1. How do we root an infrastructure detached from place?PADRAIG CONNOLLY
10103082

2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To all my lecturers at SAUL foryour support and guidance throughout theyears, in particular
the 4th and 5th year teams. Special thanks also to Fran and Noel for all their assistance.
To Jenny and Rafal, for your help to get me over the end line, I am so grateful.
To Mam, Dad and Hugh, for everything over the last few years.Thanks for all your assistance
in model making, proof reading and drawing. Without your help this would have been
impossible and I am truly grateful for that.
To my class, who have made the years in SAUL such an enjoyable experience, from first to
fifth year, it has been an enjoyable time because of you all. I hope it continues long after this.

3. TABLE OF CONTENTS Part 1
Introduction
INFRASTRUCTURE AND MOBILITY
FROM PLACE TO NON-PLACE
ARCHITECTURE AND MOBILITY
FROM NON-PLACE TO PLACE
Part2
SITE
PROGRAM
FINAL DESIGN PROJECT
Bibliography

4. Part 1
Tim Engolds diagram of the hub-spoke model of place compared to the knot of entangled lifelines on the right. The left showing the planning of place, as a
circulating out structure versus the right, the series of movement representing everyday life.

5. The evolving nature of our landscape
has seen many changes in recent times,
both above and below its original formed
ground. We have created large-scale
connections between our urban cores and
have developed infrastructures within,
to move our cities’ people. However, this
need for ultimate connectivity has led to
disconnection with former places along
routes. This disconnect has made these
places almost non- places, struggling in
trying to find their identity in more than a
subway sign or motorway exit.
The thesis looks to explore the possibility
of changing what one understands as
inhabitable space, by looking actively at
the junctions presented by the motorway
as important points of transition both
physically and socially. This will hopefully
look to remove the isolated state of the
infrastructure and move to developing
a stronger relationship to place and
infrastructure. The thesis will also look
to how architecture considers mobility in
its make up, looking at how architecture
can engage with movement and program
together rather than fragmenting them.
It looks to re-imagine how this functional
infrastructure could work as a new
generator of social interactions, removing
its isolated state and enabling a dialogue
with the places it connects. The thesis will
also speculate on the future use of the
structures being introduced, considering
the changing and evolving state of the
motorway.
Introduction

6. The Road.
One can consider the road a piece of
infrastructure, a tool to get you from one
place to another with little obstacles. The
reality though, is the road has also become
a social condition in its own right. The road
has always had a social element. Going to
and from places by foot would have always
led to chance encounters.
“Which came first, the house or the road
leading to the house?”1
This question
has led to much debate, however, its
answer depends on individual opinion; a
house represents a shelter and physical
ownership, while the road represents a
journey? The road has evolved over time
but has always kept a sense of its origins,
summed up when one considers the road
as a metaphor; Life is a road, long and
unpredictable, and full of danger, that each
of us must travel. The road has always
brought with it a sense of freedom, never
confined by a boundary or owned by some
one. The road was an enabler to many to be
free of a place. The road, physically, socially
and metaphorically has been pivotal in how
1 Jackson J.B, A Sense of Place, a Sense of Time (Bing-
hamton, New York, The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group,
1994) 189
places develop, but equally pivotal in giving
freedom to explore.
The current day road has shown its most
significant evolution when one considers
the motorway. The road has shifted in its
social capacity, as speed and time have
omitted this need. The relationship, both
socially and physically, once capable on
the road are no longer possible with the
increase in speed and volume of traffic
using this infrastructure. It is an abstracted
tool in its own right, trying to establish
itself as an infrastructural devise, rather
than any social generator or condition. If
it has lost this important social capacity,
have we isolated human contact to a salute
from behind a steering wheel?
INFRASTRUCTURE AND
MOBILITY
Motorway Network of Ireland

