depend on priests and local “vaids” for advice on food and
medicine, and the overall nutritional status, especially of women and children, is poor.
The food pattern which earlier had a wide variety of cereals and pulses has now become more
restricted, with mono-cropping being practised in most areas, and food crops grown keeping in
mind economic returns rather than food security and nutrition. Because increased yields focus on
high dosage of fertiliser and pesticide, quality of food is also often compromised.
The needs of adolescents are rarely addressed and queries on sex are not encouraged. Myths
and misconceptions thrive, affecting their sexual behaviour. Pre-marital and extra-marital sexual
relations tend to be on the rise, though not acceptable in public, where girls and women tend to be
the ones punished the most. Lack of education and livelihood opportunities has a strong bearing on
the youth, who are often misled and take refuge in drugs and others addictions.
Migration has affected the family units, leading, in many cases, to abandonment of women and
children in the villages and marrying and settling down with new partners in the urban areas. Even
otherwise, migration means that women have a
disproportionately higher work load in looking
after the family – doing all house-hold chores and
bringing up the children. A major task is to collect
fire wood and cow-dung for fuel – itself a tiring
exercise – and then burning it under unhygienic and
smoky conditions that lead to respiratory diseases
and other health effects.
M u s l i m s i n B ihar
Muslims in Bihar constitute nearly 16.5 percent of
the population or 13.7 million, accounting for nearly
10 percent of the total Muslim population of the
country (2001). It is mostly rural (87 percent) and
largely to the north of the river Ganges. The impact modernisation of madrasas will be important.
o v e rv i e w
Only about
19 percent
of the
households
in rural Bihar
have access
to a sanitary
toilet.

of overall stagnant rural economy has been particularly severe for Muslims, since over three-fourth
depend largely on farm-based labour for their livelihood. Migration, both to small towns in the State
and cities outside the State, is largely as unskilled labourers employed in informal small household
enterprises, petty trade and small industries.
Low-wage agriculture labour provides about 40 percent of the household income of rural Muslim
families in Bihar, while remittances (nearly 25 percent) and self-employment (nearly 20 percent) are
also important.
While about 36 percent of Muslim households in rural Bihar own any land (over 92 percent of this
landholding is less than 2 acres, much below the economically viable unit of 5 acres), less than 29
percent are actual tillers, the rest leasing out their land to tillers with comparatively larger holding.
There is also a slow trend in land alienation, revealed in the comparatively higher selling of land
during the past decade, as compared to buying. About 56 percent of Muslim households in rural
Bihar own some form of livestock, poultry, goat and cattle in that order.
In the non-farm sector, barely 2 percent of the Muslim households in rural Bihar are artisans
(weavers, potters etc.), compared to over 4 percent in urban areas. It appears that a large number
of workers are being forced out of skill-based activities in the face of competition from the modern
manufacturing sector, leading to de-skilling and conversion of this workforce into wage labourers.
The death of the Bhagalpur silk industry, once employing 25-30,000 boon-kers (weavers), mostly
comprising of Muslim Ansaris, is a case in point. In terms of employment opportunities, however,
urban Muslim artisan households appear to be better off than their rural counterparts, simply
because of access to markets. Less than 1 percent of the Muslim households in urban areas were
engaged in manufacturing activities.
Over 23 percent of Muslim households in rural Bihar are engaged in other self-employed activities
such as retail trade, bidi (local tobacco roll) making, tailoring, rickshaw-pulling and mechanics for
various machineries, the last two being undertaken mostly in nearby towns. The average annual
income from such self-employment activities is substantially higher than those earned by artisans
and also generally higher than those earned by small/ marginal cultivators.
Nearly 35 percent of the male working population is in the age group of 15-29 years. Also, relatively
high worker participation is seen in the age group above 60 years, which indicate economic stress
on the community and lack of social security. Overall participation of Muslim women is on the lower
side, contributing largely to home-based livestock related activities. 31 percent of women workers
are engaged in the tobacco industry (bidi making) in rural areas (15 percent in urban areas) and
nearly 25 percent are engaged as domestic help in urban areas.
