Do not watch: hazard for your identity

Ne g ri & Har dt,
Commonwealth

A summary of the book
Alberto J. Revolware

PREFACE: THE BECOMING-
PRINCE
OF THE MULTITUDE
 Our ethical and political project: how can an
ethical production be established on the
shifting ground of the production of
subjectivity, which constantly transforms
fixed values and subjects?
 Our challenge will be to find ways to translate
the productivity and possibility of the poor into
power.
 Negri&Hardt, wonders if "one can suggest a
'Spinozian' reading, or rewriting, of Heidegger's
Being and Time.

PART1
REPUBLIC
(AND THE MULTITUDE OF THE
POOR)

1.1. REPUBLIC OF
PROPERTY
 Nowadays, the concept of the individual
is defined by not being but having, by
property.
 Property and the defense of property
remain the foundation of every modern
political constitution: american (9), french (11),
Haitian
 Social democrats thus never radically
question the republic of property:
Habermas, Rawls; Giddens, Beck; Stiglitz, Friedman
(18-19)

1.2. PRODUCTIVE BODIES

 Private property in its capitalist form thus
produces a relation of exploitation in its
fullest sense—the production of the
human as commodity—
 Negri&Hardt, try to summarize the entry
of the phenomenology of bodies into
Marxist theory: Frankfurt School, Socialisme ou
Barbarie, situationist, events of 1968 (23ss).


 How phenomenology of body arises:
 voluntarism & vitalism, Bergson, Gentile as a dialectic
without negativity
 Dilthey & von Wartenburg, event, transcendence and
historicism (28).
 Martin Heidegger, an apology for fascism (29)


The phenomenology of bodies in Foucault reaches its
highest point in his analysis of biopolitics, his
research agenda:
1.bodies are the constitutive components of the
biopolitical fabric of being.
2.On the biopolitical terrain where powers are continually
made and unmade, bodies resist. History is determined
by the biopolitical antagonisms and resistances to
biopower.
3.corporeal resistance produces subjectivity, not in
an isolated or independent way but in the complex
dynamic with the resistances of other bodies.


Labor, freed from private property,
simultaneously engages all our senses and
capacities, in short, all our "human relations to
the world—seeing hearing, smelling, tasting,
feeling, thinking, contemplating, sensing,
wanting, acting, loving." (Marx) When labor and
production are conceived in this expanded form,
crossing all the domains of life, bodies can never
be eclipsed and subordinated to any
transcendent measure or power.

1.3. THE MULTITUDE
OF THE POOR
During the whole history, the specter of a
multitude of the poor circulates around the
globe and threatens the rule of property
everywhere it takes root:
 Francis of Assisi.“Iure naturali sunt omnia omnibus" (by natural law
all belongs to everyone).
 Pamphlets of political struggles in seventeenth-century England
 Thomas Münzer and the Anabaptists against the German princes
 1647 Putney Debates between the Levellers and factions of the
New Model Army,
 the 1781 Tupac Katari attack on Spanish rule in La Paz to the
1857
 Indian rebellion against the rule of the British East India Company.
 Robert Boyle, multiplicity and mixture as primary in nature.

DE CORPORE 1:
BIOPOLITICS AS
EVENT
Being is made in
the event, the
biopolitical event
thus breaks with all
forms of
metaphysical
substantialism or
conceptualism.

DE CORPORE 1:
BIOPOLITICS AS
EVENTthe biopolitical event is:
 The rute to
 Francois Ewald and Roberto Esposito, an actuarial
administration of life.
 Giorgio Agamben, negates any constructive capacity of
biopolitical resistance.
 Chomsky, Simondon, Bernard Stiegler, and Peter Sloterdijk;
certain autonomy in the invariable logical-linguistic structures
but that lacks a dynamic creative character.
 None of these interpretations captures what is most important
in Foucault's notion of biopolitics: Biopolitics as an event
or, really, as a tightly woven fabric of events of freedom.
 Alain Badiou, event as the central question.
 Gilles Deleuze, precipitating events of resistance that have
the power not only to escape control but also to create a new
world.

PART2
MODERNITY
(AND THE LANDSCAPES OF
ALTERMODERNITY)

2.1 ANTIMODERNITY
AS RESISTANCE
 More modernity or a more complete
modernity is not an answer to our
problems.
 Modernity, coloniality, racism, the three
together, function as a complex, with
each serving as a necessary support for
the other.