7. Isolated Existence.
Currently the motorway has positioned
itself in an isolated position in the
landscape, with a large spacing between
the former node and the physical
infrastructure. This space in-between has
led to an abstraction of the motorway,
which has detached the infrastructure
from the nodes it is supposed to serve.
By that, the placement has led to a large
in between space developing between the
motorway and former nodal point, where
linear opportunism is at play on the newly
placed access roads.
The motorway was first realized in Italy in
1925, between Milan and Varese. Coined
by Edward M. Bassett, who denoted
the freeway as a piece of public land
designated for movement, the motorway
would become a part of modern day
society internationally. In its planning
the motorway is considered nationally, in
Ireland’s case to connect smaller urban
cores to Dublin. By that the over arching
goal is to connect urban cores as efficiently
as possible. However, this placement has
lead to a shift in the geography of the
former node points along a route. Former
nodes operate as the centre of social
infrastructure in these areas, however,
the large in-between space developing
between the motorway and node has led to
a decline in the existing towns and villages.
The motorway is the new road. It offers
potential in speed and efficiency that
enables daily life to function better.
The question now, though, is how we
understand this change from road to
motorway. No longer are buildings
together in a linear situation stitched
together, rather individual buildings with
vast distances between exist, that in there
own way have become destinations. So
how does the motorway engage socially as
the road did in the past?
JB Jackson in his essay Roads belong to the
landscape asks the important question for
today’s roads; “Which do we value more, a
senseofplaceorasenseoffreedom?”2
The
motorway brings with it a new condition,
however, the necessity of the road as
a social enabler has come to change.
Advances in technology and social media
consume far more of our social life than
physical interaction do today, so should the
2 Jackson J.B, A Sense of Place, a Sense of Time (Bing-
hamton, New York, The Maple-Vail Book Manufacturing Group,
1994) 190
Nodal isolation between existing village and motorway,
Birdhill, Tipperary

8. road go back to being a source of freedom
and in fact isolated for the over connected
world. One could consider the motorway
the last isolated existence one can achieve.
The advances in technology by Google and
others in relation to driver-less cars adds
another changing quality to these roads,
as they start to act as driver-less motion
machines, so how should we understand
the motorway moving forward?
This mobility infrastructure creates a
different way of viewing the landscape, and
anewspatialexperience,sotheimportance
in its evolution only seems right. How do
we approach a fragmented infrastructure
in the landscape? “If landscape is defined
as culturally configured nature, then
infrastructure may be considered the single
most important factor generating it” 3
.
If we fail to understand the importance
this infrastructure has in the landscape,
it further becomes isolated and detached
from its surroundings. How do we root this
infrastructure? How do we enable a social
interaction yet re-asserting the road as a
place of freedom?
3 Hvattum Mari and Janikie Kampevold Larsen, Routes,
Roads and Landscapes (Surrey, Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2011) 2
Current relationship between the motorway(orange) and existing nodes

9. The nature of place as we know it is
constantly changing. The reality of
what we understand to be our place
has been removed by the increase in
the technology and the evolution of the
worldwide economy, meaning large-scale
international movement for both work and
leisure. However, it is in this context we
find ourselves still wanting a route, a place,
a home. The need to connect one self to a
place will always be inherent to us, even in
today’s small world.
As our urban centres continue to grow at
large rates, we must ask how do we want
the socio geographic to develop? The mass
movement to large cores comes with
inflation, sprawl and a certain degree of
panic as one tries to edge their way into
an already dense fabric. The value of place
seems somewhat lost in the sensation to
be part of a certain urban condition.
Marc Auge in Non-places introduces one to
the idea of place and non-place;
“If a place can be defined as relational,
historical and concerned with identity, then a
space which cannot be defined as relational,
or historical, or concerned with identity will
be a non-place”.
Non-places according to Auge are
concerned with the modern world1
- The
idea of being born in a clinic and dying in a
hospital. They have developed throughout
our society. In particular he considers the
motorway a non-place. He talks about
the language we are presented with on
the motorway, and other non-places such
as the supermarket and the airport. We
are governed by words and names rather
than places, signs and signals that only
suggest exits and lane allocation. The hint
of what might be beyond the current route
is sometimes mentioned in a sign, but in
a sense, this further removes the need to
disengage from the specific journey. It gives
enough of a glimpse to derail curiosity
and allows only a brief glitch on the trip.
We continue ignorant to our surrounding
beyond an aesthetic view, appearing and
disappearing at high speed.
Counter arguments can be made to Auge
arguments of Non Place. Peter Merriman in
Routes, Roads and Landscapes argues Auge
has a simplistic reading of the motorway
currently as a monotonous non-place. He
argues that the motorway unfolds at speed
showing landscape features, which can be
1 Auge Marc, Non Places: An introduction to Supermo-
dernity (London: Verso, 2008) 63
FROM PLACE TO
NON-PLACE
Shopping centre development along the motorway.