Migration in and from Bihar is widespread and continuous since 1971. The high population density
in the State implies very low land-man ratios in rural areas while the urbanisation levels are also very
low implying very limited non-farm employment. Over 20 percent of Muslims among the households
migrating within the State choose the urban centres of Patna, Gopalgunj and Hajipur. Two out of
every three Muslim households in rural Bihar send at least one each of their working members
outside Bihar to earn. A quarter of the Muslim households migrate outside Bihar from the urban
centres of the State. Gulf countries are a favoured destination outside Bihar and 8-12 percent of
the migrant workers make it. Over 70 percent of the migrant workers send remittances, which is a
significant source of income to the households.
Over 41 percent of Muslim households in rural Bihar are indebted, and the amount exceeds 57
percent of their average annual income. The average amount of outstanding loan per indebted
household is Rs 16.38 thousand, less than a fifth of which is from institutional sources. The village
Migration
in and from
Bihar is
widespread
and
continuous.
Over 41
percent
of Muslim
households
in rural
Bihar are
indebted.

money-lenders provide about 40 percent of the consumption loans, the rest being made available by
family and friends. In urban areas, the proportion of indebted households is lower (about 25 percent)
but the average amount of outstanding loan is higher at about Rs 20.00 thousand. The pattern of
credit sources is similar to the rural areas. About 30 percent of Muslim households have a bank
account, which might be to facilitate remittances rather than hold savings. About 9 percent of rural
Muslim households and around 16 percent of urban Muslim households have any insurance, which
again might be an indication of insecure livelihoods.
In rural Bihar, the housing conditions of Muslim households are comparatively better with more pucca
dwellings (25 percent as against 10 percent in general), separate kitchen (nearly 50 percent), drinking
water facility from tube-wells (nearly 93 percent as against 74 percent in general) and toilet facilities
(33 percent as against 10 percent in general). In urban areas, however, the municipal services like
drinking water, electricity and sewerage are comparatively poorer for Muslim households. However,
Muslim households continue to fare much better in terms of toilet facilities within households (82
percent as against 66 percent in general).
Muslims in India suffer from double disadvantage of low level of education and lower quality of
education. In Bihar poor economic conditions aggravate the situation by forcing children to enter the
work force early. With a literacy rate of only 42 percent, Muslims are below the general literacy levels
in Bihar (47 percent) and considerably so compared to the nation as a whole (nearly 65 percent).
The mean duration of schooling for Muslim children in Bihar aged 2-16 years is the second lowest
in India at 2.07 years. Nearly a third of Muslim children never go to school in Bihar and only two
out of five children in the State are able to complete primary education. Only 16 percent are able
to complete secondary (matriculation) education and, among these, only a little over 5 percent are
girls. Access to higher and good quality education, particularly for girls, is a major challenge. It is
estimated that there is a dearth of nearly 1100 schools in Muslim dominated villages in Bihar and
establishing these will involve an estimated investment of nearly Rs 700 crores.
Madrasas in Bihar cater to over 2.5 lakh students, including 1.1 lakh girls, which is the second
highest in India after UP. There are 1118 government Madrasas, including 32 which are exclusively
for girls. Contrary to popular perceptions, most Madrasas impart modern education and, due to
community ownership, are often better managed and more affordable than the local government
schools. However, modernisation of Madrasas will be important for enhancing the quality of education
imparted to Muslims students in Bihar.
Muslims in Bihar share the general problem of chronic poverty and absence of a health service
infrastructure. Yet, the medium and larger villages with over 40 percent Muslim population are seen
to be worse off in terms of access to health infrastructure. The total fertility rate among
Muslims in Bihar is 4.4, higher than the general population in Bihar (3.5) and much
higher than the national average (2.9). The child sex ratio is better than the general
population but an overwhelming majority (90 percent) of the births occur at home.
This is reflected in the birth rate and death rate among Muslims, which is higher than
other socio-religious groups.
Cast e d y n a m i c s i n B ihar
The social scenario in Bihar is complex, with a legacy of caste ridden social hierarchy,
coupled with the power struggles between the earlier dominant castes and the emerging ‘other
backward castes’ (OBCs), and lately the ‘extremely backward castes’ (EBCs) and dalits as
well. Bihar has traditionally had a feudal social structure, with caste as the basis for division of
o v e rv i e w
Schooling
for Muslim
children in
Bihar aged
2-16 years
is the
second
lowest in
India at
2.07 years.

