This document summarizes an article that explores motivations for sustainable lifestyles in a risk society. It discusses Ulrich Beck's theory of reflexive modernity and questions whether participation in sustainability programs necessarily demonstrates evidence of reflexive behavior. The summary analyzes interviews with participants in an energy reduction program in the UK. It finds that their motivations are complex and do not simply equate to reflexivity. Participation reflected a mix of reflection and unintended consequences rather than purposeful knowledge-based action. The complexity of factors influencing environmental behavior and the gap between knowledge and action call into question assumptions that such participation demonstrates reflexive modernity at the local level.

1. Local Environment
Vol. 14, No. 1, January 2009, 95 –109
Achieving sustainable lifestyles or encouraging a counter-reflexivity:
exploring motivations for sustainability in a mediated risk society
Gregory BorneÃ
University of Plymouth, Drake Circus, Plymouth, UK
Ulrich Beck’s World Risk Society is becoming an increasingly relevant analysis of
contemporary human/environment interaction. However, with this said, Beck’s
observations remain broad and significantly lacking empirical evidence. This paper
explores the relationship between sustainable lifestyles and assertions of one of
Beck’s central ideas, the emergence of a reflexive modernity at the local scale. By
empirically examining the motivation of participants for joining a scheme designed to
enhance sustainable lifestyles, this paper will progressively outline the way that
individuals in a risk society negotiate global images in a local context and what this
means for a reflexive modernity. By exposing the complex interaction of global risk
imagery and the effect this has on achieving local sustainability, a more realistic
understanding of Beck’s theoretical assertions can be applied to an increasingly
important policy arena.
Keywords: sustainable development; reflexivity; risk; governance; media
Introduction
Ulrich Beck’s World Risk Society Thesis (1999) provides increasingly relevant insights into
the effect of global risk on social and political processes. Central to the Global Risk Society
Thesis is the idea of reflexive modernity. A reflexive modernity is one in which the central
elements of the industrial process are drawn into question. For example, science and tech-
nology are no longer accepted as providing the answers to environmental and social pro-
blems, the relationship between established science and unconventional knowledge has
become blurred and the infiltration of the political into the scientific process disturbs the
boundaries of expert and lay knowledge (Beck 1999, Irwin 2001, Irwin and Michaels
2003). Beck’s notion of reflexive modernity provides a sweeping analysis at both the
QA: RB
macro-political scale and the local and individual level. At the macro-level of analysis,
Beck sees evidence of a reflexive modernity through the fluctuating architecture of the
Master Copy: JR
state and the opening up of the governance process (Borne 2009a).
Moving to what Beck refers to as the subpolitical scale of analysis at the local level,
evidence of reflexive modernity is witnessed in changing political formation, altered
family and work patterns, as well as the re-embedding of the individual in social and
political networks. Of significant importance to Beck’s assertion of a reflexive modernity
Copy Edited by: CDP
at the local and individual level is the increase in environmental behaviour and the funda-
mental questioning of developmental patterns based on scientific notions of progress.
Ã
Email: gregory.borne@plymouth.ac.uk
ISSN 1354-9839 print/ISSN 1469-6711 online
# 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13549830802522582
http://www.informaworld.com

2. 96 G. Borne
For Beck, these processes are occurring in response to new forms of globalised risk. This
paper focuses on the final prerequisite for evidence of a reflexive modernity at the local and
individual scale by exploring motivations of individuals for joining a scheme designed to
enhance sustainable lifestyles. This paper’s primary argument asserts that participation in
a scheme designed to enhance sustainable behaviour does not equate to evidence of a reflex-
ive behavioural framework and hence draws into question certain assumptions about the
nature of reflexive modernity at the local and individual level.
The paper proceeds in the following manner. Initially, the idea of reflexivity is explored.
Following this, Beck’s position on evidence for the emergence of a reflexive modernity at
the local level is critically reviewed. This will predominantly involve a discussion that
expands on the relationship between knowledge and behaviour. The methodology
section will outline the relevant methodological issues that were involved in conducting
this research. The results section will progressively build up a picture of the complexity
that is involved in equating pro-environmental behaviour for evidence of a reflexive
modernity by highlighting four primary themes. The paper will conclude by addressing
the theoretical and policy implications of these findings.
