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Dr
                                                              2011

     Human Security and
Entrepreneurial Employment in
  the Greater Horn of Africa




                                                              International conference on
                                                                   "State of Africa:
                      BT Costantinos, PhD                          Challenges and
School of Graduate Studies, Department of Public Management
and Policy, College of Management, Information and Economic       Opportunities for
               Sciences, Addis Ababa University               Sustainable Development
                                                                     and Peace"
                                                              Centre for African Development
                                                                      Policy Research,
                                                                 Western Michigan State
Abstract
     A major contributing factor to the appalling situation of the youth in Africa is that there is and has
been a shallow understanding of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the
required human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive nature of their de-
velopment and utilisation processes. Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary
understanding of security involving a number of research fields, which equates security with people
rather than territories, with development rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom
from fear for all persons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerg-
ing paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities that arise from unemployment and lack of en-
trepreneurship.
     There is simply no alternative to defining the scope of the state and the establishment of sound
institutional capacity for real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and
attention to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Hence, public and private
sector employment generation schemes underpin the need for community commitment (targeting,
rationalising and effecting public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participa-
tion implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and legitimate social
capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community, who, at the end, determine the
requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci of the initiative are grounded on a firm concep-
tual base for remunerated safety nets in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment
of the population and analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and
impact of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for capacity de-
velopment on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability including building the rules
and institutions of finance and the market and legal empowerment of the poor that seeks to generate
new policy recommendations that will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and la-
bour rights, within an enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to
justice.

                                 Key words: employment, entrepreneurship, human security


                             Contents
                             Introduction…1
                             Paradigmatic notion of human security…2
                                 •   Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development…2
                                 •   Employment and Human Security …2
                                 •   Social capital as a foundation for employment …3
                             Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution …4
                             Democracy is a rare commodity here …5
                             Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia…7
                             Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony… 8
                             Public and private sector-led entrepreneurial development…10
                                 •   Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN) …10
                                 •   Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations…10
                                 •   The state and its responsibility in priming human qualities…11
                                 •   The State: Real-time State strategy development…12
                                 •   Economic liberalisation …12
                                 •   Knowledge management and Communities of Practice…12
                                 •   Entrepreneurship development…12
                                 •   Credit and capital markets…13
                                 •   Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment…13
                             Conclusion…14
                             References and endnotes…11




                                                          Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page ii
1. Introduction
       From Darfur to the jungles of the River Zaire, from the Eritrean plateau to South Su-
   dan, from trouble Somalia to the genocidal communities of Rwanda and Burundi, from
   the violent cities and borders of Kenya to Northern Uganda; new faces and forces of vul-
   nerability and poverty haunt the Greater Horn of Africa. Conflicts, corruption, disasters,
   poverty and pandemics now threaten the sub-region with a calamity unforeseen even
   during the Great African Famine of the 1980s.
        While many proposals for remedial action have been formulated for such vulnerability
   and poverty that haunt the sub-region, real commitment to collaborative processes at the
   inter-organisational level has always been limited. Mobilising the action required has also
   remained a daunting challenge, as many practical and structural constraints militate against
   commitment by individual groups to inter-organisational initiatives nationally and region-
   ally. The tragedy which took such a heavy toll of life over the past years has highlighted
   the fundamental weakness of the peace, security and development strategies. Many con-
   ventional and preconceived notions have been questioned and new ideas proposed. Ef-
   forts have also been made to improve one’s understanding of vulnerabilities, to estimate
   the risks resulting there from more accurately and to make adequate preventive meas-
   ures against insecurity, ahead of time. In this sense, the traditional role of humanitarian
   and development organisations has been harshly, even cruelly, tested.
       The need for collective learning about responses, and the responsibility to those
   whose suffering provided the basis for that learning will never be more urgent than it is
   now. Unfortunately, such lessons, which may be learned through the shocks adminis-
   tered by an uncompromising reality, are rarely translated quickly into personal or organ-
   isational memories and the inherent will to change. The reasons for this are sometimes
   rooted in human inertia, weakness, and self-interest. They are equally often the products
   of a genuine confusion about how to act most effectively in an environment that seems to
   be growing more complex. To every human problem in Africa, there is always a solution
   that is smart, simple and immoral. Important stakeholders tend to have a linear way of
   thinking that is inadequate to unravel the many complex inter-relationships underlying
   people’s insecurity. It is neither popular nor scientific. The need for the fundamental
   change on how the global community deals with the internecine crises must change since
   places such as Darfur, Somalia, Northern Uganda, to name a few, have become a new in-
   signia of human ‘bestiality’.
       As a region of young people; whose visions of human development and human secu-
   rity are defined by the tenacity to achieve the Compact defined by the Millennium Devel-
   opment Goals, the youth are right to aspire to forms of transformational development in
   terms of equity, a healthy population, an educated, fully engaged and employed youth
   with a solid family structure. Nonetheless, the reality is of one of marginalisation, de-
   manding radical developmental and demographic reconfiguration of our nations. The
   later breeds despondency, desperation, intolerance, and of course belligerence; so much
   so that political forces in every corner have mobilised the youth for violent ends, often
   to the detriment of their very own livelihoods.
       The unfolding human tragedy, its impact on human development and its conse-
   quences on politics are indeed too ghastly to contemplate. Whereas, the challenge simply
   stated, underpins the need to connect to the energies of the youth, they have instead, for
   so many years were encouraged to look to outsiders to provide the means and processes
   of change. They have been discouraged from mobilising for local actions and for their
   own development, finding themselves in positions of unequal power, making it very
   tempting for many in politics to dictate conditions and terms of relationships on them.
       The purpose and the contents of this presentation is to propose means that are de-
   signed to develop strategies for strengthening the capacity to mobilise nations and civil
   societies to direct policies and programmes to address the compelling and evolving im-
   plications of unemployment and human insecurity; so that it does not further reverse
   human and social capital development in the sub-Region.
2. Paradigmatic discourse in employment generation and human security
       The overwhelming majority of citizens are preoccupied by the need for sheer survival
   most eking out a daily existence; often, at a very high price for the lack of entrepreneur-
   ship and productive employment. Indeed many pundits assert that the impact of crush-
   ing poverty is simply too overwhelming to provide a fertile ground for nourishing liveli-
   hood security, let alone, a pluralist society. (Costantinos, BT., 2004)
   2.1. Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development
             It is easy to follow the current trend within the international community and ad-
        vocate entrepreneurial employment as a desirable form of development paradigm.
        Nor is it difficult to make normative judgements about how nations should behave if
        entrepreneurial employment is to grow into a positive agent of change. But it is not
        so easy to conceptualise entrepreneurial employment as a working process, which is
        balanced against strategy, to determine what makes for real, as opposed to vacuously
        formal process. As a way of contributing to the overcoming or lessening of these dif-
        ficulties we may theorise entrepreneurial employment as the dynamic interaction
        of strategy and process. It is possible to see entrepreneurial employment as the
        playing out of objective and critical standards, rules and concepts of economic, social
        and political conduct in the goals and activities of all participants, those of public of-
        ficials who make and administer the rules as well as those of ordinary citizens. The
        issue here is not simply one of application of rules to particular activities. Nor is it
        one of dissolving agent-catered strategies of entrepreneurial employment into objec-
        tive principles and norms. It is rather the production or articulation of process ele-
        ments and forms within and through the strategic (and non-strategic) activities of
        various participants.
             Highlighting the mutually constitutive and regulative articulation of strategy and
        process, we shift the centre of analysis away from the two as separate formations
        that enter only external relations with each other. This shift of analytical focus serves
        to emphasise the critical point that the task of broadly structuring entrepreneurial
        employment as a global political-economic system is more important than that of
        promoting it within the specific programme of a particular nation. The making of
        broadly inclusive entrepreneurial employment should consist of an articulation of
        process and agency which can be sustained in its structures or systems by any politi-
        cal party or government operating within it. As a result, current discussions and
        analyses of entrepreneurial employment are generally marked by several limitations:
            • a tendency to narrow entrepreneurial employment to the terms and categories of
                 immediate, not very well considered, political and social action, a naive realism,
                 as it were; and inattention to problems of articulation or production of global sys-
                 tems and process within local politics rather than simply as formal or abstract
                 possibilities;
            • a nearly exclusive concern in certain institutional perspectives on entrepreneurial
                 employment with generic attributes and characteristics of social, economic, cul-
                 tural and political organisations and consequent neglect of analysis in terms of
                 specific strategies and performances of organisations in processes of transition to
                 entrepreneurial employment; and ambiguity as to whether civil society is the
                 agent or object of global change and concerning the role of the state;
            • inadequate treatment of the role of transnational companies and the Bretton
                 Wood Institutions and of relations between global and indigenous aspects or di-
                 mensions of entrepreneurial employment;
   2.2. Employment and Human Security
             Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary understanding
        of security involving a number of research fields, including development studies, in-
        ternational relations, strategic studies and human rights. The 1994 HDR, a milestone
        publication in the field of human security, introduces a new concept of human secu-
        rity, which equates security with people rather than territories, with development


                                                      Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 2
rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear for all per-
   sons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerging
   paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents challenge the
   notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be
   the individual rather.
         It examines both the national and the global concerns of human security and
   seeks to deal with these concerns through a new paradigm of human development,
   capturing the potential peace dividend, a new form of development co-operation and
   a restructured system of global institutions. Increasing human security entails: in-
   vesting in entrepreneurial employment; engaging policy makers to address the
   emerging peace dividend; enlarging the concept of development co-operation so that
   it includes all flows, not just aid; and establishing an Economic Security Council.
   (UNDP, 1994) Human security holds that a people-centred view of security is necessary
   for global stability as committed by the 2005 World Summit outcome document to
   discussing and defining the notion of human security. (UN, 2005)
   Freedom from fear vs. freedom from want:
          While the “HDR originally argued that human security requires attention to
     both freedoms from fear and from want; divisions have gradually emerged over the
     proper scope of that protection and over the appropriate mechanisms for respond-
     ing to these threats. The Freedom from Fear School seeks to limit the practice of
     human security to protecting individuals from violent conflicts. This approach ar-
     gues that limiting the focus to violence is a realistic and manageable approach to-
     wards human security. Emergency assistance, conflict prevention and resolution,
     peace-building are the main concerns of this approach. On the other hand, accord-
     ing to UNDP 1994, Freedom from Want School focuses on the basic idea that un-
     employment and insecurity stem violence, poverty, inequality, and diseases insepa-
     rable concepts in addressing the root of human insecurity. It expands the focus be-
     yond violence with emphasis on development and security goals. In reality both
     should serve as an important impetus to global action.
2.3. Social capital as a foundation for employment and human security:
          There is a vast and growing, if recent, literature on associational life in the sub-
     region. Much of this literature is an important and much needed corrective to the
     afro-pessimism prevailing in policy circles in the West. Having despaired of re-
     vamping the supposedly derelict state, researchers and some policy makers have
     averted their gaze to social movements and groups, optimistic that these, if re-
     invigorated, may organically lead to stronger and more democratic states in the con-
     tinent. Whereas these movements were once perceived as the touchstone of democ-
     ratic transition and consolidation, their brief has been widened.
          Researchers see them as the harbingers of development and the solution to the
     deep poverty that afflicts Africa. The questions is given the predatory nature of the
     state, can these movements carry the large brief cut out for them, focussing deci-
     sively on the state as a continuing variable in the de-institutionalisation of social
     capital? Social capital is crucial to employment and human security deepening but
     sounds a more sceptical note and deprecates the carnival air surrounding much of
     the debate on its midwifery of human security; because the complexities of conflict
     ridden associational life in Africa are less neat and seamier, than much of the litera-
     ture cares to admit. Admittedly, the issues usually raised are broad domain of en-
     quiries; however, given the human desperation, an attempt must be made to answer
     them as a pre-requisite to providing an understanding to the unfolding insecurity
     and struggles for the expansion of democratic space.
          In its initial application, little distinction was done to differentiate civil society
     from society. If anything, it was perceived as a way of conceiving society when the
     latter is politically active. To some, society by nature is in a state of perpetual war-
     fare; hence, it is the task of the state to impose order. Nevertheless, what emerges