2.1 ANTIMODERNITY
AS RESISTANCE
Classic analisis Negri & Hardt

Ideology Biopower
(External) (Internal)
X
Antimodern Biopolitical
resistance Struggle
(Internal) (External)

2.2 AMBIVALENCES OF
MODERNITY
 Marxism was
simplified into an
evolutionary theory
of progress from
which all elements
of antimodernity
are excluded as
backward,
underdeveloped.

2.2 AMBIVALENCES OF
MODERNITY
Two positive tasks for an analysis of the forces
of antimodernity.
1.To pose a clear distinction between
• reactionary antimodern notions of power that seek
to break the relationship by freeing the sovereign
and
• liberatory antimodernities that challenge and
subvert hierarchies by affirming the resistance and
expanding the freedom of the subordinated.
1.To recognize how this resistance and freedom
always exceed the relationship of domination
and thus cannot be recuperated in any dialectic
with modern power.

2.3 ALTERMODERNITY

Three senses to see antimodernity as a form of
resistance
1.As a struggle for freedom within the power relation
of modernity
2.As not geographically external to but rather
coextensive with modernity
3.As not temporally external to modernity in the sense
that it does not simply come after the exertion of
modern power, as a reaction. In fact antimodernity is
prior in the sense that the power relation of modernity
can be exercised only over free subjects who express
that freedom through resistance to hierarchy and
domination.

2.3 ALTERMODERNITY
To construct a definition of altermodernity we propose three
general lines of investigation
1.An alternative line within European Enlightenment:
 Machiavelli, Spinoza, and Marx.
 Kant and Friedrich Nietzsche, occupy ambiguous
positions with respect to this line.
 search for absolute democracy against sovereign
absolutism.
1.Workers' movements throughout the world
2.the forces of antimodernity that resist coloniality, imperialism,
and the innumerable permutations of racialized rule.
Our hypothesis is that the forces of antimodernity in each of
these three domains, continually defeated and contained i n the
past, can be reproposed today as altermodernity when they link
with the lines of resistance in the other domains.

DE HOMINE 1:
BIOPOLITICAL REASON
Three characteristics that a biopolitical reason
would have to fulfill: it would have to
1.put rationality at the service of life;
2.technique at the service of ecological needs,
where by ecological we mean not simply the
preservation of nature but the development and
reproduction of "social" relations, as Viveiros de
Castro says, between humans and nonhumans;
3.and the accumulation of wealth at the service
of the common.

DE HOMINE 1:
BIOPOLITICAL REASON
The collective practice of biopolitical reason has to take
the form of strategic investigation. The truth is produced
in action made in common, without intermediaries.
Practical cases:
1.industrial workers‘ movements and their scientific knowledges in
the 1960s
2.professors and students who take their work outside the
universities
3."coresearch“ developed experimentally in social centers and
nomad universities, on Web sites and in movement journals…
Biopolitical reason is thus defined by a kind of
ontological resonance between the dispositifs and the
common.

PART 3
CAPITAL
(AND THE STRUGGLES
OVER COMMON WEALTH)

3.1 METAMORPHOSES OF
THE COMPOSITION OF
CAPITAL
The rupture of the organic relationship and the growing autonomy
of labor are at the heart of the new forms of crisis of capitalist
production and control.

Author Concept Capital subsumes…
Marx Formal Preexisting labor activities
Subsumption
Marx Real Ad-hoc labor activities
Subsumption
Negri&Hardt Society as a whole

Negri&Hardt No more: labor power is
becoming more and more
autonomous

3.1 METAMORPHOSES OF
THE COMPOSITION OF
CAPITAL
Trends in actual biopolitical
production
Contradictions in the productivity of
biopolitical labor due to mechanisms
of control imposed by the capitalist

1 The inmaterial dimension of the strategies of control destroy the common
product and the productivity of biopolitical labor is
reduced every time the common is
destroyed

2 The feminization of work in the the creativity involved in biopolitical
terms of: production, requires the freedom of the
2.1- The proportion of woman in the labor producers to organize their own time
market
2.2- Temporal flexibility
2.3- Increasing importance in production
of qualities traditionally associated wtih
"woman´s work" affective, emotional,
relationship

3 New patterns of migration the creativity of biopolitical labor requires
an open and dynamic egalitarian culture
with constant cultural flows and mixtures.