Reflecting on reflexivity
The notion of reflexivity is presented variously and often conflictingly in the literature, The
primary misunderstanding concerning reflexive modernity occurs when considering
whether reflexivity represents first, a purposeful knowledge-based action, which may be
termed reflection, or secondly should be considered as the unintended consequence of mod-
ernity which is reflexivity, While his position fluctuates over time, Beck argues that reflexive
modernity is a “. . . reflex-like threat to industrial society’s own foundations through a
further modernisation which is blind to dangers, and the growth of awareness, and the
reflection of this situation” (Beck 1999, p. 81). It may be surmised from this that Beck
moves towards a definition of reflexivity that is formed through a combination of reflexivity
and reflection. Although this intermingling of the reflexive and reflective dimensions of
reflexive modernity is evident, there is little indication as to what degree each constitutes
a reflexive modernity in a WRS (Elliot 2002).
With this established, it is argued that the act of reflection does not provide evidence
of reflexivity. For this to occur at the individual level and in the context of this paper,
evidence of a reflexive modernity would occur through a sustained actionable response
based on a heightened sense of risk from global environmental issues. With the nature
of reflexivity highlighted and the underlying prerequisite for evidence of a reflexive
modernity established, the following discussion will critically explore the flaws in
Beck’s analysis.
Sustainable lifestyles: not such a reflexive process
Initially, it is pertinent to establish that Beck envisages a highly educated and politicised
public capable of responding rationally to information about global issues of risk and
hence acting accordingly. To a certain degree, some studies have supported this assertion,
outlining an increase in environmental concern throughout the general population of
western societies (Mohai and Twight 1987, Darnton 2004, Darnton et al. 2006).
However, the literature also indicates that Beck homogenises both the public’s abilities
to negotiate risk information and subsequent environmental behaviour, ultimately reducing
all changes in lifestyle to evidence of reflexivity (Mythen 2004, Borne 2009b). It has been

3. Local Environment 97
observed that far from an ecologically and politically schooled public, a wide range of
publics exist who respond differently and often unpredictably to information received on
risks at both the global and local scales. (Macnaghten 2003, Spaargaren 2003).
With this in mind, Beck’s analysis is seen as overly reductionist, falling within the
boundaries of the information deficit model (Blake 1999). This model suggests that
increased environmental education will result in a direct and positive correlation with
pro-environmental behaviour (Magnus et al. 1997). Analysis of the processes that are
involved in knowledge and action increasingly point to a substantial “value-action gap”
(Blake 1999). Kollmuss and Agyeman (2002) argue that the question of what actually
creates pro-environmental behaviour is so complex that no single model can appropriately
express the many variables involved. Overwhelmingly, models that have been developed
to explain the complexities of human action with regard to environmental issues indicate
the complex set of variables that intervene between knowledge and action (Stern et al.
1993, Darnton et al. 2006). Further, a number of commentators who elaborate on the
theoretical underpinnings of consumer choice are resolute in moving away from models
that focus on rational choice to more sophisticated understandings that outline the influ-
ence of culture and multiple meanings in influencing choice and behaviour (Seyfang 2004,
Jackson 2005).
What the above discussion illustrates is that the assumption of reflexive behaviour based
on increased environmental action is fundamentally flawed. As already posited in this
paper, this is primarily a result of a lack of understanding of motivating factors behind
environmental behaviour. This paper argues that evidence of environmental behaviour
does not equate to reflexive behaviour and therefore logically is not evidence of a reflexive
modernity. This finding is in stark contrast to recent studies that have assessed the relation-
ship between broader articulations of SD and reflexive modernity at the global political
level of the United Nations and further highlights the complex, dynamic and nonlinear
nature of these issues (Borne 2009a).
Increasingly, discussions on achieving sustainable lifestyles incorporate notions of sus-
tainable consumption (Cohen and Murphy 2001, Defra 2003, Tanner et al. 2004, Seyfang
2006). The case study presented in this paper aimed to encourage sustainable lifestyles by
altering consumption patterns within the household. Specifically, behavioural changes are
aimed at reducing the energy consumption of households by educating participants on the
advantages gained from small changes in personal behaviour (EEA 2005).
This is part of the wider effort to reduce CO2 emissions, mitigating the effects of global
warming, which followed the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. The residential sector was targeted as
containing particular potential in this area. From a governmental perspective, the residential
sector is particularly attractive as it involves only minimal reallocation of resources and a
burden sharing form of governance (Brandon and Lewis 1999, McEvoy et al. 2001, Ekins
et al. 2002).
Empirically therefore, participation in an energy reduction scheme based on Beck’s
criteria of environmental behaviour would seem to suggest a reflexive agenda. The partici-
pants of the case study are actively changing their behaviour towards a more
environmental-friendly lifestyle within a constructed environment and within a limited
time frame. However, the above discussion raises questions over whether such action
can be appropriately used to represent reflexivity. For a realistic understanding of this
relationship, motivations for participating in the project need to be investigated (Eden
1993, Hobson 2003). Assessing in-depth understanding of motivations for joining the
scheme from within the CRISP project exposes this relationship. The following will
explore the relevant methodological issues.