                                                 Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 3
out of this position is the establishment of order through near total subjection of
         individual to unlimited power. Conversely, there is a school of thought that seeks
         equilibrium between the unlimited power of the state and individual rights. It is
         here that the idea of a constitutional state comes to the fore. (Keane, J., 1988a) It posits
         that it is the state’s responsibility to settle conflict in the society; it does not, in this
         sense, occupy a position opposite to that of the society, but is if anything compliant.
             Society becomes civil when it seeks to define and establish legitimate political
         authority. Notably, the processes of establishing norms that define legitimacy are
         also an aspect of “civil society”. To crown this, is the process by which the dominant
         class create and protects its hegemonic grip on the state, while allowing the same to
         be presented to subordinate classes as legitimate.i Conventionally, civil society is de-
         fined spatially as the political space between the household and the state. It takes a
         more organisational and instrumentalist view and thus sees civil society in terms of
         an arena of negotiation and organisation. It exists outside of the formal political
         arena even though it can be drawn in when there is a political crisis. (Keller, E., 1997)
3. Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution
   3.1. Genesis and the campaign for democracy
            Egypt, by far the most populous Arab country has long been known as a centre of
        stability in a volatile region, but that masked malignant problems which erupted in
        popular demonstrations against rulers who monopolised political power through a
        mixture of constitutional manipulation, repression and rigged elections, cronyism,
        and the backing of powerful foreign allies. The main drivers of the unrest have been
        poverty, rising prices, social exclusion, anger over corruption and personal en-
        richment among the political elite, and a demographic bulge of young people un-
        able to find work. After dozens of deaths at the hands of the security forces, the ral-
        lying cries were the people want the fall of the regime. There followed several days
        of carnival-like protests centred on Cairo's Tahrir (Liberation) Square, effectively
        celebrations of the newfound freedom and mutual respect among protesters, culmi-
        nating in the march of the million. Mubarek’s rapport with the US that was under-
        pinned by a peace treaty with Israel was standard-bearer of the Arab cause and bil-
        lions of dollars of US military aid that permitted him a free hand to engage with Is-
        rael, unhindered by deep public concern on Israel's excesses.
            The protests have included people from all sectors of society, but at the forefront
        have been young, tech-savvy Egyptians who have never known another ruler of their
        country. The army has always been the key power in a highly fluid, opaque and dan-
        gerous and contrast to the security police, it had pledged not to use violence to quell
        a near-universally peaceful protests.
   3.2. Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index
            The Shoe-thrower’s Index is based on a set of indicators thought to feed unrest
        and political instability. After assigning weights to each indicator and crunching the
        numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab countries’ vulnerability to
        revolution. The index produces some interesting results. Tunisia scores lower than
        might be expected based on actual events. While an index intended to shed light on
        future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the past, such curious diver-
        gences invite further consideration and attempts to experiment with other prospec-
        tive indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is based on the following indi-
        cators and weightings. (35% – Population share under age 25, 15% – Number of
        years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU),
        10% – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute
        number of young <25).
            Mubarak’s 30-year reign and Tunisia’s Ben Ali’s 23-year rule were certainly big
        factors in their unceremonious ousters. The biggest contribution by far (35% against
        the next highest weighting of 15%) is assigned to the percent of a country’s popula-



                                                       Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 4
tion under the age of 25. Rather than just a large presence of passionate youth, the
        key driver here seems to be the lack of jobs for young workers and their feelings
        about the shortage of employment opportunities and life prospects. Income inequal-
        ity can breed resentment and discontent and signal economic difficulties, uneven
        development and government policy shortcomings. While the middle class has been
        a key force behind Egypt’s revolution, the large number of Egyptians who live on the
        poverty line is a further sign of the country’s economic problems and source of frus-
        tration with government policies. 18.5% of Egypt lived on $2 a day or less at PPP.
                     % Pop. Under 25 (35%)         Years in Power (15%)         Corruption (15%)           Democracy (10%)




                                         Years


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                                                                                                                   Index
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   Algeria         49     84      29.2       12     29      4.3      105        60      9.0    125           78              18.8
   Bahrain         35     60      21.1       12     29      4.3       48        27      4.1    122           76              18.3
   Egypt           51     88      30.7       30     71     10.7       98        56      8.4    138           86              12.9
   Iraq            58    100      35.0        5     12      1.8      175       100     15.0    111           69              10.4
   Jordan          54     93      32.6       12     29      4.3       50        29      4.3    117           73              11.0
   Kuwait          37     63      22.1        5     12      1.8       54        31      4.6    114           71              10.7
   Lebanon         42     73      25.4        0      0      0.0      127        73     10.9     86           54               8.1
   Libya           49     84      29.2       42    100     15.0      146        83     12.5    158           99              14.8
   Mauritania      57     97      34.0        2      5      0.7      143        82     12.3    115           72              10.8
   Morocco         47     81      28.3       12     29      4.3       85        49      7.3    116           73              10.9
   Oman            49     84      29.2       41     98     14.6       41        23      3.5    143           89              13.4
   Qatar           28     48      16.8       16     38      5.7       19        11      1.6    137           86              12.8
   Saudi Arabia    54     93      32.6        6     14      2.1       50        29      4.3    160          100                15
   Sudan           58    100      35.0       22     52      7.9      172        98     14.7    151           94              14.2
   Syria           56     96      33.6       11     26      3.9      127        73     10.9    152           95              14.3
   Tunisia         43     74      25.9        0      0      0.0       59        34      5.1    144           90              13.5
   UAE             34     59      20.6        7     17      2.5       28        16      2.4    148           93              13.9
   Yemen           64    110      38.4       33     79     11.8      146        83     12.5    146           91              13.7
            The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Shoe-thrower’s chart of The Arab League nations
        The role of Social Media:
           The internet, facebook, twitter, and other social media and mobile cellular phone
       access played important roles in inciting and organizing the protests that led to revo-
       lution in Tunisia and Egypt. Many Egyptians consider Wael Ghonim, a Google execu-
       tive in Egypt who created a facebook page that attracted millions of visitors, to be one
       of the unofficial leaders of the anti-Mubarak movement.
           Ghonim set up the page in the name of Khaled Arab Mobile and Internet Users %
       Said, a young businessman who died in police cus- Country                 Internet   Mobile
                                                                Algeria          12         93
       tody in Egypt’s second largest city, Alexandria, in Bahrain               52         186
       June 2010. During the recent uprising, the chant we Egypt                 17         51
       are all Khaled Said could be heard ringing through Jordan                 27         91
       Tahrir Square in Cairo. Unrest and revolution in Iraq                     1          57
       Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tuni- Libya                  5          78
                                                                Morocco          33         72
       sian government mistreating and shooting at its own Saudi Arabia          31         145
       people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor Sudan                     10         29
       helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself Syria                17         34
       on fire in front of the official offices. The revolution Tunisia          27         83
                                                                Yemen            1.6        16
       probably wouldn’t have taken place without the
                                                                Global Sherpa, 2011, World Bank
       video and pictures exchanged through facebook,
       where internet and mobile cellular access is at least as good in the majority of Arab
       countries in the index.
4. Democracy is a rare commodity here…
       Suddenly the world was looking at a successful popular Arab revolution, one that
   had never happened before. There had been revolutions in the Arab world since it be-
   came independent of foreign colonial powers – the Young Officers Revolution in Egypt
   in 1952, revolutions in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Sudan – but they were all military coups,



                                                               Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 5
planned and executed by officers, even though they later said they were for the good of
the people. What happened in Tunisia was different. It was started by the people, not
the leaders, and their spontaneous protest seemed to have snowballed on its own –
unless evidence of a hidden hand is brought forward. (Zvi Mazel, 2011)

                                              Index of democratisation in the Arab League
                                                  (Complied from various sources including the EIU)




    Nevertheless, the underdevelopment of civil society in Africa and the incapacities of
institutions within it are seen as major barriers to political, social, and economic reform.
The activities of some social institutions may have the salutary effect of bringing into
transparency the work of the state, and of opening-up state institutions and practices to
public suiting. Rather than offering agents and arena of transitions to democracy, civil
societies are generally seen as objects and problems of reform; because of low levels of
educational, economic, technological, professional, and cultural development. On
account of this view, the state assumes a large role in political, social, and economic
reform. It is assigned the task of nothing less than cultivating civil society. The state is
not pushed to the background as society activates itself and leads the struggle for reform.
Rather, the former acts on the latter, promotes, and manages the participation of
individuals and groups in political, social, and economic reform.
    There are, then, two divergent representations of civil society accompanied by
somewhat conflicting conceptions of the role of the state in the African passage to
democracy. The perception of society as producer of the spontaneous interests, demands
and resources of change, to some degree, conflicts with the view of civil societies as
weakly developed social and structures in need of cultivation and support by the state
and the conception of the state as creator of the enabling environment for free
democratic activities diverges from the view of the state as a political educator,
mobiliser, and democratiser of civil society. (Costantinos BT., 1993)
    The centre stage the State takes in here has bred developmentalism that is part of the
now problematic theory of modernity and which habitually traces and variously
recommends the transition from the traditional or anarchic to the modern and the
rational in its projects -- desired conditions, which can be achieved through technical
solutions. It is a theory, which is being widely challenged across the spectrum of the
physical and social sciences; providing a further legitimisation of the process of
accommodation with protracted crisis. Aid is transformed by development workers into
an opportunity for modernisation; at an historic period, which beggars the endeavour,
when Africa appears to have moved from a period of state formation and conflict between
States, to state disintegration, internal conflict and the emergence of unorthodox
fundamentalist and ethno-nationalist regimes.
    Even the nature of war appears to have changed where ideologically orientated wars
of liberation have given way to conflicts more defined in terms of the struggle for


                                                Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 6
material survival. State sponsored ethnic structured resource wars, violent war lordism,
   parallel economies, and fundamentalist regimes have appeared in their stead. There is
   little doubt that there is disillusionment with the ruling parties among the broad
   spectrum of people who had very high expectation from states. However, the challenge is
   to find a way forward by developing structures and mechanics that will not only resolve
   the immediate conflicts but also lay a solid foundation upon which enduring democracy
   will thrive. (Costantinos, BT., 1997,a).
5. Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia
    5.1. With few exceptions, African countries have not made a meaningful economic
         transformation. 39 African countries are classified as members of a bottom billion
         club of countries, structurally insecure and structurally unaccountable – security
         and accountability are undersupplied public goods. Hence, Livelihood Security of
         which entrepreneurship and employment generation is central requires a plural set
         of organisations which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation
         and competition.
    5.2. A DS is defined as “a state that puts development as the top priority of policy, and is
         able to design effective instruments to promote such a goal”.
         5.2.1. The instruments should include the forging of new formal institutions, the
                weaving of formal and informal networks of collaboration and the utilization
                of new opportunities for trade and profitable production”
         5.2.2. A DS is thus understood as an interventionist state that identifies priorities,
                develops strategies, set targets, facilitates coordination among various sectors
                and stakeholders, monitor achievement of goals and can establish clear eco-
                nomic and social objectives, and influence the direction and pace of develop-
                ment.
         5.2.3. Characterization: An effective DS should have political will and the necessary
                capacity to articulate and implement policies to expand human capabilities,
                enhance equity and promote economic and social transformation.
    5.3. The legal empowerment of the poor; access to justice; entrepreneurial rights; prop-
         erty rights and labour rights require
         5.3.1. Promoting high-level, sustained, inclusive and clean economic growth that
                creates decent jobs, wealth and withstand shocks
         5.3.2. A process of continuous technological innovation, industrial upgrading and
                diversification, improvements in infrastructure and institutional arrange-
                ments and policies: fiscal, monetary, exchange rate, capital flows and trade
                policies, constitute the context for wealth creation and accountable state that
                can
                         Establish and enforce rules that guide societal behavior;
                         Manage personnel and resources to ensure accountability and efficien-
                         cy in service delivery;
                         Make technical decisions and implement them;
                         raise revenues needed for development goals;
                         political will and mandate to perform required functions;
                         Policies must be derived from a consultative process that ensure active
                         engagement of other societal actors in policy design and not manipu-
                         lated by technocratic/ socio-political elite;
                         Ensure existence of competent and neutral bureaucracy;
                         Establish complementarities among social and economic policies, go-
                         vernance system;
         5.3.3. Enhancing the state’s role in transformation: The role of the state is in
                achieving rapid and sustained economic growth and development combined
                with deep structural transformation that must be channeled through a dis-
                ciplined planning approach…