3.2 CLASS STRUGGLE
FROM CRISIS TO
EXODUS still, of course, involve
Class struggle does
resisting and attacking the bases of capitalist
power,but it also requires an exodus from the
relationship with capital.
a process of subtraction from capital and the
construction of autonomy o f the multitude; and
that this project of exodus is the primary form
class struggle takes today.
Exodus is possible only on the basis of the
common—both access to the common and the
ability to make use of it.

3.2 CLASS STRUGGLE
FROM CRISIS TO
EXODUSof these really existing forms of
Revealing some
the common is a first step toward establishing the
bases for an exodus of the multitude from its
relation with capital.
1.In its beneficial form as motor of generation.
Metropolis. Real estate agents, do not need any
complicated theories to understand the dominant role of
the common.
Finance capital is in essence an elaborate machine for
representing the common.

3.2 CLASS STRUGGLE
FROM CRISIS TO
EXODUS that decrease our powers..
2.In its corrupt form,
Family
 Imposing gender hierarchies and enforcing gender
norms,
 as the sole paradigm for relationships of intimacy
and solidarity,
 extreme forms of narcissism and individualism
 institution for the accumulation and transfer of
private property
Corporation
Nation

3.3 KAIROS OF THE
MULTITUDE
We propose the multitude as an adequate concept for
organizing politically the project of exodus and liberation,
but it have critics:
1.The question is whether and
how these singularities can act
together politically: Machery,
Laclau,
2.see no reason to assume that
the political decisions and action
of the multitude will be oriented
toward liberation: Paolo Virno,
Balibar, Zizek, Badiou

3.3 KAIROS OF THE
MULTITUDE
We have to shift our perspective from being the
multitude to making the multitude, and to recognize
the multitude as a constant process of
metamorphosis grounded in the common:
1.just as a wide social multiplicity produces
immaterial products and economic value, so too is
such a multitude able to produce political decisions.
2.There is indeed something mysterious about the
act of creation, but it is a miracle that wells up from
within the multitude every day. The multitude must
select the beneficial and flee the detrimental forms of
the common.

DE SINGULARITATE 1:
OF LOVE POSSESSED
Love is a process of the production of the
common and the production of subjectivity.
Being, is not some immutable background
against which life takes place but is rather a living
relation in which we constantly have the power to
intervene. Love is an ontological event in that it
marks a rupture with what exists and the creation
of the new.

DE SINGULARITATE 1:
OF LOVE POSSESSED
Mandeville's free agents capitalist
bees trading labor dream
and goods
Dutiful worker joined with their socialist
bees flowers in Utopia
mutual aid

Guattari´s wasp That has sex biopolitical
with orchids economy

A FORCE TO
INTERMEZZO:
COMBAT EVIL
Our proposition for political anthropology is to
conceive of evil as a derivative and distortion of
love and the common. Evil is the corruption of
love that creates an obstacle to love, or to say the
same thing with a different focus, evil is the
corruption of the common that blocks its
production and productivity.

A FORCE TO
INTERMEZZO:
COMBAT EVIL
Desire sets in motion
the construction of the
common; and finally
love consolidates the
common institutions
that form society.
Human nature is not
negated but
transformed in this
sequence.

A FORCE TO
INTERMEZZO:
COMBAT EVIL
Criteria for distinguishing love's force.
1.Interaction of singularities in processes of
social solidarity and political equality.
2.Oriented toward the freedom of those
singularities.
3.Organizational forms: always open, constitutive,
and horizontal,
4.Fourth, the relation between love and force is
legitimated in the consensus

4.1 BRIEF HISTORY OF
A FAILED COUP D'ETAT
Every coup
needs a trigger, a
catastrophic event
that legitimates
taking the reins of
power. September
11, 2001, the
rhetoric of a "war
on terror" justified
a state of
emergency.

4.1 BRIEF HISTORY OF
A FAILED COUP D'ETAT
A primary element of the unilateral project in Iraq
was the military strategy often referred to as the
"revolutionary in military affairs" ( RMA ) or
"defense transformation.“based on two primary
strategic innovations:
1.reducing troop levels through the coordinated use of
information and weapons technologies in combat;
2.and reorganizing military formations to make them
lighter, more mobile, and more flexible.