4. 98 G. Borne
Methodology
The methodology focused on in-depth qualitative case study research. As has already
been briefly discussed, the case study used was a project designed to enhance sustain-
able lifestyles by reducing energy consumption in the home. The project was known as
the Carbon reduction Innovation Support Pilot (CRISP). The primary collaborators in
the scheme were Global Action Plan (GAP), Devon Energy Advice Centre and
Plymouth City Council (PCC). GAP operated as the steering organisation1 and was
responsible for the overall design and implementation of the project. GAP is an environ-
mental charity that aims to encourage people to live more sustainable lifestyles by
saving resources and changing their personal outlook on environmental and consump-
tion issues.
The CRISP project consisted of two primary elements designed to reduce energy con-
sumption in the home. The first was based on increasing environmental awareness through
educational material. GAP supplied participants of the scheme with information packs on
how to conserve energy within the home as well as information on what grants may be
available form local and national government. The second involved support from trained
GAP staff to assess the energy-saving potential within a home and suggest practical
advice on how greater energy efficiency could be achieved. Energy use within the home
was monitored during the life cycle of the project.
The ward of Stoke within Plymouth was identified as a target area for the project.
Members of GAP were initially responsible for canvassing the area where households
were invited to participate in the scheme. In collaboration with GAP, the author despatched
a quantitative questionnaire survey as part of the information packs on energy consumption.
Respondents were asked to indicate in their questionnaires whether they would be willing to
take part in in-depth qualitative interviews. In total, 30 participants volunteered to partici-
pate in the interview process. Of these 30, 14 interviewees were selected who represented a
diverse group at the demographic and occupational scale. A total of 14 households, one
office and one allotment were visited. On three occasions multiple interviewees were
present in a single household, so the total number of interviewees rose to 20. Table 1 out-
lines the basic characteristics of the interviewees. Names have been altered to protect the
anonymity of the interviewees.
It is acknowledged in this paper that variations in gender (Mooney et al. 2000), age
(Flynn et al. 1994) and occupation (Norton and Leaman 2004) all influence opinion of sus-
tainability and environmental issues and individuals ability to act on these issues. However,
there will be no attempt to expand on these issues here. Within the tradition of qualitative
research, a statistically representative sample is neither required nor desirable (Brannen
1992, Hammersley 1992a, 1992b). What is germane is to reveal the relationship between
environmental behaviour and reflexivity in an in-depth fashion.
Interviews were conducted during a 6-week period between July and August 2003. This
period offered a unique opportunity to assess the reflexive nature of sustainable behaviour.
This was due to the widely reported heat wave across Europe. Interviews were recorded and
transcribed, and a subsequent analysis of the transcripts was made using the principles of
grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss 1967, Corbin and Strauss 1990, Hammersley and
Atkinson 2003). The fundamental aim of grounded theory is to produce theory from the
data. With grounded theory, the analysis process is ongoing, with each stage influencing
the next. The themes that were developed in this paper were done so in an evolving
manner, so as more of the interview material was analysed so themes were adapted to
reflect the entire corpus of interview material.

5. Local Environment 99
Table 1. Interviewee data.
Name Sex Age Occupation Location
Robert M 85 Construction retired Single allotment
James M 64 Dockyard worker/retired Family home
Brian M 52 Roofer Family home
Alex M 48 Social worker Family home
Martin M 44 Architect Family home
Simon M 41 Builder Family home
Lloyd M 33 Labourer Single home
Graham M 33 Insurance Single home
Mark M 29 Salesman Single home
Rick M 26 Student Single home
Francis M 16 Student Family home
Sophie F 79 Retired/nurse Home/single
Stephanie F 59 Housewife Family home
Carman F 58 Musician Family home
Helen F 52 Housewife Family home
Angela F 47 Nanny Single home
Julia F 44 Public relations Family home
Janine F 37 Housewife Family home
Korean F 32 Mother/housewife Family home
Ruth F 24 Catering Single home
Results
This section presents the results of the interviews and is based around four main themes that
were drawn from the data using the aforementioned principles of grounded theory. These
themes progressively build a picture of the relationship between the interviewees’ under-
standing of environmental issues and risk more generally and evidence for the emergence
of a reflexive modernity. As the themes are introduced, different levels of sustainable life-
style discourse and the relationship this has to the participants is exposed. What will
become evident is an increasingly complex relationship between knowledge, behaviour
and reflexive modernity. The discussion opens by exploring the levels of contradiction
which was prevalent in the interview material and provided initial insights into the intervie-
wee’s ability to act in a reflexive fashion. As the results are discussed, relevant insights from
a broad literature base will be introduced that will contribute towards an understanding of
the relationship between discourse and theoretical discussion.
