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Torres 1


Creating the Future Community with Visual Communication in the Urban Planning

                                        Profession


          Alissa Barber Torres, Ph.D. Candidate, University of Central Florida
   Presented at the 2011 Conference on College Communication and Composition,
                                Louisville, KY, USA
Introduction


       Technical communication research offers many insightful assessments of

professional communication that identify their rhetorics, discourses, and conventions. In

her assessment of this research, Blakeslee recommends cross-disciplinary work and

community involvement as strategies to bring the field higher visibility (149). Rude

advocates community partnerships as providing insights to the work of educators and

resources for practice (269), and Grabill's significant work in this area asks technical

communicators to bring their skills to the community and to diverse professions (125).


       In this light, I hope to bring urban planners to your attention as eminently worthy

of similar study in the context of technical communicators who have started this

dialogue, such as Grabill. In speaking with you today, I first will introduce the planning

profession and the field’s particular challenge of representing both place and the future,

then discuss my initial research investigating visual practices using a regional visioning

project in Central Florida called “How Shall We Grow?” I have examples here of the

primary scenario-based text produced during this process, which are the same artifacts

I am investigating with planners during this research. To conclude, I offer thoughts and

possibilities on the voice of the public as stakeholders in these processes for technical

communicators to consider.
Torres 2


Introducing the Field of Planning


       Planning is a diverse field focused on improving communities, whether oriented

to land use, transportation, housing, land development, or other elements. In planning

literature, James Throgmorton characterizes planners as consensus builders engaged

in rhetorical activities with environmentalists, neighborhood residents, business owners,

developers, and other stakeholders (Throgmorton, Persuasive 367). These diverse

interests create and interpret meaning in different ways, some of which Throgmorton

notes rely on forecasts, scenarios, and other tools (Persuasive 370). Grabill identifies a

significant literature in planning’s rhetorical practices, citing Throgmorton, Healey, and

Forester as major theorists (125).


       Urban planners may be of interest to technical communicators for several

reasons. Their communications often incorporate community-generated content, such

as values statements and preferences expressed in collaborative public meetings,

which must direct or be integrated into professional technical recommendations. This

differs from the practices of engineers and architects as allied professions now

represented in technical communication research. Also, the nature of their occupation

involves the long-term development and evolution of a geographical place, and their

work may involve time horizons of anywhere from ten to thirty years. Their professional

communications must be technical in nature, yet immediately accessible to a variety of

professional and community audiences and designed to be understood by future

audiences in a similar manner.

       The planning profession continues to rely on a wide variety of visual forms, like

maps, photography, aerial photography, and design graphics, for community
Torres 3


development or revitalization. This inherently visual practice offers a wealth of

possibilities for investigation of visual language, but those possibilities are not explored

in their own professional literature. While planning is a visual practice, the noted

planning theorist John Friedmann expresses concern that planners undergo diverse

professional training that may be situated in schools of architecture, social science, or

public policy, which results in particularity and difference in both approaches and visual

skills within the profession (251). Perhaps as an outcome, Reid Ewing has identified a

limited visual assessment literature in planning, comprised only of four books and

several studies, dating only from the late 1980’s (269-270). This echoes Kostelnick and

Hassett’s assertion that the study of genre and discourse communities within disciplines

primarily is limited to verbal language (3).

       From a cultural perspective, planners are about the future and how it is realized

through decisions that are made today. There is a rich discourse and a translation that

takes place between these diverse interests and that carries a wide spectrum of

interests and disagreements, reaching toward consensus. I argue this chaos and

complexity offers technical communicators rich possibilities for research that serves the

needs of the profession, while contributing to community needs. For at the end of the

day or the decade, that is what this knowledge work produces---a community that is

better or worse than we found it, but likely is not unaffected.


Research Description and Findings


       As an example of potential technical communication research into this

profession, my dissertation research examines the visual communication used in

Central Florida’s “How Shall We Grow?” regional visioning project. My research
Torres 4


investigates how practices of visual representation convey policy information and

community values to planners, with values defined by an independent study of Central

Florida residents conducted during the visioning. I am using focus groups, interviews,

and rhetorical analysis to explore the mental context for the planners’ interpretations

and the function of visual conventions in this profession.