4.2 AFTER U.S.
HEGEMONY
the Vietnam War, marked the signal crisis of the
imperialist era; while War of Iraq marked its terminal
crisis and the passage to Empire
A wide variety of authors employ "governance," in
contrast to "government," to explore the novelty of the
new authorities and assemblages forming within and
outside the nation-state.
A new imperial formation is emerging that can function
only through the collaboration of a variety of national,
supranational, and non national powers. Our future
politics will have to be cast in relation to this Empire.

4.3 GENEALOGY OF
REBELLION
The axiom of freedom: Power can be exercised
only over free subjects, and thus the resistance of
those subjects is not really posterior to power but
an expression of their freedom, which is prior.
Revolt as an exercise of freedom not only
precedes but also prefigures the forms that power
will take in reaction.

4.3 GENEALOGY OF
REBELLION
Today, in the context of biopolitical production,
when the factory is no longer the primary site of
the production of capital, this imaginary
continues, but transformed: the proletariat is
within society as a whole and produces there;
and it is against this same social totality.
So exodus means a kind of anthropological (and
ontological) separation from the domination of
capital.

4.3 GENEALOGY OF
REBELLION
Also is no longer posible the division between
work time and life time.
So revolution is no longer imaginable as an
event separated from us in the future but has to
live in the present.
Temporality of “exception” should become an
"exceeding" present that in some sense already
contains the future within it through a movement
of exodus.

4.3 GENEALOGY OF
REBELLION
Production of capital is no longer limited to the
factory or any other separated site but rather
spreads throughout the entire social territory. The
task facing capital is thus constantly to rebuild
borders, reterritorialize the laboring populations,
and reconstruct the fixed dimensions of social
space. Capital must pursue, in other words, ever
new definitions of localized social hierarchies to
rebuild the borders necessary for its order and
command.

4.3 GENEALOGY OF
REBELLION
Constructing global
public space requires
that the multitude, in its
exodus, create the
institutions that can
consolidate and fortify
the anthropological
conditions of the
resistance of the poor.

DE CORPORE 2:
METROPOLIS
the metropolis is to the multitude what
the factory was to the industrial working class

1.There is no longer a factory wall that divides living from
working places, and "externalities" are no longer external.
2.The organization of the joyful encounters of the
multitude corresponds to the productive deployment of
workers on the factory floor, in cooperative teams,
3.the metropolis, like the factory, is the site of hierarchy
and exploitation, violence and suffering, fear and pain.

DE CORPORE 2:
METROPOLIS
The metropolitanization of the world does not
necessarily just mean a generalization of
structures of hierarchy and exploitation. It can
also mean a generalization of rebellion and then,
possibly, the growth of networks of cooperation
and communication, the increased intensity of the
common and encounters among
singularities.This is where the multitude is finding
its home.

5.1 TERMS OF THE
ECONOMIC
TRANSITION
The crisis is caused,by the new
ontology of biopolitical labor. The forms
of intellectual, affective, and cognitive labor
that are emerging in the central role in the
contemporary economy cannot be
controlled by the forms of discipline and
command developed in the era of the
factory society.

5.1 TERMS OF THE
ECONOMIC
TRANSITION a paradoxical
Capital is confronted with
situation: the more it is forced to pursue
valorization through knowledge production, the
more that knowledge escapes its control.
Also there is a incompatibility of biopolitical
production and socialism in all its forms:
bureaucratic planning, state regulation, and so
forth… as autonomy is equally required from
state control and government forms of discipline.
Also in social democracy as it is seen solely as
a mechanism for the distribution of wealth, not its
generation.

5.1 TERMS OF THE
ECONOMIC
TRANSITION

what the private is to capitalism and
what the public is to socialism,
the common is to communism.

5.1 TERMS OF THE
ECONOMIC
TRANSITION is based on Polybius'
Negri & Hardt idea of Imperial Governance
eulogy to ancient Rome, as having a mixed constitution defined by a
pyramidal structure, combining:
1. A single monarch:
a central military power in Washington (or Beijing); a central cultural power in
Los Angeles (or Mumbai); a central financial power in New York (or
Frankfurt); and so forth.
2. A limited aristocracy:
In Russia industrial and financial oligarchs together with mafia thugs and an
array of government officials. In China instead anchored more closely to the
state and party with tightly controlled participation of entrepreneurs and
business elites…
3. A broader (pseudo-)democratic base.
various humanitarian NGOs and aid organizations are cast as representing
the people (or at least their interests); and the dominant media.