Lifestyle gymnastics
Contradiction
It is broadly accepted that in a late modern world individuals are presented with numerous
levels of choice derived from frequently contested perspectives (Beck 1999, Irwin 2001,
Macnaghten 2003). Despite overt participation in a sustainable lifestyle scheme, the inter-
views displayed clear and consistent levels of contradiction in attitudes towards the
environment. These multiplicities manifest themselves in many different ways. Several
interviewees agreed that their participation in the scheme was an important step for achiev-
ing a sustainable lifestyle. Korean was representative of opinion on this topic:
KOREAN : Well obviously different people are going to have different attitudes and opinions
about being part of a scheme like this, different reasons for joining. You can’t argue that

6. 100 G. Borne
doing it, being a part of something like this, gives us some environmental credits. What I mean
is, I’m no saint but at the very least I can say that, hey, you know, I’m part of an environmental
scheme, I’m reducing my energy consumption, I’m helping save the planet and I’m saving a bit
of money and yes, that’s SD working for people with different outlooks on life.
The idea of “environmental credit” is an interesting manifestation of the way that the inter-
viewees seemed to accept the contradiction that was inherent in their lifestyle choices.
There was a sense that no matter how un-environmentally each interviewee behaved in
their everyday routines, joining the energy reduction scheme was a way of offsetting
these negative lifestyle choices. Janine discusses her transport habits:
JANINE: Yes I do tend to drive it everywhere and it is a bit of a guzzler but it’s my legs, I’m just
so used to using a car, that and the time factor I can be pretty much anywhere in a matter of
minutes, I’m a bit of a hypocrite really, I suppose I feel guilty about it sometimes, but to be
honest not very often.
Janine indicates her feelings of guilt over her action as a frequent driver. She continues by
explaining that being part of the energy reduction scheme to some degree alleviates this
guilt. Brian agrees:
BRIAN: I drive all over the place, it’s an unfortunate necessity of the job. I can do anything up to
600 miles in a week, I don’t pay for my own petrol, it all goes on account, but it does have an
effect on the environment. Maybe joining the Global Action Plan project is my way of trying to
sort of counterbalance this, my way of acting in a sustainable manner maybe.
Many interviewees presented contradictory behaviour patterns which offered inconsisten-
cies in the data. These focused predominately on transportation and the deep dependence
on cars that many of the interviewees felt. Inconsistencies, however, did not only occur
between the interviewees but also within single interviews. Interviewees were quick to
embark upon a tale of the moral importance of incorporating the principles of SD practice
into their lifestyles, even if many were unsure as to what form this would take. As the inter-
view conversation evolved, this situation would often alter. Helen is characteristic of this
observation. Helen’s understanding of SD was more complex than some of the other inter-
viewees and she seemed to genuinely follow environmental debates. Initially, Helen’s
rhetoric was of a concerned and diligent environmentalist. After some time however, the
discussion moves to foreign travel where she reports of her regular trips to visit her daughter
abroad:
HELEN: I actually go three or four times a year, I absolutely love it, I couldn’t live there you
understand but every time I go it’s like having a holiday, I don’t want to miss my grandchildren
growing up.
RESEARCHER : Do you go anywhere else?
HELEN : Oh yes twice a year, umm, Joan (best friend) and I go to Soolom in France, it’s very
close to the Pyrenees. It’s quiet and Joan’s family have a small cottage, just us two old gals
together.
RESEARCHER : Do you fly?
HELEN : Yes, and I know what you’re going to say now, air travel is bad for the environment.
But it’s a necessary evil for me.
It emerges that Helen is in fact a frequent flyer, regularly travelling abroad. Brian and Helen
are representative of the interviewees who displayed high levels of contradiction. This form
of paradoxical behaviour with regard to environmental issues is being increasingly

7. Local Environment 101
documented (Guber 1996). In particular, Spaargaren (2003) comments on a similar scheme
run by the Dutch equivalent of GAP: “In Dutch environmental discourse this mechanism is
recognised and has come to be represented by the image of the Harley Davidson motorcy-
clist who also proves to be an active member of a so-called eco team or GAP team” (p. 689).
Participants were selective in their application of life practices and display the paradox of
negotiating locality in a global society (Bauman 1998, Borne 2009a, 2009b). Spaargaren
(2003) continues to argue that even when individuals claim that some environmental cri-
teria are central to the way that they conduct their lives; individuals will “. . . act against
these rules at certain times and under some circumstances at some sectors or segments of
their lifestyle.” (p. 689). This observation is supported by findings presented in this paper.