10. consumed quickly. The argument that the
motorway is a place in its own right brings
a new definition to the word “place”. Auge’s
definition is based on identity and historical
basis, whereas, in this context, I think place
could be described as a series of unfolding
events happening at speed, both spatial
and aesthetic. The landscape changes
before your very eyes, as you duck under a
farmer’s overpass, where he crosses with
his livestock.
In my opinion, it would appear that
Merriman and Auge are talking about
separate things. The interest spatially one
might have is not the same as the isolation
of the non-place that Auge refers to. A
non-place is a detached, isolated place
that doesn’t seem to connect to anything,
it is treated in isolation and even though it
may be an interesting experience, the issue
of isolation and disorientation continues.
You are on a journey, an experience that is
of today with nothing present of yesterday
and no idea of the future. It isolates for the
purpose of that one function.
So within this context I argue, if it is
possible to navigate between these two
interpretations of “place”. Is it possible
for the motorway to become a place, it
already controls a spatial sequence that
is enjoyable, however, it fails to negotiate
from a junction stop to existing nodes.
Could there be a connection between
former nodes and the motorway? Could
it be that the nodes plug into this large
infrastructure, both in urban and rural
conditions? The possibility of an existing
formed place and non-place making a new
condition?
Alison and Peter Smithson, ‘AS in DS: An Eye on the Road’

11. To put down a road, as the Smithsons state,
is a serious task as it becomes a “fix” in the
landscape which development circulates
out from. So by this, the nature of roads,
railway lines, tram lines and canals all hold
an important part in the development
of places they serve. Architecture has
concerned itself with mobility for many
years. The future planning of cities and
towns is often first developed through
connectivity of the place. Architects
such as Louis Kahn and Alison and Peter
Smithson have written extensively about
new possibilities in how architecture could
re-imagine a new order in relation to
mobility, sparked mainly by the increased
presence of the motor car in the world,
leading to segregation between vehicles
and pedestrians for safety.
Louis Kahn, in his plan for Philadelphia,
considered movement as the important
change in how one looks at civic spaces.
He criticized the Piazza and the square
as associating with an older pedestrian
society. With this, he planned a linear city
plan for Philadelphia in 1930, with civic
spaces and buildings in ten-block axis that
accommodatedautomotivetransportation
atthestreetlevel,andpedestrianwalkways
one storey above. He proposed cutaways at
the pedestrian level to allow light down to
the vehicle level. This, Kahn believed, would
“extend the area” of the village green of
old. The separation of different types of
movement would allow for a functional
arrangement leading to a better street life.1
Kahn’s plan for Philadelphia came as new
expressways opened, framing the area
with “Traffic Rivers” as he described them.
This freed the streets of through traffic,
allowing for a new order of movement. In
the plan, Kahn imagined a series of iconic
structures to help monumentalize the civic
area. “Only buildings of overwhelming
monumentality, he contended, could serve
asbastionsprotectingagainstthemoneyed
interests that were destroying the dignity
of the urban centre”. He devised parking
docks to “provide a model for defence
against the privatizing tendencies of the
automobile”. These were imagined similar
to old medieval walls protecting the urban
core.
Kahn’s view on mobility, taken somewhat
from Le Corbusier writing, was one of the
first suggestions of a new urban layout
that accommodated multiple scales of
1 Goldhangen Sarah Williams, Louis Kahn’s situated
modernism (New Haven ; London: Yale University Press 2001) 115
Louis I. Kahn. Traffic Study, Philadelphia 1930
ARCHITECTURE AND
MOBILITY