5.2 WHAT REMAINS OF
CAPITALISM economic science of biopolitical
An adequate
production has yet to be invented. Following
physocratic Quesnay´s Tableau Economique
(1758), Negri & Hardt propose to draw an
analogous table for biopolitical production with
at least three columns of struggles of the
common :

against work in defence of freedom
against wage in defence of social life
against capital in defence of democracy

5.2 WHAT REMAINS OF
CAPITALISM
Is it possible at this point to reintegrate the working class
within capital? This is the illusion promoted by social
democracy,
The primary capitalist strategy for maintaining power in
this divided situation,is financial control. Using the dual
nature of money.
 On its politically neutral face as abstraction of the value of
commodities based on the quantity of labor.
 As a representation of the wealth of social production.
Is possible a strategy that would conserve both
representational functions of money but wrest control of
them away from capital?

5.3 PRE-SHOCKS
ALONG THE FAULT
LINESof capital's illness:
Symptoms
1.the decline of capital's entrepreneurial
capacities.
2.its failure to engage and develop productive
forces, in subjective terms. Biopolitical goods—
such as ideas, affects, codes, knowledges,
information, and images—still have to circulate to
realize their value, but that circulation is now
internal to the production process.

5.3 PRE-SHOCKS
ALONG THE FAULT
LINES
Possible reforms that could constitute a program
for capital.
1.providing the infrastructure necessary for biopolitical
production
 Basic: clean drinking water, sanitary conditions, electricity, access to
affordable food
 social and intellectual infrastructure, linguistic tools, affective tools; open
infrastructure of information and culture (physical, logical & content layer)
1.freedom of movement, establishing some form of open
citizenship.
2.freedom of time, establishing a minimum guaranteed income
3.The freedom to construct social relationships and create
autonomous social institutions. This means participatory
democracy.

DE HOMINE 2: CROSS
THE THRESHOLD!
In the sequence of discussions at the end of
each part of this book, we have tracked figures
in which labour value exceeds the flows of the
economy and power.
the biopolitical event (part 1)
biopolitical reason (part 2)
love as a constituent social drive
exceeds all constituted powers (part 3)
the metropolis (part 4)

DE HOMINE 2: CROSS
THE THRESHOLD!
what it means for biopolitics to exceed?
In epistemological terms, exceeding is a
linguistic act of rupture and innovation
In physical terms, accelerated invention of new
forms of social life in common.
In ethics, an experience of training in love

DE HOMINE 2: CROSS
THE THRESHOLD!
The principle of an exceeding of will over
instrumental knowledge through history:
ancient Greece
Augustine's affirmation of a free will
What Ernst Bloch call the "Aristotelian Left“:
Avicenna, Averroes…
Duns Scotus, Nicholas of Cusa, Spinoza,
Nietzsche and Deleuze

DE HOMINE 2: CROSS
THE THRESHOLD!
To exceed is a creative activity. A new theory of
value has to be based on the powers of
economic, political, and social innovation that
today are expressions of the multitude's desire.
This leads to a series of political positions:
labor-power against exploitation
singularity against identity
the common against the republic of property
measure of value must be determined through
the democratic exercise of the production of the
common

6.1 REVOLUTIONARY
PARALLELISM
Revolutionary politics has to start from identity but
cannot end there.
1. Make visible the brutally real but too often hidden mechanisms and
regimes of social subordination, segmentation, and exclusion that operate
along identity lines.

2. Struggle for freedom, first as emancipation, after as liberation.

emancipation freedom to be who you really are
liberation Freedom to determine what you can become

3. The self-abolition of identity. The project for the abolition o f identity
thus fills the traditional role o f the abolition of property and the abolition
of the state. Queer, as critique of identity.

6.1 REVOLUTIONARY
PARALLELISM
 Identity politics, by its very concept, assumes a
certain parallelism: so structures of
subordination (gender, racial, class…) share some common
elements this makes possible processes of
translation among the analytical and political
traditions.
Only on the field of biopolitical struggles,
composed by parallelism and multiplicity, can
a revolutionary struggle for the common be
successfully pursued.

6.1 REVOLUTIONARY
PARALLELISM
modernity identity-property-sovereignty
is been replaced in by

altermodernity singularity-the common-revolution

Revolution is now,
finally, becoming
the order of the
day.