                                                    Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 7
5.3.4. Building Developmental States: The above role is best performed by
               states that are both developmental and democratic that should build the
               transformative institutions such as:
                       A constitution, the rule of law, independent judiciary, representative
                       political institutions, effective regulatory institutions good laws and
                       property rights enforcement,
                       Competent professional bureaucracy whose recruitment and ad-
                       vancement are based strictly on merit,
                       A developmentalist coalition among committed political leadership,
                       the bureaucracy, private sector and civil society around common na-
                       tional development goals;
        5.3.5. Avoiding the pitfalls of state intervention: The entire state apparatus
               can be captured by elites or powerful special interest groups. Unchecked in-
               tervention, which is beyond the level needed to correct market failure, weak
               integrity may lead to rent seeking, breeding waste and inefficiency, inappro-
               priate behavior of corrupt regulatory agencies. He state may focus on three
               groups: committed political leadership, Autonomous & professional bureau-
               cracy, Participation of key stakeholders, particularly civil society and the me-
               dia, which have oversight responsibility. The DS also has policy instruments
               to eliminate, or at least limit, exposure to these risks;
                       Enhancing stakeholder participation: Establish democratic delibera-
                       tive institutions at all levels of decision-making, empower these insti-
                       tutions to promote stakeholder ownership of development, enhanced
                       citizen oversight over government activities for ensuring transparency,
                       and sharing of information...Use the market as a supplementary
                       means of maintaining efficiency and motivating economic agents;
                       Empower the bureaucracy to transparently determine the extent and
                       allocation of rents, and the terms and conditions for their allocation
                       and elimination,
                       Establish competition policy and enforce competition law against anti-
                       competitive behavior by public and private producers.
                       Ensure that the bureaucracy has both the autonomy and capacity to
                       respond quickly to changing local and global situations
                       Forge close, interactive and synergic relations between the bureaucra-
                       cy and the private sector
                       Establish and empower regulatory agencies to set and enforce product
                       quality standards for all producers,
6. Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony
   6.1. The Universal Declaration of Rights
            More than sixty years ago, the human community proclaimed a bold and revolu-
        tionary vision of the future, The Universal Declaration of Rights; where the youth
        will engage collectively as result of the responsible action of politically mature citi-
        zens acting in the framework of a free society. As we stand on the watershed of the
        old and new Millennia, demands for greater democratic space and youth participa-
        tion in Horn of Africa have increased the accountability of state actors. This is a tall
        order that would revolutionise approaches to self-directed employment based de-
        velopment that only a new paradigm shift and commitment to new organising prin-
        ciples can achieve. Hence, the need to focus on practical strategies for employment
        generation schemes that have transformed hitherto underemployed economies into
        forces of livelihood sustainability and human security.
           While the degree of awareness on the challenges has improved over the past few
        years, the tendency for governments to treat these challenges as yet another routine


                                                    Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 8
issue that needs to be tackled through five-year development plans is tantalising.
      The fact remains, however, that these challenges will increasingly claim the liveli-
      hoods of many families and the economic backbone of many nations; retarding hu-
      man development to a level where it becomes impossible to reverse the trend in
      much less time than the development cycles of States. These are further complicated
      by fear of the unknown, traditional power dynamics, lack of experience or aware-
      ness of collective action, poor local leadership and the lack of energy, time and will-
      ingness to devote to activities other than basic subsistence.
 6.2. African youth policy
         An ambitious African youth policy of 2004 zeroes on enabling the youth to play
      an active role in building a democratic society and good governance, as well as in
      social and economic development. It further aims to deliver a democratically ori-
      ented, knowledgeable and skilled, organised and disciplined enterprising youth
      generation. Nevertheless, the low levels of opportunities for productive employ-
      ment only serve to amplify the nation’s penury. This is not with out its politico-
      ethical consequences. It is echoed in the politicisation of violent and fearless youth
      and the mass diasporisation that now crowded Western capitals, as a source of
      skilled human capital. Failure to utilise such a lynch-pin factor of production is not
      acceptable. Radical policy and strategic measures to boast the private sector’s role
      and capacity need to be launched with vigour to develop the management and func-
      tionings of the labour. Whilst several policies have had positive results in recent
      years, these can be further supplemented by inter alia by promoting international
      labour standards related to the Employment Policy Convention of 1964 and its
      elaborations in further policy recommendations, supplementary notes and proviso.
         ADF IV emphasised that the youth present the vision of a social order seeking to
     have a voice in societies whose basic structures are not conducive to listening to
     young voices. Nevertheless, the reality is that today's youth no longer accept or re-
     spect those structures and increasingly demand a voice of their own. African youth
     are energetic, and increasingly, seeking alternatives. (UNECA, ADF IV) Hence, they
     are seeking their own alternatives; because of which many are in the Diaspora is
     technically advanced. Through creative programmes and linkages, our million strong
     Diaspora can be a force of change in Horn of Africa. FIELD underpinned “the fact
     that the Diaspora offers an exceptional synergy: the problem-solving perspective
     that comes with distance and the intense commitment that comes with a sense of
     deep closeness and belonging. Oh yes, it also includes a lot of men and women with
     world-class competence in their respective fields: business, medicine, law, acade-
     mia, athletics, and the arts. Many have also made a lot of money. They hold so
     much potential for the future of this country; which will only become a reality if we
     move forward in a spirit of partnership. (FIELD, 2005)
6.3. Social and political consequences of unemployment
     Unemployment, the Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index:
         In a captivating 60 Minutes segment, it was reported on how unrest and revolu-
     tion in Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tunisian government mistreat-
     ing and shooting at its own people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor in the
     town of Sidi Bouzid, helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself on fire in
     front of the offices of an official who slapped him and tried to take away his liveli-
     hood by confiscating a scale Bouazizi used to weigh fruit. His infraction, not having a
     license, reportedly applies to most every other fruit vendor even though Bouazizi was
     the one singled out. The Shoe-thrower’s Index was hence based on a set of indicators
     thought to feed unrest and political instability. After assigning weights to each indi-
     cator and crunching the numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab
     countries’ vulnerability to revolution. The index produces some interesting results.
     Tunisia scores lower than might be expected based on actual events. While an index
     intended to shed light on future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the


                                                Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 9
past, such curious divergences invite further consideration and attempts to experi-
        ment with other prospective indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is
        based on the following indicators and weightings. (35%–Population share under age 25, 15%
        – Number of years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU), 10%
        – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute number of young <25).
7. Public and private sector employment generating schemes
   7.1. Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN)
           The EGSN conceptual arguments have been developed, perhaps to a point where
       one may consider them dispensable for a public work' study; but one may also look
       at the opportunity to look into the dialectic of safety net-based-development as fire
       fighters of the long-term. It should be noted that this paper is neither a project de-
       sign nor an evaluation of one; as every project must be designed independently re-
       sponding to the local vision, needs and development.
   7.2. Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations:
            The famines of the past few decades have indeed been a cruel test in Horn of Af-
        rica. While the outpouring sympathy and generous response of the international
        community have been phenomenal, the actions of the firemen of international dis-
        asters had brought to light some serious doubts about the ability of interventions to
        reduce peoples' vulnerability. Today, the crises assumes new dimensions as chang-
        ing production relations, spurred by socio-economic adjustments (that will set the
        requisite basis for growth but may result in short-term economic contraction, ad-
        versely affecting social cushions, employment, and lowering investment levels) set
        the pace of livelihood security. The demand for some important attitudinal shifts
        among thinkers and policy makers and the challenges of designing concepts and
        models that will help harmonise the human dimension in development has never
        been more acute. Inspired by a new orthodoxy that has evolved with the upsurge of
        professionalism on such emerging ideals; the eighties have provided a fertile ground
        for the discourse on the subject of human vulnerabilities. The debate that ensued
        regarding on emergency aid is long, trying and, at times, counter productive. On a
        positive note it has
               • output aspect (it could stimulate production without creating inflation),
               • distribution aspect (enable specific poverty focused programmes),
               • stabilisation aspect (assist in setting up price stabilisation locally),
               • additionally aspect (it is additional to regular aid managed)
            It is against this backgrounder that EGSN and employment loans have been
        designed to offset the disincentive aspects. The protocol for such a study has there-
        fore been formulated to deal specifically with tools for participatory planning;
               • Assess strengths and weaknesses of participatory planning methods in use;
               • Develop proposals regarding appropriate methods to be used in the future on
                   employment-support projects, both for planning, monitoring and
                   evaluation;
               • Carry out assessments to identify who are the employment and livelihood in-
                   secure, how do they vary over time? How can a high degree of participation
                   and sustainability be assured? Is there seasonal competition between em-
                   ployment need and agricultural activities? What are the complementary
                   measures required to enhance employment? What institutional problems
                   should M&E try to answer?
      Major research questions have been more articulated with the following foci:
               • Assessment of motivational needs of communities, implementation institu-
                   tions, and identification of seasonality of labour and productivity;
               • Insecurity ranking; assessment of the poorest and self-targeting - through be-
                   low market level wages - or administrative means and
               • Monitoring issues related to the employment-based safety net approach -- is
                   the scheme effective in preventing chronic and/or transitory insecurity? Does


                                                       Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 10
it contribute to reducing vulnerability in the longer term? Are existing sys-
               tems of early Warning appropriate? What are the monitoring data require-
               ments and most appropriate methods of data collection?
       Public -EGSN are packages characterised by less than the average earned wages,
   hence the need for community commitment (targeting, rationalising and effect-
   ing public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participation
   implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and le-
   gitimate social capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community,
   who, at the end, determine the requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci
   of the initiative are grounded on a firm conceptual base for remunerated safety nets
   in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment of the population and
   analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and impact
   of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for ca-
   pacity development on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability.
       Among the key functions to be performed during the planning and design phases
   is a comprehensive self-assessment of the population and rigorous analyses of the
   management, programming and operational capabilities of the organisational struc-
   tures. EGSN can substantively contribute to participatory development even if their
   designs deceivingly seem limited. The main objectives of EGSN are to serve as under-
   employment cushions; while assisting the development of public works schemes.
   They avail communities the opportunity for working in their own development and
   render resources required for emergency unnecessary. The strategy is a set of
   long-term choices that programme leaders make in terms of goals, services, policies
   and action plans. It is, bound to succeed as it meets the region’s long-term objectives.
       Community organisational structure and processes here refer to the relationships
   that are established both by the development contracts with beneficiaries and more
   importantly the command and reporting chains within the project: relationships in
   the allocation of authority and responsibility, reporting and the mechanisms for inte-
   grating the different components of the project. The motivational and attitudinal as-
   pects: With evolving changes in the policy environment, investment in local capacity
   building and peoples' participation, the potential for sustainability of assets created
   under safety nets can be enhanced. The operational understanding of participation
   must be carefully seen as a process of self empowerment, a transformation in the so-
   cial milieu, policy dialogue, and organisational culture within the structures of project
   management in particular and governance at the national level. Sustainability of as-
   sets created and replicability will always depend on what use value people will find in
   the asset itself. Sustainability is enhanced when people find unity of purpose to main-
   tain the assets created - a sense of social cohesion;
       •   Using the internally available resources to better advantage,
       •   Introducing technologies that would increase viability of these resources,
       •   Introduce external resources where the security situation is too grave to be able to
           sustain itself on internal management or where the need for the external input is
           temporary in order to increase the level of productivity to the point where internal
           management can take over successfully.
7.3. The State’s responsibility is priming human qualities: A major contributing
     factor to the appalling situation is that there is and has been a shallow understand-
     ing of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the required
     human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive na-
     ture of their development and utilisation processes. As such, important components
     and commitment required to build and use a quality labour force for accelerating
     and sustaining growth are not properly addressed in the education, training and
     productivity programmes. Nations have failed to produce and retain the necessary
     pool of self-confident, healthy, knowledgeable and skilled labour force, with re-
     sourcefulness with a sense of purpose, work ethics, vision, integrity and direction.