12. movement. Architecture is not just a
physical thing but often an experience,
which Kahn understands in his separation
of traffic and pedestrian life as the two are
not the same. While driving on roads or
motorways, our contact with objects and
building is finite, and has to respond to
this condition. By that, Kahn’s use of iconic
forms suggests an understanding of this,
yet these same forms also hold an impact
for the pedestrian level above, articulating
the space from afar and rooting the place
in a civic threshold.
“Mobility has become the characteristic of
our period. Social and physical mobility, the
feeling of a certain sort of freedom, is one of
the things that keeps our society together,
and the symbol of this freedom is the
individually owned motor car.” 2
Alison and Peter Smithson paid particular
attention to the future working of cities. In
particular they thought the new networks
of roads would act as identifying devices
for the city similar to Amsterdam’s canals
in the 17th century. They believed that the
road would become the most “permanent
urban structure” which the city could form
2 Smithson Alison and Peter, Ordinariness and Light
(Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press) 144
around. Shown in their plans for Berlin and
London the Smithsons believed future road
systems would influence urban and social
identities in the most profound way . 3
The Smithsons developed their plan for
London in 1959. New Ways for London
was a follow on from Kahn’s plan for
Philadelphia, which they stated to be “the
most important single contribution in the
twentieth century to changing the nature
of the relationship between architecture
and urban planning”. The plan addressed
concerns at the time of London’s intensity
in certain areas, while considering how to
distribute intensity equally around the
city allowing “things become themselves
without so much artifice and struggle”.
Roads, they believed, could be used as a
way of controlling intensity of use and that
through them, one could loosen up the
texture of the city.
The Smithsons concern with “the poetry of
movement, for a sense of connectivity”was
associated with the failure or rather lack of
coming to terms with new technologies.
The plan, in particular, was concerned with
the street and road, and how the two have
3 Heuvel Dirk van den, Team 10: 1953-81, in search of a
utopia of the present (Rotterdam : NAi 2005) 102
Kahn’s Parking Dock, Philadelphia 1930
New Ways for London Plan, 1959

13. changed with the motorization of cities.
This new technology, they deemed, would
demand a new road network that would
allow an ease of access to the motorway
network, thus relieving congestion and
intensity and also re-imagining the street
as a series of levels each designated for
different types of movement.
The proposed plan was founded on two
basic tenets, the first from Hounsfield, that
flow from every point to every other point
is best served by a net; the second that the
urban motorway is the only thing capable
of providing structure for a scattered city.
The proposed road network differed from
Hounsfield-type solution, as they felt that a
four-way junction had many disadvantages
as too many decisions had to made by
the motorist. Instead, they adapted the
triangular system that allowed for a single
decision without needing to reduce speed.
This, they believed, created central spaces
around identifying fixes, places where a
relationship to the city structure can be
observed, for example, the route along the
South Bank provides fixes on Westminster
and the City. In the street context, the
Smithsons followed a similar approach
to Kahn in the dual level approach for the
street. The existing streets are reorganized
into “shop streets” and “go streets”. Shop
streets function for the purpose of that
street, allowing bus routes and two-way
traffic. Go streets are considered routes,
going somewhere and allowing access to
larger routes.
In their Berlin Hauptstadt Plan in 1957, the
Smithsons devised a new version of the
street. The predominant idea behind this
was the equal rights of freedom to both the
car and pedestrian.This was devised using a
dual level systemwith differing geometries.
Pedestrians walk on free-moving, non-
parallel narrowing and widening routes
while vehicles travel below on low speed
straight streets with light controlled
right angle intersections4
. Where the two
systems meet, continuously running public
escalators connect them, thus allowing
freedom between the ten-meter height
difference.
Architecture’s relationship to mobility is of
course constant. The need for one to move
from one place to another has always been
a challenge allowing for the spaces that
we move in to become important, social
interactions that help our towns and cities
4 Smithson Alison and Peter, The Charged Void (New
York: The Monacelli Press, 2005) 45
New Ways for London; triangulated junction, 1959

14. function. Their relationship to the wider
is an important one. How our places work
is fundamentally rooted on this ability
to move freely at different speeds and
directions. Both Kahn and the Smithsons
understood how this relationship would
influence and shape our cities moving
forward. The space we move through from
place to place, from building to building
and room to room holds with it a sense of
the in-between and allows one to become
ready for a new set of conditions. This in-
between space that we move through,
holds an important point of exchange in
how we prepare ourselves for a new or
differing set of conditions.
Architecture continues to evolve and adapt
to the different types of mobility. The sense
to adapt rather than fundamentally look
at how architecture addresses movement
mustbeconsidered.Theforwardthinkingof
Kahn and the Smithsons shows us how the
city could have adapted to the motorcar.
We must consider how architecture
should address infrastructure as a tool
for social interactions. Can architecture
look to ensure an integrated, coherent
togetherness for mobility infrastructures,
to permit our places to work better?
Berlin Haupstadt Plan: typical escalator connection
between levels, 1958