There was evidence of a multiplicity of action that is at once contradictory and reinfor-
cing. Spaargaren believes that the solution from a policy perspective is the development of
environmental heuristics which will serve to simplify the complexities of social activity.
These heuristics are designed to guide individual action in every day life towards a more
sustainable lifestyle. Spaargaren further indicates that these heuristics will achieve sustain-
able lifestyles by connecting technical environmental rhetoric to broader socially relevant
issues, ultimately fitting “. . . the practical logic of daily life” (2003, p. 690).
Although there is utility in such a simplification for understanding the complexity
involved, the following discussion would suggest that oversimplification may not be an
effective tool for engendering sustainable lifestyles and producing reflexive behaviour.
Other commentators recognise that the relationship between environmental knowledge
and action are far from straightforward (Macnaghten and Urry 1998). To date, the contra-
dictory nature of people’s behavioural patterns have been highlighted in a bid to emphasise
the complexity of interview discourse. Further analysis of the interview material suggested
that contradiction in behaviour patterns resulted from the complex interaction between
global and local knowledge formation and individual relationships with different kinds
of risk. The following themes highlight these issues.
Uncertainty
It was strongly evident within the interviews that perceptions of SD, risk and what consti-
tuted sustainable lifestyles were developed through considerable levels of uncertainty. This
resonates strongly with a substantial body of literature that recognises the ambiguous nature
of SD and sustainability and is a constant theme throughout the interviews (Williams and
Millington 2004). Pellizzoni (2003) suggests that discussions surrounding SD and associ-
ated issues creates a radical uncertainty. Contradictory and ambiguous information pro-
duced a situation where interviewees were unsure as to what was actually happening.
Robert discusses the unseasonably hot weather:
ROBERT: Well every time there’s a little bit of a hot spell everyone gets excited. It’s difficult to
get excited about a bit of hot weather. I can remember lots of years when there were really hot
spells or cold days. Doesn’t mean that everyone ran around saying that the world was going to
end. It’s just one of those things.
Unlike many of the other interviewees, Robert’s uncertainty about claims of the causes of
global warming is based on personal experience; his age (87) enables him to examine the
risk of global warming from what he perceives as a more informed experiential position.
Robert extends his uncertainty to assert a lack of faith in the scientific process, preferring
instead to trust his own judgement. This form of knowledge formation is central to the

8. 102 G. Borne
changing nature of knowledge creation in late modernity and resonates with similar
research, particularly within studies centred on the sociology of scientific knowledge
(Wynne 2003). Along similar lines, Julia is also not certain:
JULIA : Who’s to say that humans are having an impact there is some who say that it’s just nature
taking its course doing the rounds if you like. I’m not saying that I believe that but then, I’m not
really saying that I don’t, you know what I mean. I keep reading differing reports in the news-
paper, then you don’t hear anything for ages.
RESEARCHER : Why did you join the scheme if you’re not sure?
JULIA : Well because I’m not sure, because I suppose even if there is even a small chance that
we are the problem, Umm, what’s the saying? It’s better be part of the solution than the
problem, or something.
Julia is unsure that her activities are having any sort of effect on degrading the environment,
it is acknowledged that repeated “scientific” representations of global phenomena are often
contradictory and incomplete (Wynne 2001, 2002, Lidskog 2008, Renn 2008). Julia
acknowledges that she is uncertain as to the causes of global warming; yet at a personal
level, she seems to be employing a form of precautionary principle (Durbak and Strauss
2005). Stephanie makes the direct connection between uncertainty and action:
STEPHANIE : If you don’t know for sure what’s the cause of things you’re not so inclined to
actually do anything about it are you? If everyone’s arguing over whether we are causing
global warming or we’re not then you just think well who cares? It’s the same with anything,
it only takes a little bit of doubt and that’s all the excuse most people need. So why bother even
thinking about something as far off as SD it just doesn’t make sense, I think that’s the attitude.
Although there is some recognition that these events are occurring, a real sense of urgency
to alter behaviour does not manifest. Indications of the reasoning behind this lack of
urgency further developed under the general theme of prioritisation. The prioritisation of
different forms of risk fundamentally influenced the participant’s ability to conduct their
lives in a sustainable fashion. The following discussion will explore the third main
theme that emerged from the interview data, prioritisation.
Prioritisation
At the local level, risks that affect the lives of participants of the CRISP project may be said
to inhibit their ability to act in a sustainable, and hence a reflexive fashion. One such process
of inhibition was the prioritisation by participants of various risks, with more immediate
risks taking precedence over those that attach themselves to global issues:
JULIA : I am concerned, that’s why I’m part of this project to reduce energy and do my bit to
reduce energy emissions, green house gas emissions. But on a daily basis things like these
are quite low on my list of priorities, well of course they are really, family and money, yeah
the big M, but that’s life.