                                                Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 11
Pronouncements have been made regarding employment and career develop-
       ment programmes in m ay forums. Yet, like many other policy efforts, these have
       not yielded the desired results. Human capital flight from the region has reached
       high proportions leaving behind an ill-prepared labour force. Skills, knowledge and
       positive work habits continued to be in short supply. School systems are in sham-
       bles in most countries. Strong private sector leadership at all levels of society is es-
       sential for an effective auguring of quality labour market. It is essential that their ef-
       forts should be complemented by the full and active participation of civil society.
7.4.   Real-time State strategy development: There is simply no alternative to defin-
       ing the scope of the state and the establishment of sound institutional capacity for
       real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and atten-
       tion to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Strategic ob-
       jectives must be clearly defined and specific measures made consistent with overall
       polices of a good national economic management. Provision of incentives to entre-
       preneurs must be subject to periodic review, continuation and expansion, condi-
       tional upon performance criteria established in advance.
7.5.   Economic liberalisation: Full or partial liberalisation of units providing services
       results in a competitive, multi-channel environment and private sector involvement
       in provision of major infrastructure and concession arrangements that will provide
       more employment. The relevance is not augured on the revenue government gener-
       ates from the proceeds, although the macroeconomic perspective is important.
       Thus, programmes ought to be assessed by looking at the extent to which the stated
       objectives have been achieved. The announcement of divestiture will make for some
       stability in investment calculations by potential buyers of enterprises or of shares,
       delineating options of divestiture,ii that achieves improvement in microeconomic ef-
       ficiency to:
          • Achieve higher allocative and productive efficiency: has a normative ra-
              tionale relating to the microeconomic perspective to increase allocative effi-
              ciency in increasing aggregate surplus, lowering prices and efficient use of re-
              sources.
          • Strengthen the role of the private sector in the economy - has a normative
              rationale and relate to the microeconomic perspective -- the creation of well-
              functioning markets and an investor-friendly environment in the economy.
          • Improve the public sector's financial health to free resources for alloca-
              tion in priority areas usually related to social policy. These are related to pub-
              lic sector finance, the reduction of borrowing requirements and potential real-
              location of expenditure towards social policy areas. (Sheshinski Eytan, 1998)
7.6.   Knowledge management and Communities of Practice: Evidence of suffi-
       cient knowledge and information about the business sector is another indica-
       tor. Progress in information systems on micro-economic behaviour including labour
       market networks, and the specific requirements of technology transfer and adapta-
       tion are all preconditions for sound policy and strategy analysis, formulation and
       management. Planning and policy-making are characterised by on-going dialogue
       between government and different groups of economic actors and by regular ex-
       change of electronic data and information on specific needs and requirements in-
       cluding the critical area of technology transfer and development. Further, commu-
       nities of practice and a coherent and coordinated approach between different gov-
       ernment agencies in their dealings with the business community; flexibility in re-
       sponse to changing circumstances; attention to detail in the objectives agreed upon;
       and emphasis on achieving high levels of performance must be developed.
7.7.   Entrepreneurship development: Entrepreneurs that are expected to employ
       the vast army of labour and that operate on a small-to intermediate-scale usually
       exhibit fairly sophisticated organisational skills. Nevertheless, as their businesses
       grow along the small-to intermediate-scale continuum, they often face constraints


                                                  Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 12
such as limited managerial capabilities; difficulties with technology transfer and ad-
     aptation; and, as in the case of informal sector micro-entrepreneurs, inadequate or
     inappropriate public provision of enterprise-level support. If entrepreneurship is to
     become the vehicle of growth, ‘graduation’ of informal sector micro-enterprises to
     better endowed establishments and higher levels of value-added and economic di-
     versification is to be achieved, it is clear that the deficit of skills that are necessary to
     establish a range of capabilities on the managerial side must surmounted. (Costanti-
     nos, BT., 2004)
7.8. Credit and capital markets: An efficient and a development-oriented private
     sector provide the nourishment, which markets require to grow and function effec-
     tively. Markets themselves provide the credit ingredients, which the private sector
     requires to grow, expand and contribute to development. Thus, there is a reciprocal
     and mutually productive relationship between the private sector and credit and capi-
     tal markets. Responsibility for their implementation has been assigned to stake-
     holders at all levels. States should incorporate the requirements of establishing capi-
     tal markets and strengthening the private sector in the list of macro-economic re-
     form and employment programmes priorities. The banking system must be func-
     tioning as efficiently as planned - taking care of the money market and hence credit
     market needs of private sectors. Consequential growth response of the latter should
     give a boost to capital markets which in turn provide capital for entrepreneurial em-
     ployment.iii Employment loans: Central banks in many countries have created in-
     centives to private commercial and merchant banks to provide employment loans of
     various dimensions. The most popular has been the loans provided to provide more
     employees to business. Businesses would hire workers as apprentices hired under
     these conditions will gain experience and knowledge in a very short period of time
     and enter the labour market more easily. Businesses’ is extra labour hand, interest
     free loans that are repaid with a grace period and a balance of loans that can be util-
     ised for other priorities.iv
 7.9. Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment:
           While the concept of mainstreaming has been with us for decades, its applica-
      tion to the area of entrepreneurial employment is more recent and represents
      somewhat uncharted waters. Mainstreaming, within this context, is an essential ap-
      proach for expanding multi-sectoral responses to entrepreneurial employment.
      Mainstreaming of entrepreneurial employment is not an intervention per se. It con-
      stitutes a range of practical strategies for scaling up responses and addressing the
      developmental impacts globally and regionally. Through mainstreaming, govern-
      ment sectors, NGOs, private sector entities, etc., can both meet the needs of their
      own workplace environment, as well as apply their comparative advantage to sup-
      port specific aspects of national entrepreneurial employment responses.
           As with other approaches to this challenge, understanding of mainstreaming is
      still evolving. This document provides a set of basic principles designed to enable
      those working at the different levels and aspects of entrepreneurial employment
      policy and practice to begin using mainstreaming processes for expansion and ac-
      celeration of entrepreneurial employment responses. Based on current experience
      and aimed at guiding mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment at different lev-
      els, five simple principles have emerged that attempt to provide a comprehensive
      framework to analyse where and when to introduce and implement entrepreneurial
      employment mainstreaming.
       •    Entry points: underscores the importance of developing a clearly defined and fo-
            cused entry point or theme for mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment in order
            to maintain the critical focus necessary to make an impact.
       •    Frameworks: national policies or strategic frameworks should be the frame of ref-
            erence and efforts should be located within existing structures.
       •    Advocacy: advocacy, sensitisation, and capacity building should place mainstream
            employment in a better position as it cannot develop of its own accord.


                                                  Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 13
•   Partnership: highlights the importance of developing strategic partnerships based
                 upon comparative advantage, cost effectiveness, and collaboration.

  Figure 1: Strategic Mainstreaming Process
                                               Situation Analysis
                       Evaluation
              Response Analysis                                     National and regional Stra-
                                                                        tegic Frameworks
  Monitoring, Strategic
Information Management                                                   Institutional arrange-
                                                                                 ments

                                                                National and regional opera-
  Sustained Implementation of                                           tional Plans
           Activities



                                              Decentralised management
             •    Domains: the need to maintain a distinction between two domains in main-
                  streaming: the internal domain or workplace, where staff risks and vulner-
                  abilities are addressed; and the external domain, where the institution under-
                  takes entrepreneurial employment interventions based on its mandate and
                  capacities in support of local or national strategic efforts. The internal or
                  workplace domain: Mainstreaming here focuses attention on the opportu-
                  nities within a sector or programme, where the challenge of entrepreneurial
                  employment is addressed by consciously formulating policies that inform day-
                  to-day practice, thus contributing to the protection of the workforce and the
                  deepening understanding of the multi-dimensional impact. The external or
                  target community domain: In the external domain, entrepreneurial em-
                  ployment is mainstreamed into the core mandate, activities, and business of
                  the sector, institution, or project based on available capacities. Entrepreneu-
                  rial employment becomes part of the interaction between these organisations
                  and their communities. Strategies informed by the organisation’s understand-
                  ing and internalisation of entrepreneurial employment issues will tend to in-
                  fluence what is done externally.
  8. Conclusion
         The paper has discussed public sector human qualities for development, real-time
     strategy development, divestiture, employment generating safety nets and loans, food aid
     in security-challenged nations on the one hand and private sector-led knowledge man-
     agement, entrepreneurship development, credit and capital markets and employment
     that will in turn be a harbinger of peace and development.
         Indeed, there is no more compelling raison d'être nor a mission-objective so utterly
     entrenched in the preservation and, even advancement of human-kind, than good gov-
     ernance and leadership that can lead a social league to relate cogently to an epidemic of
     ignorance and hence under-employment that has spun out of control. Hence, we assert
     that, the widespread incidence of poverty is directly attributable to basic weaknesses of
     social and political leadership, rules of the game and political institutions. One would
     submit that states have greatly expanded in the last few decades, especially in terms of
     the number of public employees and the share of public consumption in the government
     budget. Nevertheless, this growth has not usually been accompanied by a concomitant



                                                     Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 14
improvement in the capacity of its leaders to provide the vision and the ability of the state
to extend authority throughout the territory to deliver public services. With few excep-
tions, nations have failed to win popular legitimacy-possessing relatively few authentic,
social organisations that can articulate and aggregate social interests and civic leadership
on education remain generally non-existent or at best, weak or underdeveloped.
    The central hypothesis in employment for human security development is that the
relative strength of political organisations determines the rules of the political game that
are installed. It requires a plural set of political organisations which promote
and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition. To-
gether, institutions (plural organisations plus rules of accountability) en-
sure control of the state executive. In taking an institutional perspective, we as-
sume that actors in the political system express preferences through organisations and
that these organisations vary in strength according to their resource base.
    Legal empowerment of the poor seeks to generate new policy recommendations that
will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and labour rights, within an
enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to justice.
Hence, the discussion questions that arise here for the conferences are
        Access to justice: What reforms are necessary to develop transparent legal and in-
        stitutional arrangements in which the poor have confidence, can access justice, and
        which will generally contribute to a culture of fairness, equity and rule of law? How
        can dispute resolution mechanisms support poor people’s access to rights in afford-
        able and locally appropriate ways? How can improved public administration contrib-
        ute to transparency and accountability, and increase public trust in the formal eco-
        nomic system?
        Property rights: How can countries create an inclusive enabling system of rights,
        obligations and enforcements surrounding the right to property and other assets that
        addresses the interests of marginalized groups?
        Labour rights: How can a decent work agenda be advanced, both within the infor-
        mal and formal economies? How can the costs of working informally, or “decent work
        deficits,” be reduced? How can labour laws protect the rights of the poor without im-
        peding economic growth and business competitiveness?
        Entrepreneurship rights: How can the entrepreneurial innovation and creativity
        in the informal economy be channelled into the creation of decent jobs within the
        formal economy? How can opportunities for establishing businesses be enhanced so
        that the poor face fewer barriers to involvement in the formal economic system?
        What are the specific needs and problems faced by those who conduct business in the
        informal economy? How do complex business regulations or inefficient institutions
        prevent the poor from creating businesses or otherwise engaging in economic activi-
        ties in the formal sector? What incentives can be created to increase access to finance
        and credit? How can the poor, as key stakeholders, be directly involved in the reform
        process?
        Developmental states
               How can such a developmental state emerge? What would be its characteristics
               and functions? Is developmental state model recommended for all African coun-
               tries?
               Did the developmental state concept evolve into solid development theory so far?
               Is it different from top down development theories? Who determines public in-
               terests in a developmental state? How are they articulated and aggregated?
               Does the developmental state concept contradict with the thesis that LDCs should
               first establish G3 patterned on G4 paths to bring about development?
               How do we ensure that it can effectively guide economic transformation and de-
               velopment? How can we ensure that it is accountable and that it acts in the inter-
               est of its citizens?
               Does the developmental state concept apply for Ethiopia? Which of the features of
               developmental states does Ethiopia have?