15. FROM NON-PLACE
TO PLACE
The importance of the spaces we move
in is a significant contributor to our daily
lives going well or not. Infrastructure that
works leads to an easy transition from
one place to another. Infrastructure that
works badly leads to disruption and often
chaos in our daily plans. The functionality
of this infrastructure is crucial to our
towns and cities working, as they should.
This often large-scale infrastructure that
moves us, is of course functional but has
brought with it a change in the social order
that lay before it. The motorway is the
evolution of the road in its most advanced
state, yet, this change in state has led to an
infrastructure detached and abstracted in
its finished state. Imagined as a functional
devise,themotorwayhasalsoslicedthrough
the landscape both in a rural and urban
sense, dividing and displacing communities
in its construction. The motorway, even as
an enjoyable spatial sequence to drive, is
a non-place and needs to be addressed in
relation to places it serves. The reality of
this isolated non-place is best expressed
in JG Ballard’s novel, Concrete Island, which
explains the isolation of a motorway
“island” through the eyes of an architect
after he crashes. This left over uninhabited
space, where the architect crashes, is
overgrown which leads his crashed car to
be unnoticed for multiple days. The novel
shows the juxtaposition between the
heavily used traffic intersection and the
abandoned left over space of the “island”1
.
Onecanarguethatmotorwayholdsasense
of freedom that is liberating in today’s over
connectedworld.ItholdswithitJBJackson’s
sense of freedom that allows us to explore
ourselves. So should we really consider
rooting this isolated freedom? The scale
of the motorway comes to consideration
then,howcouldonerootthisvastnetwork?
The only engagement the motorway holds
with the places it serves is the junction.
The junction has been designed to allow
one to disengage from the motorway, as
one decelerates into a different driving
condition. This disengagement, on one
side, also marks the entrance to another,
and holds a very important relationship in
the working of the motorway. The ability
for us to enjoy the freedom and efficiency
of the motorway is controlled at this very
important point. The junction, in its current
state, is designed purely for function
but could this be understood as a social
exchange, where one understands the
1 Ballard, J. G, Concrete Island (London: Jonathan Cape,
1974) 13

16. Slussen, in Sodermalm, Stockholm. Interchange opening 1935

17. interchange of people going somewhere
and coming from somewhere else.
Slussen, Stockholm opened in 1935 as
an infrastructural node, that contained
several types of mobility including boat
traffic using the lock, cars using the road
interchange,trainsconnectingtothemetro
station and pedestrians connecting from
one side to the other and also to a high
level walkway. The complex interchange
needed a complicated arrangement to
facilitate such a diverse range of mobility.
The project, praised by Le Corbusier as “the
modern era’s first large project”, works
for the area but also clearly worked for
the people as a place. The assembly of
people for this great opening shows the
node as a spectacle, but also as a place of
gathering. The junction/node works as an
inhabitable space that links the mobility
infrastructure to the places its serves.
By this, one could consider this point of
intersection, as a social generator, a point
of exchange both physically and socially.
As the built fabric becomes more and more
intense,architecturemustlooktoinhabiting
previouslyleftoverareas.Assemblesfollyin
Hackney Wick in London suggests a current
use of existing infrastructures to create
new urban space. The project intended
to represent a resident who refused to
leave where the infrastructure was built
anyway shows the possibility of left over,
in-between space becoming usable space
in our dense city fabrics. The folly built
by local groups allowed for a community
involvement with over 40000 people using
the space over nine weeks. The folly shows
the possibility of infrastructure acting as a
backdrop to public spaces, so could these
large scale infrastructures act as a means
of place making, allowing the physical
condition to become a social mechanism?
Advances in technology bring with them
great possibilities in terms of mobility. As
the world embarks on a new era of electric
and driverless technology, it brings with it
new possibilities for movement. However,
it also will bring about changes into the
existing infrastructures such as charge
points and other infrastructures, which
are becoming apparent on our roads and
motorways currently. Speculating into the
future allows one to think about these
ever changing pieces of infrastructure that
find themselves at an important change
in their use. They are changing, evolving
functional structures that have affected
and changed the places and landscapes
Assemble’s folly in Hackney Wick in London, 2011
Slussen, in Sodermalm, Stockholm. Interchange opening 1935

18. they sit. We must consider the important
role these structures play in our lives
and look to actively engage with them
as inhabited spaces, no longer disengage
from their design and placement but
consider what has been, what is and what
will be their impact on the surrounding
fabrics. The junction must evolve to
understand its importance in daily life.
These important points along routes that
have and will become a common daily
meeting point, are places architecture
must address with an understanding
of the conditions of movement.
The junction needs to reimagine itself, not
just as a tool for entering and exiting the
motorway but an entry and exit to the
adjoining places. The junction must evolve
tobecomeanexchangeofpeople,transport
and interactions. This point, used by people
coming and going different places, brings
knowledge to a place, which is being
missed by the junction’s failure to interact
with them. By that, the junction must turn
the abstracted accessible point on the
motorway into a new point of importance
for existing nodes that relates to the
existing area. It allows former connections,
which the motorway dissolved to be re-
connected.Itallowspeopletogoandcome,
in a point of exchange that empowers
dialogue between people and place.