work and status. While existing earlier, the system of zamindari became stronger during the British
rule, especially in the 18th and 19th centuries. Under this system, the upper castes (Brahmins,
Bhumihars, Rajputs and Kayasthas) continued as dominant groups and their monopoly over landed
property and economic power created a large gap between the upper and lower castes. This gap
continued even after independence, in spite of efforts at social reform.
The struggle between the upper castes and others initiated by Lohia in the sixties gained momentum
in the 1980s, with the emergence of OBCs as power centres, leading to violent conflicts between
the upper castes and others causing even more oppression of the EBCs and dalits. However, in the
recent past, the EBCs and dalits also have become involved in the struggle for power, as can be
seen from the recent clashes. According to reports by Government of Bihar, 30 out of 38 districts
of Bihar are under the grip of the violent Naxalite movement. The worst affected area is the region
known as Central Bihar.
This period of struggle also saw the law and order situation deteriorate, though not to the same
degree in all parts of the state. It is interesting to note that communal relations between Muslims and
Hindus remained largely unaffected by this polarisation and conflict, and has been characterised by
harmony more than conflict. However, Muslims themselves have not been a homogeneous group,
but are divided along caste lines, with sheikhs being generally more advanced and richer, and many
other groups – bakhos, rayins, nats etc. being backward termed the “Pasmanda” Muslims. The
Pasmanda Muslims generally have poorer access to Government services as compared to the more
advanced groups, have lower education levels and are economically more backward.
c a s t e a n d p o l i t i c s
No caste census has been done since 1931 and only estimates, based on statistical interpolation,
of the relative composition can be made. Muslims constitute 16.5 percent of the population
while Yadavs account for another 12 percent, a combination that was successfully exploited by
Lalu Prasad Yadav to remain in power for a decade and half. The “backward castes” make up 35
percent of the population but consist of two major groups – the backward and extremely backward.
The present Chief Minister is from the Kurmi caste that forms nearly 8 percent of the population
(along with Koeris). Brahmins constitute less than 5 percent of the population.
Analysts agree that Mr Yadav’s rise to power ended years of political dominance by upper-caste
leaders and parties. But this has happened at the expense of development - Bihar is backward
in roads, schools and hospitals and there has been a breakdown in law and order. Voting along
caste lines has given rise to a violent political culture where most political parties field candidates
with criminal records, and mercenary private caste gangs intimidate and kill rivals. More
than 1,000 political workers and leaders have been killed in the state since 1990, according to
police records.
“Caste plays a central role in Bihar elections,” says social scientist Shaibal Gupta of the Patna-based
Asian Development Research Institute. “People might talk about crime, corruption, development or
other local issues but ultimately they vote on caste lines.”4
Nitish Kumar is the current Chief Minister of Bihar after his alliance of Janata Dal (United) and the
Bharatiya Janata Party was elected in November 2005. He is aware that his predecessor’s focus
on political empowerment of the backward communities was not sufficiently backed with good
governance and development. His first attention is on law and order while his second priority is to
4
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4276379.stm
30 out of
38 districts
of Bihar
are under
the grip of
the violent
Naxalite
movement.
Caste plays
a central
role in Bihar
elections.

replace social confrontation with social harmony. The third priority of his government is development,
both of basic infrastructure as well as implementation of existing schemes.5
G o v e r n a n c e a n d c i v i l so c i e t y
Among all institutions operating in the lives of the people of Bihar, the government assumes the most
pervasive and critical role, particularly for the socially and economically disadvantaged sections. It
occupies a substantial space in the sphere of service-delivery and remains the principal guarantor
of social justice, affirmative action and fundamental rights. As of today, the government has its
presence across a large number of sectors and interventions, and has the deepest penetration
amongst all institutions in the lives of the marginalized communities in particular.
Administratively, the state is divided in 9 divisions, 38 districts, 534 blocks, 8,471 Panchayats, 45,103
revenue villages, and 130 towns6
. The number of towns actually decreased from the 1991 census – 8
towns of 1991 census were declassified in 2001 as they did not fulfil the criteria any longer.
l o c a l g o v e r n a n c e i n b i h a r
In Bihar, the degree of decentralization in the sphere of governance is relatively limited. Bihar is
one of the very few states in the country where no recommendations of successive State Finance
Commissions have come into effect (contrary to the provision of Article 243-i of the constitution)
relating to devolution of finances to Panchayati Raj institutions. The administrative bureaucracy
has acquired a dominant influence over development processes and the role of Panchayati Raj
institutions is grossly marginalized. There are also examples of co-option of Panchayats by the
dominant communities.