                                                 Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 15
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    i
       It is where individuals attempt to constitute themselves in arrangements through which they can express
themselves and advance their interests. It thus comprises a set of non-governmental organisations, institutions,
associations (formal and informal) authority structures, and collective activities, which group the mass of popula-
tion together in different ways. Nevertheless, organisational and instrumental definitions tend to ignore relational
aspects of civil society. Thus, for instance, although state and civil society are separate from each other, they are
also in several ways dependant on one another at times even mutually reinforcing.
     ii Examples are full divestiture at one stretch; full divestiture in tranches; partial divestiture, with majority or

minority equity being held by the government for a long time;; partial divestiture, with management being en-
trusted to private hands irrespective of the size of the government’s equity holding; management / employee buy-
outs; transformation into a cooperative society; and sale of assets accompanying or leading to liquidation
     iii Emergence and Viability of Capital Markets: A Synopsis of the Study, BT Costantinos, PhD Team Leader, a

Consultancy Report to UNECA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
     iv Nigeria, Presidential commission to define the agenda for the transition to civilian rule, (1999) Final Report

to the President, Abuja




                                                                Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 16

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Cadpr human security and entrepreneurial employment in the greater horn of africa cp

  • 1. Dr 2011 Human Security and Entrepreneurial Employment in the Greater Horn of Africa International conference on "State of Africa: BT Costantinos, PhD Challenges and School of Graduate Studies, Department of Public Management and Policy, College of Management, Information and Economic Opportunities for Sciences, Addis Ababa University Sustainable Development and Peace" Centre for African Development Policy Research, Western Michigan State
  • 2. Abstract A major contributing factor to the appalling situation of the youth in Africa is that there is and has been a shallow understanding of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the required human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive nature of their de- velopment and utilisation processes. Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary understanding of security involving a number of research fields, which equates security with people rather than territories, with development rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear for all persons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerg- ing paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities that arise from unemployment and lack of en- trepreneurship. There is simply no alternative to defining the scope of the state and the establishment of sound institutional capacity for real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and attention to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Hence, public and private sector employment generation schemes underpin the need for community commitment (targeting, rationalising and effecting public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participa- tion implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and legitimate social capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community, who, at the end, determine the requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci of the initiative are grounded on a firm concep- tual base for remunerated safety nets in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment of the population and analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and impact of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for capacity de- velopment on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability including building the rules and institutions of finance and the market and legal empowerment of the poor that seeks to generate new policy recommendations that will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and la- bour rights, within an enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to justice. Key words: employment, entrepreneurship, human security Contents Introduction…1 Paradigmatic notion of human security…2 • Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development…2 • Employment and Human Security …2 • Social capital as a foundation for employment …3 Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution …4 Democracy is a rare commodity here …5 Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia…7 Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony… 8 Public and private sector-led entrepreneurial development…10 • Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN) …10 • Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations…10 • The state and its responsibility in priming human qualities…11 • The State: Real-time State strategy development…12 • Economic liberalisation …12 • Knowledge management and Communities of Practice…12 • Entrepreneurship development…12 • Credit and capital markets…13 • Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment…13 Conclusion…14 References and endnotes…11 Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page ii
  • 3. 1. Introduction From Darfur to the jungles of the River Zaire, from the Eritrean plateau to South Su- dan, from trouble Somalia to the genocidal communities of Rwanda and Burundi, from the violent cities and borders of Kenya to Northern Uganda; new faces and forces of vul- nerability and poverty haunt the Greater Horn of Africa. Conflicts, corruption, disasters, poverty and pandemics now threaten the sub-region with a calamity unforeseen even during the Great African Famine of the 1980s. While many proposals for remedial action have been formulated for such vulnerability and poverty that haunt the sub-region, real commitment to collaborative processes at the inter-organisational level has always been limited. Mobilising the action required has also remained a daunting challenge, as many practical and structural constraints militate against commitment by individual groups to inter-organisational initiatives nationally and region- ally. The tragedy which took such a heavy toll of life over the past years has highlighted the fundamental weakness of the peace, security and development strategies. Many con- ventional and preconceived notions have been questioned and new ideas proposed. Ef- forts have also been made to improve one’s understanding of vulnerabilities, to estimate the risks resulting there from more accurately and to make adequate preventive meas- ures against insecurity, ahead of time. In this sense, the traditional role of humanitarian and development organisations has been harshly, even cruelly, tested. The need for collective learning about responses, and the responsibility to those whose suffering provided the basis for that learning will never be more urgent than it is now. Unfortunately, such lessons, which may be learned through the shocks adminis- tered by an uncompromising reality, are rarely translated quickly into personal or organ- isational memories and the inherent will to change. The reasons for this are sometimes rooted in human inertia, weakness, and self-interest. They are equally often the products of a genuine confusion about how to act most effectively in an environment that seems to be growing more complex. To every human problem in Africa, there is always a solution that is smart, simple and immoral. Important stakeholders tend to have a linear way of thinking that is inadequate to unravel the many complex inter-relationships underlying people’s insecurity. It is neither popular nor scientific. The need for the fundamental change on how the global community deals with the internecine crises must change since places such as Darfur, Somalia, Northern Uganda, to name a few, have become a new in- signia of human ‘bestiality’. As a region of young people; whose visions of human development and human secu- rity are defined by the tenacity to achieve the Compact defined by the Millennium Devel- opment Goals, the youth are right to aspire to forms of transformational development in terms of equity, a healthy population, an educated, fully engaged and employed youth with a solid family structure. Nonetheless, the reality is of one of marginalisation, de- manding radical developmental and demographic reconfiguration of our nations. The later breeds despondency, desperation, intolerance, and of course belligerence; so much so that political forces in every corner have mobilised the youth for violent ends, often to the detriment of their very own livelihoods. The unfolding human tragedy, its impact on human development and its conse- quences on politics are indeed too ghastly to contemplate. Whereas, the challenge simply stated, underpins the need to connect to the energies of the youth, they have instead, for so many years were encouraged to look to outsiders to provide the means and processes of change. They have been discouraged from mobilising for local actions and for their own development, finding themselves in positions of unequal power, making it very tempting for many in politics to dictate conditions and terms of relationships on them. The purpose and the contents of this presentation is to propose means that are de- signed to develop strategies for strengthening the capacity to mobilise nations and civil societies to direct policies and programmes to address the compelling and evolving im- plications of unemployment and human insecurity; so that it does not further reverse human and social capital development in the sub-Region.
  • 4. 2. Paradigmatic discourse in employment generation and human security The overwhelming majority of citizens are preoccupied by the need for sheer survival most eking out a daily existence; often, at a very high price for the lack of entrepreneur- ship and productive employment. Indeed many pundits assert that the impact of crush- ing poverty is simply too overwhelming to provide a fertile ground for nourishing liveli- hood security, let alone, a pluralist society. (Costantinos, BT., 2004) 2.1. Analytical dimensions to entrepreneurial development It is easy to follow the current trend within the international community and ad- vocate entrepreneurial employment as a desirable form of development paradigm. Nor is it difficult to make normative judgements about how nations should behave if entrepreneurial employment is to grow into a positive agent of change. But it is not so easy to conceptualise entrepreneurial employment as a working process, which is balanced against strategy, to determine what makes for real, as opposed to vacuously formal process. As a way of contributing to the overcoming or lessening of these dif- ficulties we may theorise entrepreneurial employment as the dynamic interaction of strategy and process. It is possible to see entrepreneurial employment as the playing out of objective and critical standards, rules and concepts of economic, social and political conduct in the goals and activities of all participants, those of public of- ficials who make and administer the rules as well as those of ordinary citizens. The issue here is not simply one of application of rules to particular activities. Nor is it one of dissolving agent-catered strategies of entrepreneurial employment into objec- tive principles and norms. It is rather the production or articulation of process ele- ments and forms within and through the strategic (and non-strategic) activities of various participants. Highlighting the mutually constitutive and regulative articulation of strategy and process, we shift the centre of analysis away from the two as separate formations that enter only external relations with each other. This shift of analytical focus serves to emphasise the critical point that the task of broadly structuring entrepreneurial employment as a global political-economic system is more important than that of promoting it within the specific programme of a particular nation. The making of broadly inclusive entrepreneurial employment should consist of an articulation of process and agency which can be sustained in its structures or systems by any politi- cal party or government operating within it. As a result, current discussions and analyses of entrepreneurial employment are generally marked by several limitations: • a tendency to narrow entrepreneurial employment to the terms and categories of immediate, not very well considered, political and social action, a naive realism, as it were; and inattention to problems of articulation or production of global sys- tems and process within local politics rather than simply as formal or abstract possibilities; • a nearly exclusive concern in certain institutional perspectives on entrepreneurial employment with generic attributes and characteristics of social, economic, cul- tural and political organisations and consequent neglect of analysis in terms of specific strategies and performances of organisations in processes of transition to entrepreneurial employment; and ambiguity as to whether civil society is the agent or object of global change and concerning the role of the state; • inadequate treatment of the role of transnational companies and the Bretton Wood Institutions and of relations between global and indigenous aspects or di- mensions of entrepreneurial employment; 2.2. Employment and Human Security Human security, a post-Cold War concept, is a multi-disciplinary understanding of security involving a number of research fields, including development studies, in- ternational relations, strategic studies and human rights. The 1994 HDR, a milestone publication in the field of human security, introduces a new concept of human secu- rity, which equates security with people rather than territories, with development Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 2
  • 5. rather than arms; ensuring freedom from want and freedom from fear for all per- sons is the best path to tackle the problem of global insecurity refers to an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents challenge the notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be the individual rather. It examines both the national and the global concerns of human security and seeks to deal with these concerns through a new paradigm of human development, capturing the potential peace dividend, a new form of development co-operation and a restructured system of global institutions. Increasing human security entails: in- vesting in entrepreneurial employment; engaging policy makers to address the emerging peace dividend; enlarging the concept of development co-operation so that it includes all flows, not just aid; and establishing an Economic Security Council. (UNDP, 1994) Human security holds that a people-centred view of security is necessary for global stability as committed by the 2005 World Summit outcome document to discussing and defining the notion of human security. (UN, 2005) Freedom from fear vs. freedom from want: While the “HDR originally argued that human security requires attention to both freedoms from fear and from want; divisions have gradually emerged over the proper scope of that protection and over the appropriate mechanisms for respond- ing to these threats. The Freedom from Fear School seeks to limit the practice of human security to protecting individuals from violent conflicts. This approach ar- gues that limiting the focus to violence is a realistic and manageable approach to- wards human security. Emergency assistance, conflict prevention and resolution, peace-building are the main concerns of this approach. On the other hand, accord- ing to UNDP 1994, Freedom from Want School focuses on the basic idea that un- employment and insecurity stem violence, poverty, inequality, and diseases insepa- rable concepts in addressing the root of human insecurity. It expands the focus be- yond violence with emphasis on development and security goals. In reality both should serve as an important impetus to global action. 2.3. Social capital as a foundation for employment and human security: There is a vast and growing, if recent, literature on associational life in the sub- region. Much of this literature is an important and much needed corrective to the afro-pessimism prevailing in policy circles in the West. Having despaired of re- vamping the supposedly derelict state, researchers and some policy makers have averted their gaze to social movements and groups, optimistic that these, if re- invigorated, may organically lead to stronger and more democratic states in the con- tinent. Whereas these movements were once perceived as the touchstone of democ- ratic transition and consolidation, their brief has been widened. Researchers see them as the harbingers of development and the solution to the deep poverty that afflicts Africa. The questions is given the predatory nature of the state, can these movements carry the large brief cut out for them, focussing deci- sively on the state as a continuing variable in the de-institutionalisation of social capital? Social capital is crucial to employment and human security deepening but sounds a more sceptical note and deprecates the carnival air surrounding much of the debate on its midwifery of human security; because the complexities of conflict ridden associational life in Africa are less neat and seamier, than much of the litera- ture cares to admit. Admittedly, the issues usually raised are broad domain of en- quiries; however, given the human desperation, an attempt must be made to answer them as a pre-requisite to providing an understanding to the unfolding insecurity and struggles for the expansion of democratic space. In its initial application, little distinction was done to differentiate civil society from society. If anything, it was perceived as a way of conceiving society when the latter is politically active. To some, society by nature is in a state of perpetual war- fare; hence, it is the task of the state to impose order. Nevertheless, what emerges Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 3