6.2 INSURRECTIONAL
INTERSECTIONS
 ¿Crisis of representation, "democratic deficit"—
in the global context?
 What is lacking, are the mechanisms of measure
that identity and representation require.
 The process of articulation of insurrectional
intersections is an ontological process. That
also drive us to an ontological transformation of
the conditions of decision making itself.

6.2 INSURRECTIONAL
INTERSECTIONS
 Revolutionary struggle must be consolitaded
and reinforce in a new form of institution:
1. based on conflict
2. consolidate collective habits, practices, and
capacities that designate a form of life
3. are open-ended in that they are continually
transformed by the singularities that compose them.

This notion of institution corresponds closely to what we
called earlier "training in love" in that it does not reduce
the multiplicity of singularities but creates a context for
them to manage their encounters promoting de joyful ones

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
 The process of transition rather than dialectical,
is asymptotic, and is not spontaneous.
 How can the transition be governed? What or
who draws the political diagonal that guides the
transition?
 The way out of the impasse is to bring the
political diagonal back to the biopolitical
diagram, that is, to ground it in an investigation o
f the capacities people already exercise in their
daily lives and, specifically, in the processes of
biopolitical production.

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
 Problems to overcome about these capacities
that people already exercise in their daily lives:

1. first, the autonomy of biopolitical production is only
partial, since it is still directed and constrained under
the command of capital;
2. and second, these economic capacities are not
immediately expressed as political capacities.

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
 Gramsci, with his notion of “pasive revolution”, is
in many ways a prophet of the biopolitical
diagram.
 He seems to intuit that the transformation of the
technical composition of the proletariat, will
break down the divisions between structure and
superstructure, bringing culture and social
relations directly into the realm of economic
value and production. He even grasps that the
new technical composition implies a new
production of subjectivity.

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
 Our inclination is to appropriate this concept of
governance, subvert its imperial vocation,
and reformulate it as a concept of democracy
and revolution.
 We find some potential in the notion of
federalism by which some theorists understand
functions of global governance.

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
 Connection with a group of German legal
theorists who build on Niklas Luhmann s
systems theories: GuntherTeubner and
Andreas Fischer-Lescano…
This group of German Negri & Hardt

fragmentation multiplicity of singularities
overflowing relation between labor and value
network logic in the governance of cooperation of biopolitical production
exceptional normative situations
social conflict as the basis for basis for the revolutionary
contingent legal frameworks notion of institution

6.3 GOVERNING THE
REVOLUTION
A revolutionary process today
will have to be governed by a
Rechtswollen, that is, an
institutional and constitutional
will , which, in a parallel way,
articulates the singularities of
the multitude, along with its
diverse instances of revolt
and rebellion, in a powerful
and lasting common process.

DE SINGULARITATE 2:
INSTITUTING
HAPPINESS
 Happiness should become once again today a
political concept. Happiness as a pleasure that lasts and
repeats, and of collective nature.
 Being is not fixed once and for all in some otherworldly
realm but constantly subject to a process of becoming.
Human nature similarly is not immutable but rather open
to a process of training and education.
 Change is possible at the most basic level of our world
and our selves and that we can intervene in this process
to orient it along the lines of our desires, toward
happiness.

DE SINGULARITATE 2:
INSTITUTING
HAPPINESS conceptions of happiness, joy,
How can we restore or reinvent such political
and love for our world?
1.Provide basic means of life for all, throughout the world, a
global guaranteed income and truly universal health care,
2.demand equality against hierarchy, allowing everyone to
become capable of participating in the constitution of
society, collective self-rule, and constructive interaction
with others. This means: basic education, a global
citizenship.
3.open access to the common against the barriers of
private property

DE SINGULARITATE 2:
INSTITUTING
HAPPINESShappiness will constantly be
 The process of instituting
accompanied by laughter.
 Ours is also a laugh of creation and joy, anchored solidly
in the present.
 Ours is finally a laugh of destruction, the laugh of
armed angels which accompanies the combat
against evil, nothing to do with hatred.
 The extirpation in ourselves of our attachments to
identity and, in general, the conditions of our
enslavement will be extraordinarily painful, but still we
laugh.

Contact
 Alberto.revolware@gmail.com
 http://www.gredos.org/commonwealth
/
 http://
www.facebook.com/pages/Commonwe

Do not watch: hazard for your identity

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