       My research incorporates themes from Kevin Lynch’s seminal work The Image of

the City to see how planners situate themselves within the scenario, how place and

imageability are communicated, and how the scenarios are embedded with information

conveying corresponding community values. Lynch’s work involved focus group

interviews and the creation and review of mapping products to investigate the

imageability of Boston, Los Angeles, and Jersey City (Lynch 140-145). Lynch defined

“imageability” as qualities in the physical environment, such as “shape, color, and

arrangement” that create “identity and structure in the mental image” (9). My research

also reviews how the concept of place may be established, using examples of the Great

Plains’ Buffalo Commons, Garreau’s Nine Nations of North America, and others.

However, I will focus less on my own research here and more on the regional visioning

concept and practice as an area with both wide accessibility and potential for technical

communication research.


       In regional visioning as it practiced across the country over the past few decades,

community residents and other stakeholders work with planners to develop and depict a

regional-scale “future place” that represents the ideal articulation of community goals

through the arrangement of future land development, transportation, housing,

conservation, and other areas. Often, participants place dot stickers, Legos, or other
Torres 5


tactile objects on a map of the community to indicate their preferences and values.

These artifacts are filtered through Geographic Information Systems or Adobe Creative

Suite software to create a map of the future place that embodies these intentions. For

the “How Shall We Grow?” process, after consideration of several scenarios by the

public, organizers created a final scenario called “4Cs”, based on four themes identified

as Corridors, Centers, Conservation, and Countryside.


       At the end of a regional visioning project, a community’s preferred scenario is

selected that best represents the community participants’ goals and preferences as

developed and articulated by visioning project components, and the expectation is that

local planning efforts will be reconciled with this larger regional vision. This

implementation of regional/spatial planning at different scales throughout the region

over time invests the community’s preferred land use scenario with rhetorical functions.

It is a visual product and “keeper” of this vision, but the specific meanings and

interpretations attributed to these scenarios by multiple stakeholders are not well-

understood. In this context, the scenario embodies a set of community directives and

values, while simultaneously being situated in and furthering a mental image of the

place represented.


       As John Friedmann writes, “planners face the almost impossible task of

representing the city or region in two-dimensional space that can be visualized at a

single glance. Every map is a model, and every model is a radical simplification—an

abstraction—of reality” (251). Planners and other project participants must decide what

information is sacrificed in simplification and what is featured, constructing an apparatus

and corresponding perspective. These have implications for community participation
Torres 6


and intention and are often mediated by technologies in ways that are not transparent.

The creation of scenarios, invested with the weight of community consensus and

expectations, create an obligation for urban planners as a profession to meet

challenging technical and visual communication needs.


       Without formalizing and articulating visual conventions within the planning

profession, scenarios are dependent on textual reinforcement and communicative

activity over time to form interpretations and create meaning within communities of

practice. Kostelnick and Hassett warn that visual conventions may be fleeting and can

only be assessed as a particular moment in time (190). Several implications for

scenarios are apparent, including the probability that the local discourse community of

planners may not sustain conventions needed to interpret the scenario over its intended

life, the year 2050. My interviews with local planners reviewing the scenarios have

found that the meanings they interpret vary, often by their own specializations within the

field or their own value systems. Also, two of the five community values defined during

the process have not been identified within the scenario by any reviewer. Their

responses highlight the challenge of defining a region, as their own boundary

conceptions vary and a regional sense of place does not appear to be emerging.


       The planning profession requires improved methods of visual training and

enculturation within this professional community for enhanced dialogue and pedagogical

methods. These methods only become more necessary with increasing use of

accessible digital technologies for visualization of cities, such as Google Earth and

GoogleSketchUp. There is an important role for communication studies in illuminating

that transition for planners as a discourse community, in part to allow scenarios to
Torres 7


perform their roles as information artifacts appropriately over time and to realize the

future community.


Planning and the Public as an Opportunity for Inquiry


       In doing research about planning communication and processes, it is clear that

citizens as a public have an established and important role in that space. Conceptions

and experiences with the public in research may vary and may find them less informed

and participatory within their situated history or experiences. My claim is that their

contributions are diverse, have varying degrees of power in the manner envisioned by

Sherry Arnstein’s ladder of public participation (217-222), and exhibit rhetorical and

performance-based strategies. This claim is based on my situated experience in

practice in Florida, a state that may differ from other communities across the country.