Julia’s sentiments resonate with the corpus of material that consign global risk to lower
levels of life priority, with interviewees variously accepting that financial issues and
family ties are more salient than abstracted global environmental risk.
In certain instances, the process of prioritisation negotiated among the interviewees
themselves. On three occasions, what began as a one-to-one interview situation transformed
into a group discussion with more than one member of the household joining the interview

9. Local Environment 103
process. The following represents one such exchange and emphasises the negotiated nature
of the prioritisation theme. Martin is asked whether he feels at risk from issues of global
warming and whether this affects his understanding of SD:
MARTIN : Yeah it’s definitely something I think about, I think worried for me personally. Well I
really should be worried but I’m not, that’s too strong a word really, it’s kind of like in the
distance, it’s gonna happen yeah, uhh sorry it is happening, and it will get worse but it’s not
happening now.
JULIA : Well it is happening.
MARTIN : Well, OK, it is happening, so the waters rise and the sea’s getting bigger, yeah so the
waters are rising and you know it’s happening isn’t it? It affects us more because of our
children, but still I don’t worry too much because it’s going to take so long for it to happen.
I think that that’s the main thing, you shouldn’t do, but at the end of the day it’s priorities.
JULIA : That’s right, for the most part we have more important things to worry about. I mean you
can’t go round worrying about these things all the time.
MARTIN : No (laugh), you wouldn’t be able to function if you worried about everything.
Martin and Julia continue to discuss this situation and they express concerns about the ways
that the concept of SD is being attached to the complex issues that surround global warming.
They do, however, recognise that there is a connection and there is an agreement that global
warming as a form of risk is a topic of relevance to them, even though it is relatively low on
their list of priorities. This level of priority varied considerably among the interviewees. This
variation, however, was predominantly in the lower levels of individuals’ range. The final
comment in the above extract leads to an examination of the next theme that emerged
from the interviewees which can be seen as an extension of the prioritisation rhetoric.
Repression
The prioritisation of personal risk is evident with risk from the more immediate threats
superseding global risk. This was not an unexpected finding of the research; there is a
growing body of literature that debates the intensity of global flows of images on the
local behaviours and knowledge on a wide range of issues that encompass all facets of
society (Castells 1996). However, the discourse that emerged from within the interview
group displayed a more acute reaction to global flows of information than simply prioritis-
ing particular risks when discussing behavioural change and the achievement of sustainable
lifestyles. Simon was adamant that:
SIMON : Quite frankly I don’t think about it for a number of reasons but mainly; it’s to keep
going I can’t spend my life thinking about the horrible things that might be happening in
the world. When I see things like that, especially all the news on the Iraqi action at the
moment I just think that I’m glad I’m not there.
Repression occurred from a great many issues that existed outside the life world of the par-
ticipants; however, with relation to the internalisation of global risk, and how this was nego-
tiated from the global sphere to the local domain, it was global warming that predominated.
The way that global warming was articulated was complex but what emerged in many cases
was a need to repress the images of this global risk. Interviewees initially purported to the
importance of this issue and the relationship this would have to the development of sustain-
able lifestyles:
RUTH : I’m biased being part of the scheme but it seems that SD and global warming should be
put together. It will make people more aware, make everyone conscious on a daily basis of what

10. 104 G. Borne
effect they’re having on the environment and everything that’s happening around them, maybe
people will stop being so selfish.
Ruth believes that using global warming to transport the message of sustainability is essen-
tial for the enlightenment of modern societies and the creation of sustainable lifestyles and
advancement of the reflexive agenda. There were numerous discursive assertions of this
nature. However, many of these remarks were located in the earlier segments of the inter-
views, as interviews continued, the tone of dialogue often altered. Further conversations
with Ruth typify this finding:
RUTH : Maybe when I see that there are some really nasty weather conditions or something on
telly, I may fleetingly think about global warming but it’s not really something that I’m particu-
larly bothered about. There’s so much more to worry about today. Lots of it doesn’t even bear
thinking about really it’s all a bit much.
What is being emphasised here is the need for Ruth to make a conscious decision not to
think about the wider issues that are involved. This was not an isolated occurrence and
was a theme that emerged repeatedly from the data:
CARMAN : Well global warming is an issue and it does make you think a lot more about the
issues that are happening around the world, the way we’re all having an impact. But at the
same time, it’s in the back of your mind umm, well I try not to think about it. I would normally
change channels if I see anything about it on telly.