Bihar has witnessed two terms of Panchayati Raj since promulgation of the 73rd and 74th
amendments to the constitution of India, and a substantial number of women representatives
(backed by reservations to the tune of 50 percent) were elected to PRIs in 2006. Panchayati Raj
institutions have been a significant axle of social mobilization, and the most prominent expressions
of dissent and social activism in the recent past revolved exclusively around issues of governance.
After the panchayat elections last year, some effort is being made to delegate responsibilities to the
panchayat, but in the absence of adequate financial power and flexibility, the effectiveness of the
panchayat functioning is still unclear. While there is role overload among the panchayat functionaries,
there is little effort to build their capacities to handle various subjects devolved on them for their
implementation. Bihar has devolved 25 functions to the panchayats whereas functionaries have
been provided only for 8. Interestingly, there is no financial devolution for any of the functions.
Encouragingly, the state has constituted District Plan Committees. This offers an interesting
opportunity to make the panchayats more functional with adequate capacity and financial powers.
The potential for involvement of civil society organizations in improving the access and
governance of vital development needs of marginalized communities stems mainly from
deficiencies in the reach, quality and sustainability of government-provided entitlements,
services and opportunities. While CSOs cannot replace the state, they have a role in
holding the state accountable for lapses in performance of vital roles, and in plugging
gaps in service-delivery in effective and sustainable ways.
5
http://in.rediff.com/news/2005/nov/23bpoll1.htm
6
Bihar Government website, http://gov.bih.nic.in
o v e rv i e w
The
government
assumes
the most
pervasive
and critical
role.
The
panchayat
functioning is
still unclear.

Ci v i l S o c i e t y O rga n i z atio n s i n B ihar
The universe of civil society organizations in Bihar includes a wide variety of organizations, ranging
from service-delivering NGOs and community based organizations to networks and alliances of
organizations.
n o n - g o v e r n m e n t a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s
The genesis of NGOs in Bihar can be traced to three distinct phases: the earliest dates back to
the neo-democratic phase of the 1950s and 1960s, when several organizations and movements
came into being with the intent of contributing to nation-building and in revival of rural economies.
One of the earliest organizations – ‘Shramabharati’ (founded in Jamui district in 1952 by Dhirendra
Mazumdar) came into being with the objective of building a self-reliant violence-free social order
in India, by facilitating local action towards enhancement of agricultural productivity, health care
and rural development. This formative phase of genesis of NGOs in Bihar also coincided with the
Sarvodaya and Bhoodan movements of Acharya Vinoba Bhave, and large-scale emergence of Khadi
Gramodyog Kendras. Leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), who were greatly inspired by the
concept of Sarvodaya gave leadership to many local initiatives for change. JP himself set up an
Ashram in 1954 in Bihar, and dedicated himself to upliftment of rural societies.
The second distinct phase of emergence of NGOs in Bihar dates back to the late seventies and
early eighties, when many protagonists of the JP-led ‘Sampoorna Kranti (total revolution)’ and
Sangharsh Vahinis in Bihar initiated their own platforms for responding to developmental issues.
However, the growth of NGOs in the state reached a peak in the late nineties and the new millennium
(phase 3), when the emergence of several donor organizations and integrated development
programmes brought about the genesis of a new crop of NGOs delivering a range of sectoral
services.
a c t i v i s t g r o u p s
The genesis of activist organizations in Bihar, bearing an influence of the leftist upheavals in
neighbouring West Bengal in the late sixties and early seventies, dates back to the early seventies
when leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan were at the pivot of several social movements envisioning to
bring about a ‘Samatamoolak Samaj (an equitable
society). A large number of activist groups came
into being around that time, and have been active
in Bihar in protest against acute disparities in
distribution of critical resources and instances of
injustice and exploitation. Activist organizations
believing in non-violent mode of assertion and
include agencies like Ekta Parishad, Lok Samiti,
Sangharsh Vahini and Deshkaal Society; many of
which, like Ekta Parishad, have district-specific units
operating across chosen clusters of panchayats.
The relative level of the inclusion of the socially
disadvantaged sections is relatively higher in
such groups, and the choice of interventions
revolve around issues relating to denial of critical
entitlements like land, employment and basic
non - violent activist groups fight for basic rights and
e n t i t l e m e n t s o f t h e p o o r .