20. Part 2
Semester 1 research work

21. Semester 2 structural tests

22. M50 Motorway Dublin, from junction 6-11

23. The thesis bases itself around the M50
motorway in Dublin. The motorway
acts similar to medieval walls of the
past, keeping the city enclosed in a semi
circle connecting from north to south
in direction. The motorway contains
seventeen junctions connecting the rest of
the country to Dublin. The main junctions
are, junction 7 interchange with the west
connecting Dublin to Galway and Sligo,
junction 9 connecting to Limerick, Cork
and Waterford and junction 1 connecting
north to Northern Ireland and Belfast.
The thesis will focus on the 5 junctions
from junction 6 to junction 11. There is
no junction 8. The junctions mark an
important transition, from urban to rural
in motorway context. This change also
signals the arrival into the city of Dublin
and holds with it a point of immense
intensity and movement.
The motorway today has seen many
changes since its formation in 1983. The
most significant is the increase in intensity
changing from a 2 -3 lane motorway in
2010. The motorway is currently in full use,
with speculation that as many as 120,000
journeys are being made each day on the
motorway. The motorway is significant in
the working of the city of Dublin to keep
the city moving.
SITE The main site will be the Red Cow
interchange, junction 9. This is Ireland’s
busiest interchange and has seen many
changes or upgrades moving, from a
round-about style junction to a free
flowing interchange. The site holds access
to public transport, an important point
when considering the future use of placing
any program on site. The LUAS, Dublin’s
Tram Network, has a park and ride facility
to the south west of the junction.
The junction nationally is seen almost
as a right of passage, dreaded by some
and enjoyed by others. It is the most
unlikely place to consider placing a
large public building, however it is this
move that hopes to really question the
larger question of how do we root this
infrastructure today?
Night-time view of Red Cow intersection approach from N7

24. Ariel view of Dublin showing the M50 highlighted

25. Site Photos:

27. PROGRAMME When deciding on programme for the
site, originally 4 programmes were
tested, a theatre, a restaurant, a drive
in cinema and a stadium. From this,
the main focus was reduced to the 3
junctions circulating out from the Red
Cow junction, junctions 7-10. The primary
consideration, when considering program
was based on the need to allow for social
interactions to occur. The idea of mobility
and accessibility was also tied into their
design and placement, allowing for an
ease of access from the motorway to
each programme, considering parking
and mobility from car to programme.
The main focus on the red cow site, was
primarily to allow time to pursue the
functionality of the building but also to
allow speculation on the building life span.
Considering possible changes in state over
its time, not only the physical building but
the motorway in general, as driver-less
technology comes into use internationally.
The project on the red cow changed
gradually over the design period finishing
with a theatre in the round, with parking
and other services housed in the circular
plan. The idea of the drama and theatricals
of the theatre became paramount in
considering the architecture of such a
space. Also the need to consider how
the car would access and move freely
while still accommodating a pedestrian
movement was all considered to allow
a functional building, while producing a
social building to root itself in the most
unlikely place.

28. Initial Program Tests:

29. Junction 10 intervention Junction 7 intervention

30. FINAL DESIGN PROJECT
Network drawing M50

32. Exploded axonometric of project

33. Interior perspective of outside circulation space

34. Interior perspective of foyer space

35. Exterior perspective from flyover showing interaction between mobility and function

36. Exterior night time perspective of project

37. 1:50 Structural Model showing pillars and hanging structure

40. 1:100 Sectional Perspective showing now and speculative future

42. 1:500 Context model, junction 9, M50

44. Auge Marc, Non Places: An introduction to
Supermodernity (London: Verso, 2008)
Ballard, J. G, “Concentration City” in The
complete stories of J.G. Ballard, ed. John D.
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45. The class of 2016 At my final presentation 20.05.16