  • 6. out of this position is the establishment of order through near total subjection of individual to unlimited power. Conversely, there is a school of thought that seeks equilibrium between the unlimited power of the state and individual rights. It is here that the idea of a constitutional state comes to the fore. (Keane, J., 1988a) It posits that it is the state’s responsibility to settle conflict in the society; it does not, in this sense, occupy a position opposite to that of the society, but is if anything compliant. Society becomes civil when it seeks to define and establish legitimate political authority. Notably, the processes of establishing norms that define legitimacy are also an aspect of “civil society”. To crown this, is the process by which the dominant class create and protects its hegemonic grip on the state, while allowing the same to be presented to subordinate classes as legitimate.i Conventionally, civil society is de- fined spatially as the political space between the household and the state. It takes a more organisational and instrumentalist view and thus sees civil society in terms of an arena of negotiation and organisation. It exists outside of the formal political arena even though it can be drawn in when there is a political crisis. (Keller, E., 1997) 3. Sates turn rogue, the disenchantment and The Jasmine Revolution 3.1. Genesis and the campaign for democracy Egypt, by far the most populous Arab country has long been known as a centre of stability in a volatile region, but that masked malignant problems which erupted in popular demonstrations against rulers who monopolised political power through a mixture of constitutional manipulation, repression and rigged elections, cronyism, and the backing of powerful foreign allies. The main drivers of the unrest have been poverty, rising prices, social exclusion, anger over corruption and personal en- richment among the political elite, and a demographic bulge of young people un- able to find work. After dozens of deaths at the hands of the security forces, the ral- lying cries were the people want the fall of the regime. There followed several days of carnival-like protests centred on Cairo's Tahrir (Liberation) Square, effectively celebrations of the newfound freedom and mutual respect among protesters, culmi- nating in the march of the million. Mubarek’s rapport with the US that was under- pinned by a peace treaty with Israel was standard-bearer of the Arab cause and bil- lions of dollars of US military aid that permitted him a free hand to engage with Is- rael, unhindered by deep public concern on Israel's excesses. The protests have included people from all sectors of society, but at the forefront have been young, tech-savvy Egyptians who have never known another ruler of their country. The army has always been the key power in a highly fluid, opaque and dan- gerous and contrast to the security police, it had pledged not to use violence to quell a near-universally peaceful protests. 3.2. Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index The Shoe-thrower’s Index is based on a set of indicators thought to feed unrest and political instability. After assigning weights to each indicator and crunching the numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab countries’ vulnerability to revolution. The index produces some interesting results. Tunisia scores lower than might be expected based on actual events. While an index intended to shed light on future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the past, such curious diver- gences invite further consideration and attempts to experiment with other prospec- tive indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is based on the following indi- cators and weightings. (35% – Population share under age 25, 15% – Number of years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU), 10% – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute number of young <25). Mubarak’s 30-year reign and Tunisia’s Ben Ali’s 23-year rule were certainly big factors in their unceremonious ousters. The biggest contribution by far (35% against the next highest weighting of 15%) is assigned to the percent of a country’s popula- Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 4
  • 7. tion under the age of 25. Rather than just a large presence of passionate youth, the key driver here seems to be the lack of jobs for young workers and their feelings about the shortage of employment opportunities and life prospects. Income inequal- ity can breed resentment and discontent and signal economic difficulties, uneven development and government policy shortcomings. While the middle class has been a key force behind Egypt’s revolution, the large number of Egyptians who live on the poverty line is a further sign of the country’s economic problems and source of frus- tration with government policies. 18.5% of Egypt lived on $2 a day or less at PPP. % Pop. Under 25 (35%) Years in Power (15%) Corruption (15%) Democracy (10%) Years Value Value Share Share Share Share Index Index Index Index Index Index Index Score Score index value value % Algeria 49 84 29.2 12 29 4.3 105 60 9.0 125 78 18.8 Bahrain 35 60 21.1 12 29 4.3 48 27 4.1 122 76 18.3 Egypt 51 88 30.7 30 71 10.7 98 56 8.4 138 86 12.9 Iraq 58 100 35.0 5 12 1.8 175 100 15.0 111 69 10.4 Jordan 54 93 32.6 12 29 4.3 50 29 4.3 117 73 11.0 Kuwait 37 63 22.1 5 12 1.8 54 31 4.6 114 71 10.7 Lebanon 42 73 25.4 0 0 0.0 127 73 10.9 86 54 8.1 Libya 49 84 29.2 42 100 15.0 146 83 12.5 158 99 14.8 Mauritania 57 97 34.0 2 5 0.7 143 82 12.3 115 72 10.8 Morocco 47 81 28.3 12 29 4.3 85 49 7.3 116 73 10.9 Oman 49 84 29.2 41 98 14.6 41 23 3.5 143 89 13.4 Qatar 28 48 16.8 16 38 5.7 19 11 1.6 137 86 12.8 Saudi Arabia 54 93 32.6 6 14 2.1 50 29 4.3 160 100 15 Sudan 58 100 35.0 22 52 7.9 172 98 14.7 151 94 14.2 Syria 56 96 33.6 11 26 3.9 127 73 10.9 152 95 14.3 Tunisia 43 74 25.9 0 0 0.0 59 34 5.1 144 90 13.5 UAE 34 59 20.6 7 17 2.5 28 16 2.4 148 93 13.9 Yemen 64 110 38.4 33 79 11.8 146 83 12.5 146 91 13.7 The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Shoe-thrower’s chart of The Arab League nations The role of Social Media: The internet, facebook, twitter, and other social media and mobile cellular phone access played important roles in inciting and organizing the protests that led to revo- lution in Tunisia and Egypt. Many Egyptians consider Wael Ghonim, a Google execu- tive in Egypt who created a facebook page that attracted millions of visitors, to be one of the unofficial leaders of the anti-Mubarak movement. Ghonim set up the page in the name of Khaled Arab Mobile and Internet Users % Said, a young businessman who died in police cus- Country Internet Mobile Algeria 12 93 tody in Egypt’s second largest city, Alexandria, in Bahrain 52 186 June 2010. During the recent uprising, the chant we Egypt 17 51 are all Khaled Said could be heard ringing through Jordan 27 91 Tahrir Square in Cairo. Unrest and revolution in Iraq 1 57 Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tuni- Libya 5 78 Morocco 33 72 sian government mistreating and shooting at its own Saudi Arabia 31 145 people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor Sudan 10 29 helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself Syria 17 34 on fire in front of the official offices. The revolution Tunisia 27 83 Yemen 1.6 16 probably wouldn’t have taken place without the Global Sherpa, 2011, World Bank video and pictures exchanged through facebook, where internet and mobile cellular access is at least as good in the majority of Arab countries in the index. 4. Democracy is a rare commodity here… Suddenly the world was looking at a successful popular Arab revolution, one that had never happened before. There had been revolutions in the Arab world since it be- came independent of foreign colonial powers – the Young Officers Revolution in Egypt in 1952, revolutions in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Sudan – but they were all military coups, Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 5
  • 8. planned and executed by officers, even though they later said they were for the good of the people. What happened in Tunisia was different. It was started by the people, not the leaders, and their spontaneous protest seemed to have snowballed on its own – unless evidence of a hidden hand is brought forward. (Zvi Mazel, 2011) Index of democratisation in the Arab League (Complied from various sources including the EIU) Nevertheless, the underdevelopment of civil society in Africa and the incapacities of institutions within it are seen as major barriers to political, social, and economic reform. The activities of some social institutions may have the salutary effect of bringing into transparency the work of the state, and of opening-up state institutions and practices to public suiting. Rather than offering agents and arena of transitions to democracy, civil societies are generally seen as objects and problems of reform; because of low levels of educational, economic, technological, professional, and cultural development. On account of this view, the state assumes a large role in political, social, and economic reform. It is assigned the task of nothing less than cultivating civil society. The state is not pushed to the background as society activates itself and leads the struggle for reform. Rather, the former acts on the latter, promotes, and manages the participation of individuals and groups in political, social, and economic reform. There are, then, two divergent representations of civil society accompanied by somewhat conflicting conceptions of the role of the state in the African passage to democracy. The perception of society as producer of the spontaneous interests, demands and resources of change, to some degree, conflicts with the view of civil societies as weakly developed social and structures in need of cultivation and support by the state and the conception of the state as creator of the enabling environment for free democratic activities diverges from the view of the state as a political educator, mobiliser, and democratiser of civil society. (Costantinos BT., 1993) The centre stage the State takes in here has bred developmentalism that is part of the now problematic theory of modernity and which habitually traces and variously recommends the transition from the traditional or anarchic to the modern and the rational in its projects -- desired conditions, which can be achieved through technical solutions. It is a theory, which is being widely challenged across the spectrum of the physical and social sciences; providing a further legitimisation of the process of accommodation with protracted crisis. Aid is transformed by development workers into an opportunity for modernisation; at an historic period, which beggars the endeavour, when Africa appears to have moved from a period of state formation and conflict between States, to state disintegration, internal conflict and the emergence of unorthodox fundamentalist and ethno-nationalist regimes. Even the nature of war appears to have changed where ideologically orientated wars of liberation have given way to conflicts more defined in terms of the struggle for Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 6
  • 9. material survival. State sponsored ethnic structured resource wars, violent war lordism, parallel economies, and fundamentalist regimes have appeared in their stead. There is little doubt that there is disillusionment with the ruling parties among the broad spectrum of people who had very high expectation from states. However, the challenge is to find a way forward by developing structures and mechanics that will not only resolve the immediate conflicts but also lay a solid foundation upon which enduring democracy will thrive. (Costantinos, BT., 1997,a). 5. Building the Developmental State in Ethiopia 5.1. With few exceptions, African countries have not made a meaningful economic transformation. 39 African countries are classified as members of a bottom billion club of countries, structurally insecure and structurally unaccountable – security and accountability are undersupplied public goods. Hence, Livelihood Security of which entrepreneurship and employment generation is central requires a plural set of organisations which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition. 5.2. A DS is defined as “a state that puts development as the top priority of policy, and is able to design effective instruments to promote such a goal”. 5.2.1. The instruments should include the forging of new formal institutions, the weaving of formal and informal networks of collaboration and the utilization of new opportunities for trade and profitable production” 5.2.2. A DS is thus understood as an interventionist state that identifies priorities, develops strategies, set targets, facilitates coordination among various sectors and stakeholders, monitor achievement of goals and can establish clear eco- nomic and social objectives, and influence the direction and pace of develop- ment. 5.2.3. Characterization: An effective DS should have political will and the necessary capacity to articulate and implement policies to expand human capabilities, enhance equity and promote economic and social transformation. 5.3. The legal empowerment of the poor; access to justice; entrepreneurial rights; prop- erty rights and labour rights require 5.3.1. Promoting high-level, sustained, inclusive and clean economic growth that creates decent jobs, wealth and withstand shocks 5.3.2. A process of continuous technological innovation, industrial upgrading and diversification, improvements in infrastructure and institutional arrange- ments and policies: fiscal, monetary, exchange rate, capital flows and trade policies, constitute the context for wealth creation and accountable state that can Establish and enforce rules that guide societal behavior; Manage personnel and resources to ensure accountability and efficien- cy in service delivery; Make technical decisions and implement them; raise revenues needed for development goals; political will and mandate to perform required functions; Policies must be derived from a consultative process that ensure active engagement of other societal actors in policy design and not manipu- lated by technocratic/ socio-political elite; Ensure existence of competent and neutral bureaucracy; Establish complementarities among social and economic policies, go- vernance system; 5.3.3. Enhancing the state’s role in transformation: The role of the state is in achieving rapid and sustained economic growth and development combined with deep structural transformation that must be channeled through a dis- ciplined planning approach… Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 7