This is very much a “virtual denial” that is taking place; it is the media images that are being
shut out. This underpins local individual formation of knowledge and also highlights the
role that mass media representation plays as a conduit in the dissemination of the
message of risk and the need to create sustainable lifestyles (Smith 2001). It is a virtual
denial because it is a virtual risk. Drawing on the above discussion, the following introduces
evidence of virtual repression amongst the interviewees.
Ecological images and symbols do not at all have intrinsic certainty: they are culturally
perceived, constructed and mediated, they are part of the social fabric of knowledge, with
all its contradictions and conflicts (Beck 2000, p. 24).
What effect does such an informational maelstrom have on the individuals who are
embedded in these informational networks, and how does this affect their ability to act
in a sustainable fashion? It is pertinent in the answering of this question to observe that
in late modernity mediated information flows are fundamental in transmitting political
messages and establishing knowledge “frameworks” (Anderson 1997, Baudrillard 1998,
Allan et al. 2000, Van Loon 2000). The term “real virtuality” has been introduced into
the literature in order to emphasise these processes (Beck 1999, Castells 2000). Castells
maintains that real virtuality is a “. . . system in which reality itself is fully immersed in a
virtual image setting in the world of make believe, in which symbols are not just metaphors,
but comprise of actual experience” (2000, p. 318). Castells argues that the virtual image
moves beyond the symbolic, to produce an active pathway between the image and the
observer.
A growing body of research increasingly indicates that the media is now integral to the
development of environmental and sustainability messages (Anderson 1997, Hansen 1993,
Cottle 1998). Interviewees revealed that television was their primary source of information,

11. Local Environment 105
not just on environmental issues but all aspects of life that were beyond their sensory realm.
There were strong suggestions that this was simply a case of “convenience”:
GRAHAM : It’s a matter of having the time isn’t it, looking for information on these topics so we
know what’s going on in the world. I’m not a big reader, I only really glance at the paper at
work, well, The Sun, if you can call that a paper. I used to read a lot more but over the
years I’ve, well, I suppose I’ve just got out of the habit.
On a broad spectrum of issues, the effects of news images on different sectors of society
tends to be diverse and ambiguous with little overall consensus (Anderson 2000, Cottle
1998). Moreover, there was evidence of what Dahlgren (1992) describes as the plural
sense-making of media images. With these observations in mind, the data point to a very
particular reaction to global images that has important ramifications for assessing the emer-
gence of a reflexive modernity based on Beck’s prerequisites of environmental behaviour.
Furthermore, the following observations have significant implications for the development
of the SD agenda and the underlying assumptions of what mechanisms need to be utilised to
produce sustainable lifestyles. This paper suggests that a saturation point has been reached
where interviewees have simply had enough of the global messages and external images
that permeated their local spaces. Angela highlights this point:
ANGELA : Well it’s embarrassing, yes it is, but that doesn’t mean I just sit in front of the telly all
day. I’m busy usually. You only need to watch the news once don’t you? It’s all the same,
repetitive, but it is pretty much my window on the world if you like.
With some embarrassment, Angela considered television to present her with reasonably
accurate images of events that were happening. Moreover, there is a level of apathy that
exists in the interviewees’ responses. Information on global issues is not actively sought,
more it is passively received. Brian also maintained that television is the most effective
way of gaining information about the world:
BRIAN : After a day at work I really don’t want to think about anything, I just want to switch off
and veg out. I’ll tell you what, sometimes I actually resent the news and don’t put it on; my
brain just can’t cope, umm, who doesn’t find it depressing, images of death and destruction?
I suppose that must sound a little strange to you, joining an environmental scheme but not
really, thinking about the bigger issues, I suppose its guilt management without the pain.
This statement contains a number of pertinent and regularly occurring issues. There is a
“resentment” of the news, those images which permeate the local space, upsetting the con-
tinuum of life at the local level. Wilkinson (2001) draws attention to the “impersonal impact
hypothesis”, which identifies a separation of media issues as those for society from those
that affect individual lives (Tyler and Cook 1984). As an example, Wilkinson (2001) high-
lights the work by Dickens (1992), who found that the public were aware of global
warming, but they were, however, far more uncertain when it comes to recognising the
ways in which this posed threats to them personally.