services. Led and managed mostly by people having a history of struggles and mass-movements,
such groups have actively endeavoured to take up issues of the poor, have staged demonstrations
and have achieved occasional successes in their pursuits. However, the initiatives of such groups
have been sporadic in nature and the inability of form synergistic associations with other agencies
sharing similar interests have in many cases undermined the potential of success. Some of the
groups have also endeavoured to address issues relating to the relative status of women, through
campaigns to highlight the productive role of women. Many activist groups have confronted the
state through overt, community-led processes, and have included socially disadvantaged sections
at the forefront.
v o l u n t a r y b o d i e s
Several organizations operate in Bihar with the charitable orientation of helping the needy in times of
distress. Prominent organizations in this category include the Rotary Club, the Marwari Yuva Manch
and the Lion’s Club.
Such organizations typically look at the destitute communities as ‘beneficiaries of relief or assistance’,
often from a caste-neutral perspective. With negligible inclusion of socially disadvantaged
communities within their organizational structures, such bodies do reach out to a wide variety of
disadvantaged communities in times of crises, with the aid of interventions that are mostly ‘safe’,
‘non-confrontationist’ and contributing to enhancement of their identity.
Key strengths of such organizations include their promptness in responding to crises and strong-
networks. While they dexterously respond to crises stemming from disasters, they do not have
continuing interventions amongst poor rural communities of Bihar. During the floods of 2004, a large
number of such organizations were involved in distributing relief supplies, independently as well as
in collaboration with government agencies.
c o m m u n i t y / c a s t e - s p e c i f i c g r o u p s
Musahars, one of the most disadvantaged social groups amongst Scheduled Castes, have an
exclusive, community-led forum called ‘Musahar Vikas Manch’ working for securing critical
entitlements like land and employment. The Manch, coordinated at the district level by Shri Basudev
Das, has a strong presence in select villages (e.g. Teetra, Bakhri, Dholi, Nenapur and Kumhra in
Muraul block) of Muzaffarpur district and operates through point persons identified in each Musahar
habitation. The Forum is networked well with several cadre-based organizations (e.g. Ekta Parishad)
and bodies like Akhil Bharatiya Bhuiyan Musahar Seva Sangh. Originally part of a state level
forum of Musahar (Musahar Vikas Mandal) headed by Shri Jeetan Ram Manjhi (Minister in Govt. of
Bihar), the Musahar Vikas Manch came into being about a year back after an internal conflict within
the Mandal.
In addition, several active caste-alliances exist in Bihar, including a good number of them belonging
to other backward castes, e.g. Koeris, Kurmis, Nais and Telis. However, the raison d’être of most of
such alliances is vote-bank consolidation and rarely have they addressed the pressing development
needs of respective communities. Amongst the Muslims, the Pasmandas form a disadvantaged
community, which is organized in the form of a mahaj headed by Shri Ali Anwar, a Rajya Sabha MP.
The mahaj has been spearheading active advocacy work to press for inclusion of the Pasmandas as
beneficiaries of affirmative action policies of the government.
o v e rv i e w
They do
not have
continuing
interventions
amongst
poor rural
communities.
The raison
d’être of
most of such
alliances is
vote-bank
consolidation.

c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d o r g a n i z a t i o n s
Self-help groups have emerged on a substantial scale in most areas of Bihar, thanks to the provision
of subsidies and the availability of grant assistance from agencies like NABARD to promoting
NGOs for each group formed and linked with banks. SHGs promoted to get the benefits of SGSY
(Swarnajayanthi Gramin Swarojgar Yojana) have generally tended to be focused only on getting
the subsidy, and not on empowerment of people. As such, most of these have either disbanded
or remain dormant once the subsidy has been received and distributed. On the other hand, SHGs
promoted by many NGOs have been focusing on empowerment as a whole, including links to
financial institutions, but not limited to them alone. These SHGs have been more dynamic and have
shown signs of progress.
The existence of community-based organizations in rural Bihar, other than self-help groups formed
by various NGOs, is limited mostly to community institutions promoted under various government
programmes. These include forums like Vidyalaya Shiksha Samitis, Mata Samitis and Prabandh
Samitis formed under the provision of education services, or Rogi Kalyan Samitis formed under the
provision of National Rural Health Mission.