       Florida has had land use regulation since the 1970’s that requires public

participation, with the public taking a larger role since that time in Florida’s growth

management process. This role encompasses required public hearings, evening

meetings in community settings about proposed policies or land development projects,

large-scale visioning and plan development processes, citizen-organized forums, direct

communications, presentations, and other strategies. In the context of these histories,

the citizens can be powerful, with well-articulated voices and very strategic rhetorical

displays, which I can illustrate through stories from my practice and events seen

throughout Florida. In the interests of time, I will note only that this year, Florida will vote

on a constitutional amendment that would subject all comprehensive plan changes and

changes to land use to public referenda, an expression of Arnstein’s citizen control.
Torres 8


       This more complex conception of the public should inform our research, as we

recognize citizens’ rhetorical powers and influence. This has been expanded through

their use of online technical information and new Geographic Information Systems-

based web mapping tools for citizen-based research. While my local experience to date

has not included examples of taking those community-based strategies to social media

and locative media spaces, such as Twitter, Ning, or BlockChalk, we are certainly at a

point where that may emerge as part of a larger societal turn. My hope is that these

expressions, both through their experience and new platforms, also may develop to the

point where their power moves to the poetic, which may encourage that regional image

to be created and developed.


       To illustrate this possibility, Abbott and Margheim note that a regional sense of

place is found in Portland, Oregon, in part, due to its Urban Growth Boundary (UGB)

regulation that strictly defines which areas may be urban or rural, becoming a focus of

public attention (197). Abbott and Margheim note the UGB has captured a unique place

in the public imagination, as in their words, “this modernist land use regulation has

experienced a postmodern apotheosis: It has become a text! People read complex

meanings into the UGB that go beyond its simple legal function. They try to capture and

claim its essence through metaphors, depict it in paintings and photography, write

poems about it (texts about a text), and interpret it through performance” (199).


       With this emphasis on the visual and metaphorical, this approach to regional

place echoes Ulmer’s urging to use poetics and assemblage as a lens for inquiry and

agency in solving applied community problems (Ulmer 81). The recent New Media/New

Methods collection on the influence of Ulmer and the Florida School highlight for us the
Torres 9


possibilities of that poetic turn, but as Barry Mauer has suggested, “training in metaphor

and image making are required.” Within technical communication theory, Jeff Rice

illustrates this process of creating meaning from cultural and personal experiences with

his treatment of Detroit’s Woodward Avenue, in which he applies meanings to a

“rhetoric that moves meanings for purposes of exploration, a rhetoric that understands

Woodward’s topology as not a fixed topos, but instead as a series of meanings merging

in unestablished ways “(239-240). Within planning theory in “Inventing the Greatest:

Crafting Louisville’s Future Out of Story and Clay”, James Throgmorton simultaneously

weaves the story of Louisville’s urban transformation with his own narrative and that of

Muhammed Ali, both as natives of this community. In doing so, Throgmorton notes “to

make any city-region more sustainable, the people of that place need to begin telling a

persuasive story that makes narrative and physical space for diverse locally grounded

common urban narratives” (Inventing 239).


       Rice and Throgmorton’s experiments create a loose, inventive narrative, while

accessing the rich tradition of spatial practices that ranges from the practical outlook of

Jane Jacobs and William H. Whyte to the poetic nature of deCerteau. Again, we are

confronted with the possibilities of the local and the tension of extrapolating them to the

regional, as well as the need for training and methods to make that possible. In planning

theory, Patsy Healey links mental and material states to larger relationships that shape

actions on a regional level, using “particular values and histories” to create attitudes and

values that become “systems of meaning” (113). However, Healey finds these

meanings rely on mental models that are challenged by the different “spatial range and

temporal reach of the relations that transact the space of a place” (115) and that may
Torres 10


not be shared. Without a visible regional identity or established visual conventions, the

regional scenario is in the difficult role of creating meaning without these contexts and

commonplaces that could help bring the future community to light.


Conclusions


       As noted by William J. Mitchell, communities of the future involve “balances and

combinations of interaction modes…at particular times and places…within the new

economy of presence” (144), creating enormous uncertainty in the process. Regional

visioning processes are implemented over time with a visual image based in land use

scenarios and thousands of “mental maps” created in the minds of community

residents. More particularly, scenarios may be characterized as Lefebvre’s

representations of space that may not allow for spaces of representation (Soja 66-68).

From the perspective of each individual resident, to the 20,000 participants in the “How

Shall We Grow?” process, to over three million residents living in the 9,000-square mile

region today, the sense of this regional place and its possibilities is unique, particular,

and not easily represented, with regional scenarios charged with containing both

information and aspiration.