Building on these observations, the evidence presented here suggests an extended scen-
ario to the impersonal impact hypothesis. Instead of individuals desensitising themselves to
the images of global phenomena, there is more a situation in which participants quite simply
have had enough of the intense barrage of images that invade the comfort of their living
rooms on a daily basis. This produced a situation in which anxieties are not alleviated;
instead, anxieties are raised to the point where these images are quite simply blocked out

12. 106 G. Borne
and repressed. Ultimately, interviewees were rejecting the global discourses of environ-
mental determinism associated with statements of annihilation and catastrophe (Hulme
2008). This presents serious obstacles for those agencies, at the global and local scales
that use the risk of the global phenomena, such as global warming to motivate sustainable
lifestyles and embed a culture of SD. What is clear from the discussion so far is that indi-
viduals separate those things that do not impinge directly on their lives and those things
which are abstract from their life world (Coleman 1993). Based on the above observations,
it is reasonable to suggest that, on the criteria of environment behaviour, processes of reflex-
ive behaviour in the face of global risk are not occurring. Furthermore, it is argued here that
what is in fact evident are processes of counter-reflexivity.
Reinforcing a counter-reflexivity
As this paper indicates, individuals are actively choosing not to reflect on the images of
global risk but instead are focusing on their own life world and the risks that exist within
them. Although cursory observation may indicate that simply participating in the CRISP
project is evidence of the development of a reflexive modernity in its own right, insights
provided here suggest further intricate dynamics.
It is argued that the evidence presented within the confines of this paper, suggesting the
emergence of counter-reflexive processes, is reinforced through the context of empirical
evidence. This reinforcement exists on two levels. First, it was anticipated that evidence
from within the CRISP project would indicate a reflexive modernity based on the criteria
of environmental behaviour. It is reasonable to initially observe that the act of participating
in a project that is designed to enhance sustainable lifestyles is evidence of reflexive beha-
viour. Participation in the energy reduction scheme actually reinforces the claim that partici-
pants are engaged in a process of counter-reflexivity, an assertion based around an in-depth
assessment of the “motivations” for joining such a scheme. Qualitative investigations
suggest issues, such as financial concerns, were deemed more important reasons for
joining the scheme. This in turn does not suggest an altruistic questioning of the direction
of modernity, but instead indicates actions motivated by a desire for personal gain, hence
reinforcing the claim of the emergence of a counter-reflexive culture. As outlined earlier
in this paper, the notion of reflexivity is composed of both reflective and reflexive elements
that together form a Beckian concept of reflexivity. Based on this definition, while partici-
pants do allude at times to behave in a reflective manner this reflection does not translate
into reflexive behaviour.
The second reinforcement of the conclusion that counter-reflexive processes are in
effect is the time scale of the empirical research itself. The period was a time when inter-
viewees themselves were not only being exposed to increased media imagery of the
effects of global warming but moreover, through increased temperatures from the 2003
heat wave, it could be argued that the global imagery had become more salient to their
every day lives. This, however, did not produce rhetoric from the interviewee that would
suggest that reflexive processes were occurring. Similar findings are beginning to emerge
in relation to direct exposure to risk and ensuing behaviour. This is particularly the case
with reference to global warming (Whitmarsh 2008).
At the policy level, the findings presented in this paper draw into question the commit-
ment of individuals to behave in a sustainable manner. What is particularly clear is that a
model of increased education of global environmental risks does not equate to environ-
mental action and sustainable lifestyles. Ultimately, the lack of reflexive motivation for
joining the CRISP project transfers the onus of responsibility for achieving sustainable

13. Local Environment 107
lifestyles to government bodies at both the global and the local level. As the case study has
emphasised, the financial imperative would suggest the need for increased fiscal regulation
and a strengthening of legislative tools.
Conclusion
This paper has progressively built a case for the emergence of counter-reflexive processes.
Initially, the nature of reflexivity was discussed which was followed by exploring the cri-
teria for assertions by Beck of the emergence of a reflexive modernity. The complex
issue of environmental knowledge and behaviour was drawn into focus where Beck’s
assertions were critically explored. The methodology highlighted the case study used in
this paper and the associated methods and analytical procedures. Using the themes of
contradiction, uncertainty, prioritisation and repression, the results progressively displayed
evidence of counter-reflexive processes. The final discussion has drawn the threads of this
paper together to highlight the important ramifications for theory and policy of a counter-
reflexivity. In sum, this paper has presented some initial insights into the nature of reflex-
ivity and reflexive modernity at the local and individual scale. It is not suggested that this is
by any means a comprehensive analysis of the complex issues involved. It does, however,
offer initial insights into the nature of individual environmental behaviour and opens up an
avenue for future research in this area when discusses these issues in the context of
reflexivity.
Further, investigations need to be conducted into the possibility of the emergence of
counter-reflexive processes. In particular, there is a need to further understand the inter-
action of local governance structures and individual behaviour in light of the increased visi-
bility of global risk.
Note
1. For further information on the work of GAP, see Hobson (2003).
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