While cooperative societies have a long history in Bihar, a large number of societies have become
defunct during the last decade due to non-availability of continuous support in the form of agricultural
support services. Most of the cooperative have been co-opted by dominant groups, and have been
used mainly as a medium to retain political influence.
g r a m s a b h a s / n i g r a n i s a m i t i s
While Panchayati Raj Institutions are substantially inclusive of socially disadvantaged sections in
terms of numerical representation (due to reservations in particular), Gram Sabhas haven’t been
allowed to emerge as effective forums of accountability and governance in line with the mandate
provided for in the constitution. Meetings are convened on a minimal basis, only on the statutorily
required dates, and are mostly manipulated by the dominant sections of a village with limited
participation of the disadvantaged groups. Gram Sabhas in Bihar are rarely consulted in critical
decisions like selection of the beneficiaries of government schemes or formulation of Below Poverty
Line list. In the current state, Gram Sabhas have been reduced merely to compliance-oriented
forums, and similar is the state of Nigrani Samitis (citizen’s vigilance committee) provided for in the
Bihar Panchayati Raj Act; which in most cases hasn’t been formed.
n e t w o r k s a n d a l l i a n c e s
Several networks and alliances of civil society organizations have active presence in the state,
including confederations like NACDOR (National Confederation of Dalit Organizations), NCDHR
(National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights), Jal Biradari, People’s Union for Civil Liberties, and
Wada na Todo Abhiyan. Most of these formulations work primarily on advocacy of key issues of
specific themes/ constituencies (e.g. NACDOR and NCDHR on issues of dalit communities, WNTA
on holding the state accountable to deliver vis-à-vis its promises, Jal Biradari on issues relating to
water management, PUCL on issues relating to denial of rights of the marginalized communities etc.
and have a strong base of constituent organizations in the state.
SHGs have
generally
tended to be
focused only
on getting
the subsidy,
and not on
empowerment
of people.
Most of the
cooperative
have been
co-opted by
dominant
groups, and
have been
used mainly
as a medium
to retain
political
influence.

Area selection
Where should one initiate a development programme in Bihar? It is indeed challenging to select
an area where a programme could initially be implemented with reasonable chances of creating a
successful model.
In order to address this issue, we needed to understand the overall objectives, view it through the
prism of our institutional mandate and filter it through the core competencies available and then scan
the area to find the best fit. The exercise helped us to (i) lay down a set of criteria for selection of area,
and (ii) apply this to the information already available to us about the state in general.
The criteria were discussed intensively with senior staff in the organisation and then commented
upon by members in the governing system. Each and every criterion was discussed in terms of its
rationale, relative weight and assessment method.
The outcome of a desk research on Bihar was already compiled as a report – ‘Development Status
in Bihar with special reference to Muslim minorities’. This report, along with some primary data, was
used to map out the state on the basis of the criteria laid down. The result was an amazing mosaic, the
patterns of which shifted somewhat with the level of administrative unit we chose to work with – the
districts, blocks or even cluster of villages. Nevertheless, some broad conclusions could be drawn.
The broad criteria for area selection can be summarized as follows:
1. Areas with substantial population of Muslim minorities, preferably living with people from other
communities;
2. Regions with high incidence of poverty and general economic backwardness;
3. Regions with poor social outcome indicators;
4. Accessibility from the state capital (Patna);
5. Areas with relatively stable socio-political environment;
6. Potential for success.
It is important to mention that while the first three criteria form the basis of our long-term interventions,
the rest of the criteria is set to explicitly ensure success at the initial stages.
Criteria 1: Areas with substantial Muslim population
Since the focus of programme is primarily on Muslim minorities, the first level of elimination was
on the basis of the population data available for the different districts. Districts were ranked on the

basis of the absolute population of Muslims and considered along with the data on Muslims as a
proportion of the total population (Table 10).
The district of Katihar has the highest number of Muslims (over 1 million), followed by Purnia, Araria
and Kishanganj (all over 850,000). Even in terms of the proportion of the total population, these
districts are distinctly way above the rest with over double the state average for Muslim population.
In fact, nearly 70 percent of the total population in the district Kishanganj happen to be Muslims.