  • 10. 5.3.4. Building Developmental States: The above role is best performed by states that are both developmental and democratic that should build the transformative institutions such as: A constitution, the rule of law, independent judiciary, representative political institutions, effective regulatory institutions good laws and property rights enforcement, Competent professional bureaucracy whose recruitment and ad- vancement are based strictly on merit, A developmentalist coalition among committed political leadership, the bureaucracy, private sector and civil society around common na- tional development goals; 5.3.5. Avoiding the pitfalls of state intervention: The entire state apparatus can be captured by elites or powerful special interest groups. Unchecked in- tervention, which is beyond the level needed to correct market failure, weak integrity may lead to rent seeking, breeding waste and inefficiency, inappro- priate behavior of corrupt regulatory agencies. He state may focus on three groups: committed political leadership, Autonomous & professional bureau- cracy, Participation of key stakeholders, particularly civil society and the me- dia, which have oversight responsibility. The DS also has policy instruments to eliminate, or at least limit, exposure to these risks; Enhancing stakeholder participation: Establish democratic delibera- tive institutions at all levels of decision-making, empower these insti- tutions to promote stakeholder ownership of development, enhanced citizen oversight over government activities for ensuring transparency, and sharing of information...Use the market as a supplementary means of maintaining efficiency and motivating economic agents; Empower the bureaucracy to transparently determine the extent and allocation of rents, and the terms and conditions for their allocation and elimination, Establish competition policy and enforce competition law against anti- competitive behavior by public and private producers. Ensure that the bureaucracy has both the autonomy and capacity to respond quickly to changing local and global situations Forge close, interactive and synergic relations between the bureaucra- cy and the private sector Establish and empower regulatory agencies to set and enforce product quality standards for all producers, 6. Employment Dynamics and Social Harmony 6.1. The Universal Declaration of Rights More than sixty years ago, the human community proclaimed a bold and revolu- tionary vision of the future, The Universal Declaration of Rights; where the youth will engage collectively as result of the responsible action of politically mature citi- zens acting in the framework of a free society. As we stand on the watershed of the old and new Millennia, demands for greater democratic space and youth participa- tion in Horn of Africa have increased the accountability of state actors. This is a tall order that would revolutionise approaches to self-directed employment based de- velopment that only a new paradigm shift and commitment to new organising prin- ciples can achieve. Hence, the need to focus on practical strategies for employment generation schemes that have transformed hitherto underemployed economies into forces of livelihood sustainability and human security. While the degree of awareness on the challenges has improved over the past few years, the tendency for governments to treat these challenges as yet another routine Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 8
  • 11. issue that needs to be tackled through five-year development plans is tantalising. The fact remains, however, that these challenges will increasingly claim the liveli- hoods of many families and the economic backbone of many nations; retarding hu- man development to a level where it becomes impossible to reverse the trend in much less time than the development cycles of States. These are further complicated by fear of the unknown, traditional power dynamics, lack of experience or aware- ness of collective action, poor local leadership and the lack of energy, time and will- ingness to devote to activities other than basic subsistence. 6.2. African youth policy An ambitious African youth policy of 2004 zeroes on enabling the youth to play an active role in building a democratic society and good governance, as well as in social and economic development. It further aims to deliver a democratically ori- ented, knowledgeable and skilled, organised and disciplined enterprising youth generation. Nevertheless, the low levels of opportunities for productive employ- ment only serve to amplify the nation’s penury. This is not with out its politico- ethical consequences. It is echoed in the politicisation of violent and fearless youth and the mass diasporisation that now crowded Western capitals, as a source of skilled human capital. Failure to utilise such a lynch-pin factor of production is not acceptable. Radical policy and strategic measures to boast the private sector’s role and capacity need to be launched with vigour to develop the management and func- tionings of the labour. Whilst several policies have had positive results in recent years, these can be further supplemented by inter alia by promoting international labour standards related to the Employment Policy Convention of 1964 and its elaborations in further policy recommendations, supplementary notes and proviso. ADF IV emphasised that the youth present the vision of a social order seeking to have a voice in societies whose basic structures are not conducive to listening to young voices. Nevertheless, the reality is that today's youth no longer accept or re- spect those structures and increasingly demand a voice of their own. African youth are energetic, and increasingly, seeking alternatives. (UNECA, ADF IV) Hence, they are seeking their own alternatives; because of which many are in the Diaspora is technically advanced. Through creative programmes and linkages, our million strong Diaspora can be a force of change in Horn of Africa. FIELD underpinned “the fact that the Diaspora offers an exceptional synergy: the problem-solving perspective that comes with distance and the intense commitment that comes with a sense of deep closeness and belonging. Oh yes, it also includes a lot of men and women with world-class competence in their respective fields: business, medicine, law, acade- mia, athletics, and the arts. Many have also made a lot of money. They hold so much potential for the future of this country; which will only become a reality if we move forward in a spirit of partnership. (FIELD, 2005) 6.3. Social and political consequences of unemployment Unemployment, the Arab Revolution and the Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s Index: In a captivating 60 Minutes segment, it was reported on how unrest and revolu- tion in Tunisia grew out of facebook postings of the Tunisian government mistreat- ing and shooting at its own people. Mohammed Bouazizi, a young fruit vendor in the town of Sidi Bouzid, helped jump start the revolution by lighting himself on fire in front of the offices of an official who slapped him and tried to take away his liveli- hood by confiscating a scale Bouazizi used to weigh fruit. His infraction, not having a license, reportedly applies to most every other fruit vendor even though Bouazizi was the one singled out. The Shoe-thrower’s Index was hence based on a set of indicators thought to feed unrest and political instability. After assigning weights to each indi- cator and crunching the numbers, the Economist arrived at the chart below of Arab countries’ vulnerability to revolution. The index produces some interesting results. Tunisia scores lower than might be expected based on actual events. While an index intended to shed light on future developments shouldn’t be constructed to fit the Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 9
  • 12. past, such curious divergences invite further consideration and attempts to experi- ment with other prospective indicators. The Economist’s Shoe-thrower’s chart is based on the following indicators and weightings. (35%–Population share under age 25, 15% – Number of years in power, 15% – Corruption index (TI), 15% – Lack-of-democracy index (EIU), 10% – GDP per person, 5% – Censorship index (Freedom House), 5% – Absolute number of young <25). 7. Public and private sector employment generating schemes 7.1. Employment Generating Safety Nets (EGSN) The EGSN conceptual arguments have been developed, perhaps to a point where one may consider them dispensable for a public work' study; but one may also look at the opportunity to look into the dialectic of safety net-based-development as fire fighters of the long-term. It should be noted that this paper is neither a project de- sign nor an evaluation of one; as every project must be designed independently re- sponding to the local vision, needs and development. 7.2. Transforming emergency aid to employment in post-conflict nations: The famines of the past few decades have indeed been a cruel test in Horn of Af- rica. While the outpouring sympathy and generous response of the international community have been phenomenal, the actions of the firemen of international dis- asters had brought to light some serious doubts about the ability of interventions to reduce peoples' vulnerability. Today, the crises assumes new dimensions as chang- ing production relations, spurred by socio-economic adjustments (that will set the requisite basis for growth but may result in short-term economic contraction, ad- versely affecting social cushions, employment, and lowering investment levels) set the pace of livelihood security. The demand for some important attitudinal shifts among thinkers and policy makers and the challenges of designing concepts and models that will help harmonise the human dimension in development has never been more acute. Inspired by a new orthodoxy that has evolved with the upsurge of professionalism on such emerging ideals; the eighties have provided a fertile ground for the discourse on the subject of human vulnerabilities. The debate that ensued regarding on emergency aid is long, trying and, at times, counter productive. On a positive note it has • output aspect (it could stimulate production without creating inflation), • distribution aspect (enable specific poverty focused programmes), • stabilisation aspect (assist in setting up price stabilisation locally), • additionally aspect (it is additional to regular aid managed) It is against this backgrounder that EGSN and employment loans have been designed to offset the disincentive aspects. The protocol for such a study has there- fore been formulated to deal specifically with tools for participatory planning; • Assess strengths and weaknesses of participatory planning methods in use; • Develop proposals regarding appropriate methods to be used in the future on employment-support projects, both for planning, monitoring and evaluation; • Carry out assessments to identify who are the employment and livelihood in- secure, how do they vary over time? How can a high degree of participation and sustainability be assured? Is there seasonal competition between em- ployment need and agricultural activities? What are the complementary measures required to enhance employment? What institutional problems should M&E try to answer? Major research questions have been more articulated with the following foci: • Assessment of motivational needs of communities, implementation institu- tions, and identification of seasonality of labour and productivity; • Insecurity ranking; assessment of the poorest and self-targeting - through be- low market level wages - or administrative means and • Monitoring issues related to the employment-based safety net approach -- is the scheme effective in preventing chronic and/or transitory insecurity? Does Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 10
  • 13. it contribute to reducing vulnerability in the longer term? Are existing sys- tems of early Warning appropriate? What are the monitoring data require- ments and most appropriate methods of data collection? Public -EGSN are packages characterised by less than the average earned wages, hence the need for community commitment (targeting, rationalising and effect- ing public works schemes) to the success of public works initiated. Participation implies local commitment, decisions, innovativeness, resource contribution and le- gitimate social capital to preside on the collective will and decisions of community, who, at the end, determine the requisite basis that participation to happen. The foci of the initiative are grounded on a firm conceptual base for remunerated safety nets in developing methodology for comprehensive self-assessment of the population and analyses of the operational capabilities: objectives, inputs, outputs, effects and impact of employment-support projects. In addition, it concerns outlining proposals for ca- pacity development on mechanism for participation that can assure sustainability. Among the key functions to be performed during the planning and design phases is a comprehensive self-assessment of the population and rigorous analyses of the management, programming and operational capabilities of the organisational struc- tures. EGSN can substantively contribute to participatory development even if their designs deceivingly seem limited. The main objectives of EGSN are to serve as under- employment cushions; while assisting the development of public works schemes. They avail communities the opportunity for working in their own development and render resources required for emergency unnecessary. The strategy is a set of long-term choices that programme leaders make in terms of goals, services, policies and action plans. It is, bound to succeed as it meets the region’s long-term objectives. Community organisational structure and processes here refer to the relationships that are established both by the development contracts with beneficiaries and more importantly the command and reporting chains within the project: relationships in the allocation of authority and responsibility, reporting and the mechanisms for inte- grating the different components of the project. The motivational and attitudinal as- pects: With evolving changes in the policy environment, investment in local capacity building and peoples' participation, the potential for sustainability of assets created under safety nets can be enhanced. The operational understanding of participation must be carefully seen as a process of self empowerment, a transformation in the so- cial milieu, policy dialogue, and organisational culture within the structures of project management in particular and governance at the national level. Sustainability of as- sets created and replicability will always depend on what use value people will find in the asset itself. Sustainability is enhanced when people find unity of purpose to main- tain the assets created - a sense of social cohesion; • Using the internally available resources to better advantage, • Introducing technologies that would increase viability of these resources, • Introduce external resources where the security situation is too grave to be able to sustain itself on internal management or where the need for the external input is temporary in order to increase the level of productivity to the point where internal management can take over successfully. 7.3. The State’s responsibility is priming human qualities: A major contributing factor to the appalling situation is that there is and has been a shallow understand- ing of, and a feeble grip on, the essential components that constitute the required human qualities for development, and the intensive and comprehensive na- ture of their development and utilisation processes. As such, important components and commitment required to build and use a quality labour force for accelerating and sustaining growth are not properly addressed in the education, training and productivity programmes. Nations have failed to produce and retain the necessary pool of self-confident, healthy, knowledgeable and skilled labour force, with re- sourcefulness with a sense of purpose, work ethics, vision, integrity and direction. Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 11