There are six other districts with a Muslim population of over 500,000 and eleven districts where
the proportion of Muslims to the total population is over 15 percent. An attempt has been made to
cluster these districts on the basis of prevalence of Muslim population (Table 10).
Table 1 0 : D istricts in B ihar with over 1 0 percent M uslim population
Stat e / D i s t r i c t T o ta l P o p u l at i o n M u s l i m P o p u l at i o n P e r c e n ta g e D i s t r i c t r a n k
Bihar 82998509 13722048 16.5
Kishanganj 1296348 876105 67.6 4
Katihar 2392638 1017495 42.5 1
Araria 2158608 887972 41.1 3
Purnia 2543942 935239 36.8 2
Darbhanga 3295789 748971 22.7 6
Pashchim Champaran 3043466 646597 21.2 7
Sitamarhi 2682720 568992 21.2 10
Purba Champaran 3939773 755005 19.2 5
Siwan 2714349 494176 18.2 11
Madhubani 3575281 641579 17.9 8
Bhagalpur 2423172 423246 17.5 12
Supaul * 1732578 302120 17.4 19
Gopalganj 2152638 367219 17.1 14
Sheohar * 515961 80076 15.5 33
Muzaffarpur 3746714 573951 15.3 9
Saharsa 1508182 217922 14.4 22
Begusarai 2349366 313713 13.4 18
Jamui * 1398796 170334 12.2 27
Banka * 1608773 190051 11.8 25
Gaya 3473428 403439 11.6 13
Madhepura 1526646 173605 11.4 26
Nawada 1809696 204457 11.3 23
Samastipur 3394793 355897 10.5 16
Saran 3248701 337767 10.4 17
Khagaria 1280354 131441 10.3 30
Rohtas 2450748 246760 10.1 21
Source: Census 2001

Map : Popul ation (total Mus lims)
It is interesting to note that except for the district of
Bhagalpur, all the districts with appreciable concentration of
Muslims are on the northern side of the state (Map 1). If we
use this map, along with the data available in Table 8, it is
possible to delineate a cluster of districts and analyse these
accordingly (Map 2). The picture that emerges is as follows:
i) north-eastern region of Bihar bordering West Bengal and
comprising the districts of Kishanganj, Araria, Purnia
and Katihar has the highest concentration of Muslims
in the State. Together this region has over 27 percent
Muslim population of entire Bihar.
ii) northern region bordering Nepal and comprising of
districts of Paschim Champaran, Purba Champaran,
Sitamarhi and Madhubani has over 19 percent of the
total Muslim population.
(iii) north-central region comprising the districts of
Muzaffarpur, Samastipur and Darbhanga, along with
Patna, account for nearly 15 percent of Muslims in
Bihar. Although in terms of the proportion, Muslims in
Patna constitute less than 8 percent of the population,
in absolute numbers, the absolute numbers are over
350,000 and growing.
(iv) north-western region comprising the districts of Siwan,
Gopalganj and Saran account for nearly 9 percent of the
Muslim population of the state.
It is interesting to note that in terms of the urban concentration,
Muslims are more in the towns of south Bihar.
Criteria 2: Regions with high incidence of poverty
Poverty and economic backwardness in Bihar is more or less uniform. Within the state, the Muslims
in general suffer from extreme socio-economic backwardness and chronic poverty, lagging
behind other socio-religious groups (with the possible exception of SCs and STs) in terms of their
development status. However, it would be interesting to apply the different poverty estimates and
information on productive assets – particularly agricultural land – to the different regions delineated
above.
An estimated 59.6 percent of rural Muslim household in Bihar is below the poverty line and for urban
areas this figure is 54.8 percent. Of these, 19.2 percent of rural and 16.1 percent of urban Muslim
households are acutely poor. The average annual household income for rural and urban areas was
found to be Rs. 31.55 thousand (US $ 730) and 43.64 thousand (US$ 1,000 approx) respectively or
just a few cents per person per day!
The condition of Muslims in rural Bihar is relatively better in the north-western region (Siwan and
Gopalganj) due to remittances from migrant family members. The district of West Champaran in the
northern region is also relatively prosperous, thanks to its agriculture. The rest of the districts in the
northern region are very poor. However, the districts with severe rural poverty are Kishanganj and
Katihar in the north-eastern region.
Map : Region al concentration of Mu slims
A r e a s e l e c t i o n
Map : Popul ation (total Mus lims)

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