  • 14. Pronouncements have been made regarding employment and career develop- ment programmes in m ay forums. Yet, like many other policy efforts, these have not yielded the desired results. Human capital flight from the region has reached high proportions leaving behind an ill-prepared labour force. Skills, knowledge and positive work habits continued to be in short supply. School systems are in sham- bles in most countries. Strong private sector leadership at all levels of society is es- sential for an effective auguring of quality labour market. It is essential that their ef- forts should be complemented by the full and active participation of civil society. 7.4. Real-time State strategy development: There is simply no alternative to defin- ing the scope of the state and the establishment of sound institutional capacity for real-time strategy development, sensitivity analysis, policy coordination, and atten- tion to the details of implementation of entrepreneurial employment. Strategic ob- jectives must be clearly defined and specific measures made consistent with overall polices of a good national economic management. Provision of incentives to entre- preneurs must be subject to periodic review, continuation and expansion, condi- tional upon performance criteria established in advance. 7.5. Economic liberalisation: Full or partial liberalisation of units providing services results in a competitive, multi-channel environment and private sector involvement in provision of major infrastructure and concession arrangements that will provide more employment. The relevance is not augured on the revenue government gener- ates from the proceeds, although the macroeconomic perspective is important. Thus, programmes ought to be assessed by looking at the extent to which the stated objectives have been achieved. The announcement of divestiture will make for some stability in investment calculations by potential buyers of enterprises or of shares, delineating options of divestiture,ii that achieves improvement in microeconomic ef- ficiency to: • Achieve higher allocative and productive efficiency: has a normative ra- tionale relating to the microeconomic perspective to increase allocative effi- ciency in increasing aggregate surplus, lowering prices and efficient use of re- sources. • Strengthen the role of the private sector in the economy - has a normative rationale and relate to the microeconomic perspective -- the creation of well- functioning markets and an investor-friendly environment in the economy. • Improve the public sector's financial health to free resources for alloca- tion in priority areas usually related to social policy. These are related to pub- lic sector finance, the reduction of borrowing requirements and potential real- location of expenditure towards social policy areas. (Sheshinski Eytan, 1998) 7.6. Knowledge management and Communities of Practice: Evidence of suffi- cient knowledge and information about the business sector is another indica- tor. Progress in information systems on micro-economic behaviour including labour market networks, and the specific requirements of technology transfer and adapta- tion are all preconditions for sound policy and strategy analysis, formulation and management. Planning and policy-making are characterised by on-going dialogue between government and different groups of economic actors and by regular ex- change of electronic data and information on specific needs and requirements in- cluding the critical area of technology transfer and development. Further, commu- nities of practice and a coherent and coordinated approach between different gov- ernment agencies in their dealings with the business community; flexibility in re- sponse to changing circumstances; attention to detail in the objectives agreed upon; and emphasis on achieving high levels of performance must be developed. 7.7. Entrepreneurship development: Entrepreneurs that are expected to employ the vast army of labour and that operate on a small-to intermediate-scale usually exhibit fairly sophisticated organisational skills. Nevertheless, as their businesses grow along the small-to intermediate-scale continuum, they often face constraints Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 12
  • 15. such as limited managerial capabilities; difficulties with technology transfer and ad- aptation; and, as in the case of informal sector micro-entrepreneurs, inadequate or inappropriate public provision of enterprise-level support. If entrepreneurship is to become the vehicle of growth, ‘graduation’ of informal sector micro-enterprises to better endowed establishments and higher levels of value-added and economic di- versification is to be achieved, it is clear that the deficit of skills that are necessary to establish a range of capabilities on the managerial side must surmounted. (Costanti- nos, BT., 2004) 7.8. Credit and capital markets: An efficient and a development-oriented private sector provide the nourishment, which markets require to grow and function effec- tively. Markets themselves provide the credit ingredients, which the private sector requires to grow, expand and contribute to development. Thus, there is a reciprocal and mutually productive relationship between the private sector and credit and capi- tal markets. Responsibility for their implementation has been assigned to stake- holders at all levels. States should incorporate the requirements of establishing capi- tal markets and strengthening the private sector in the list of macro-economic re- form and employment programmes priorities. The banking system must be func- tioning as efficiently as planned - taking care of the money market and hence credit market needs of private sectors. Consequential growth response of the latter should give a boost to capital markets which in turn provide capital for entrepreneurial em- ployment.iii Employment loans: Central banks in many countries have created in- centives to private commercial and merchant banks to provide employment loans of various dimensions. The most popular has been the loans provided to provide more employees to business. Businesses would hire workers as apprentices hired under these conditions will gain experience and knowledge in a very short period of time and enter the labour market more easily. Businesses’ is extra labour hand, interest free loans that are repaid with a grace period and a balance of loans that can be util- ised for other priorities.iv 7.9. Mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment: While the concept of mainstreaming has been with us for decades, its applica- tion to the area of entrepreneurial employment is more recent and represents somewhat uncharted waters. Mainstreaming, within this context, is an essential ap- proach for expanding multi-sectoral responses to entrepreneurial employment. Mainstreaming of entrepreneurial employment is not an intervention per se. It con- stitutes a range of practical strategies for scaling up responses and addressing the developmental impacts globally and regionally. Through mainstreaming, govern- ment sectors, NGOs, private sector entities, etc., can both meet the needs of their own workplace environment, as well as apply their comparative advantage to sup- port specific aspects of national entrepreneurial employment responses. As with other approaches to this challenge, understanding of mainstreaming is still evolving. This document provides a set of basic principles designed to enable those working at the different levels and aspects of entrepreneurial employment policy and practice to begin using mainstreaming processes for expansion and ac- celeration of entrepreneurial employment responses. Based on current experience and aimed at guiding mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment at different lev- els, five simple principles have emerged that attempt to provide a comprehensive framework to analyse where and when to introduce and implement entrepreneurial employment mainstreaming. • Entry points: underscores the importance of developing a clearly defined and fo- cused entry point or theme for mainstreaming entrepreneurial employment in order to maintain the critical focus necessary to make an impact. • Frameworks: national policies or strategic frameworks should be the frame of ref- erence and efforts should be located within existing structures. • Advocacy: advocacy, sensitisation, and capacity building should place mainstream employment in a better position as it cannot develop of its own accord. Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 13
  • 16. Partnership: highlights the importance of developing strategic partnerships based upon comparative advantage, cost effectiveness, and collaboration. Figure 1: Strategic Mainstreaming Process Situation Analysis Evaluation Response Analysis National and regional Stra- tegic Frameworks Monitoring, Strategic Information Management Institutional arrange- ments National and regional opera- Sustained Implementation of tional Plans Activities Decentralised management • Domains: the need to maintain a distinction between two domains in main- streaming: the internal domain or workplace, where staff risks and vulner- abilities are addressed; and the external domain, where the institution under- takes entrepreneurial employment interventions based on its mandate and capacities in support of local or national strategic efforts. The internal or workplace domain: Mainstreaming here focuses attention on the opportu- nities within a sector or programme, where the challenge of entrepreneurial employment is addressed by consciously formulating policies that inform day- to-day practice, thus contributing to the protection of the workforce and the deepening understanding of the multi-dimensional impact. The external or target community domain: In the external domain, entrepreneurial em- ployment is mainstreamed into the core mandate, activities, and business of the sector, institution, or project based on available capacities. Entrepreneu- rial employment becomes part of the interaction between these organisations and their communities. Strategies informed by the organisation’s understand- ing and internalisation of entrepreneurial employment issues will tend to in- fluence what is done externally. 8. Conclusion The paper has discussed public sector human qualities for development, real-time strategy development, divestiture, employment generating safety nets and loans, food aid in security-challenged nations on the one hand and private sector-led knowledge man- agement, entrepreneurship development, credit and capital markets and employment that will in turn be a harbinger of peace and development. Indeed, there is no more compelling raison d'être nor a mission-objective so utterly entrenched in the preservation and, even advancement of human-kind, than good gov- ernance and leadership that can lead a social league to relate cogently to an epidemic of ignorance and hence under-employment that has spun out of control. Hence, we assert that, the widespread incidence of poverty is directly attributable to basic weaknesses of social and political leadership, rules of the game and political institutions. One would submit that states have greatly expanded in the last few decades, especially in terms of the number of public employees and the share of public consumption in the government budget. Nevertheless, this growth has not usually been accompanied by a concomitant Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 14
  • 17. improvement in the capacity of its leaders to provide the vision and the ability of the state to extend authority throughout the territory to deliver public services. With few excep- tions, nations have failed to win popular legitimacy-possessing relatively few authentic, social organisations that can articulate and aggregate social interests and civic leadership on education remain generally non-existent or at best, weak or underdeveloped. The central hypothesis in employment for human security development is that the relative strength of political organisations determines the rules of the political game that are installed. It requires a plural set of political organisations which promote and protect rules of peaceful political participation and competition. To- gether, institutions (plural organisations plus rules of accountability) en- sure control of the state executive. In taking an institutional perspective, we as- sume that actors in the political system express preferences through organisations and that these organisations vary in strength according to their resource base. Legal empowerment of the poor seeks to generate new policy recommendations that will reduce poverty through secure, enforceable property and labour rights, within an enabling environment that expands legal business opportunity and access to justice. Hence, the discussion questions that arise here for the conferences are Access to justice: What reforms are necessary to develop transparent legal and in- stitutional arrangements in which the poor have confidence, can access justice, and which will generally contribute to a culture of fairness, equity and rule of law? How can dispute resolution mechanisms support poor people’s access to rights in afford- able and locally appropriate ways? How can improved public administration contrib- ute to transparency and accountability, and increase public trust in the formal eco- nomic system? Property rights: How can countries create an inclusive enabling system of rights, obligations and enforcements surrounding the right to property and other assets that addresses the interests of marginalized groups? Labour rights: How can a decent work agenda be advanced, both within the infor- mal and formal economies? How can the costs of working informally, or “decent work deficits,” be reduced? How can labour laws protect the rights of the poor without im- peding economic growth and business competitiveness? Entrepreneurship rights: How can the entrepreneurial innovation and creativity in the informal economy be channelled into the creation of decent jobs within the formal economy? How can opportunities for establishing businesses be enhanced so that the poor face fewer barriers to involvement in the formal economic system? What are the specific needs and problems faced by those who conduct business in the informal economy? How do complex business regulations or inefficient institutions prevent the poor from creating businesses or otherwise engaging in economic activi- ties in the formal sector? What incentives can be created to increase access to finance and credit? How can the poor, as key stakeholders, be directly involved in the reform process? Developmental states How can such a developmental state emerge? What would be its characteristics and functions? Is developmental state model recommended for all African coun- tries? Did the developmental state concept evolve into solid development theory so far? Is it different from top down development theories? Who determines public in- terests in a developmental state? How are they articulated and aggregated? Does the developmental state concept contradict with the thesis that LDCs should first establish G3 patterned on G4 paths to bring about development? How do we ensure that it can effectively guide economic transformation and de- velopment? How can we ensure that it is accountable and that it acts in the inter- est of its citizens? Does the developmental state concept apply for Ethiopia? Which of the features of developmental states does Ethiopia have? Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 15
  • 18. References Costantinos, BT (1997,a). Building in-country capacity for sustainable democracy, Zambia Case Study - Interna- tional Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, (Mission Report) p5 Costantinos, BT (2004) Priming regional alliances to enhance trade negotiating leverage of African societies and polities. Regional Conference - International Trade Agreements, FES: Addis Ababa FIELD, (2005) Transforming brain drain to brain gain, Final Report, Lem and P2P:Addis Ababa Human security Gateway, http://www.humansecuritygateway.com, accessed March 23, 2011 International Chamber of Commerce www.iccwbo.org accessed March 23, 2011 Keane, J (1988a), Democracy and Civil Society, Verso London/New York (pp 39) Keller E, (1997), Political Institutions, Agency and Contingent Compromise: Understanding Democratic Consoli- dation and Reversal in Africa, UNDP:New York, Sheshinski Eytan and López-Calva Luis Felipe (1998) privatization and its benefits: theory and evidence. Paper prepared as part of the Consulting Assistance on Economic Reform (CAER) II project at the Harvard In- stitute for International Development, Harvard University The human security Network www.humansecuritynetwork.org accessed March 23, 2011 The UNDP’s Human Development Report of 1994 (chapter two) pioneered exploration of these questions (http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/1994/en/pdf/hdr_1994_ch2.pdf) UN (2005) World Summit outcome document, paragraph 143 UN Global Compact www.unglobalcompact.org accessed March 23, 2011 UNDP (1994) HDR 1994, New Dimensions of human security http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr1994/ , accessed March 23, 2011 UNECA, AFD IV, UNECA, Addis Ababa World Business Council for Sustainable Development www.wbcsd.org accessed March 23, 2011 Zvi Mazel (2011) Tunisia first popular uprising in Arab world Analysis: The spontaneous revolution of Tunisian people has forever changed Arab world; it has shown that grassroots revolution can happen everywhere. http://www.jpost.com/MiddleEast/Article.aspx?id=203918, accessed march 10, 2011 i It is where individuals attempt to constitute themselves in arrangements through which they can express themselves and advance their interests. It thus comprises a set of non-governmental organisations, institutions, associations (formal and informal) authority structures, and collective activities, which group the mass of popula- tion together in different ways. Nevertheless, organisational and instrumental definitions tend to ignore relational aspects of civil society. Thus, for instance, although state and civil society are separate from each other, they are also in several ways dependant on one another at times even mutually reinforcing. ii Examples are full divestiture at one stretch; full divestiture in tranches; partial divestiture, with majority or minority equity being held by the government for a long time;; partial divestiture, with management being en- trusted to private hands irrespective of the size of the government’s equity holding; management / employee buy- outs; transformation into a cooperative society; and sale of assets accompanying or leading to liquidation iii Emergence and Viability of Capital Markets: A Synopsis of the Study, BT Costantinos, PhD Team Leader, a Consultancy Report to UNECA, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia iv Nigeria, Presidential commission to define the agenda for the transition to civilian rule, (1999) Final Report to the President, Abuja Employment, Peace and Security. BTC 2005. Page 16