Works Cited


Abbott, Carl and Joy Margheim. “Imagining Portland’s Urban Growth Boundary:
      Planning Regulation as Cultural Icon.” Journal of the American Planning
      Association 74.2 (2008): 196-208. Print.

Arnstein, Sherry R. "A Ladder of Citizen Participation." Journal of the American Institute
       of Planners. 35:4: 216-224. July 1969. Print.
Blakeslee, Ann. “The Technical Communication Research Landscape.” Journal of
       Business and Technical Communication. 23.2: 129-173. April 2009. Print.
Torres 11


Ewing, Reid, Michael R. King, Stephen Raudenbush, and Otto Jose Clemente. “Turning
      Highways into Main Streets: Two Innovations in Planning Methodology.” Journal
      of the American Planning Association 71.3 (2005): 269-282. Print.
Friedmann, John. “The Uses of Planning Theory: A Bibliographic Essay.” Journal of
      Planning Education and Research 28 (2008): 247-257. Print.
Grabill, Jeffrey T. Writing Community Change: Designing Technologies for Community
       Action. Cresskill: Hampton Press, 2007. Print.
Healey, Patsy. “Institutionalist Analysis, Communicative Planning, and Shaping Places”.

       Journal of Planning Education and Research 19 (1999):111-121. Print.

Kostelnick, Charles and Michael Hassett. Shaping Information: the Rhetoric of Visual
       Conventions. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2003. Print.
Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. Cambridge and London: The MIT Press, 1950.
      Print.
Mauer, Barry. “Re: dissertation committee.” Message to the author. 12 Dec. 2009. E-
      mail.
Mitchell, William J. e-topia: Urban Life, Jim, But Not As We Know It. Cambridge, MA:
       The MIT Press, 2000. Print.
Rice, Jeff. “Woodward Paths: Motorizing Space”. Technical Communication Quarterly
       18.3 (2009): 224-241. Print.
Rude, Carolyn D. “Introduction to the Special Issue on Business and Technical
      Communication in the Public Sphere: Learning to Have Impact.” Journal of
      Business and Technical Communication 22.3 (2008): 267-271. Print.

Soja, Edward W. Thirdspace. Cambridge and Oxford: Blackwell. 1996. Print.

Throgmorton, James A. “Inventing the Greatest: Crafting Louisville’s Future Out of Story
       and Clay.” Planning Theory 6.3 (2007): 237-262. Print.
Throgmorton, James A. “Planning as Persuasive Storytelling in a Global Scale Web of
        Relationships.” Planning Theory 2.2 (2003): 125-151. Print.
Ulmer, Gregory L. Internet Invention: From Literacy to Electracy. New York: Longman,
       2003. Print.

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Creating the Future Community with Visual Communication in the Urban Planning Profession

  • 1. Torres 1 Creating the Future Community with Visual Communication in the Urban Planning Profession Alissa Barber Torres, Ph.D. Candidate, University of Central Florida Presented at the 2011 Conference on College Communication and Composition, Louisville, KY, USA Introduction Technical communication research offers many insightful assessments of professional communication that identify their rhetorics, discourses, and conventions. In her assessment of this research, Blakeslee recommends cross-disciplinary work and community involvement as strategies to bring the field higher visibility (149). Rude advocates community partnerships as providing insights to the work of educators and resources for practice (269), and Grabill's significant work in this area asks technical communicators to bring their skills to the community and to diverse professions (125). In this light, I hope to bring urban planners to your attention as eminently worthy of similar study in the context of technical communicators who have started this dialogue, such as Grabill. In speaking with you today, I first will introduce the planning profession and the field’s particular challenge of representing both place and the future, then discuss my initial research investigating visual practices using a regional visioning project in Central Florida called “How Shall We Grow?” I have examples here of the primary scenario-based text produced during this process, which are the same artifacts I am investigating with planners during this research. To conclude, I offer thoughts and possibilities on the voice of the public as stakeholders in these processes for technical communicators to consider.
  • 2. Torres 2 Introducing the Field of Planning Planning is a diverse field focused on improving communities, whether oriented to land use, transportation, housing, land development, or other elements. In planning literature, James Throgmorton characterizes planners as consensus builders engaged in rhetorical activities with environmentalists, neighborhood residents, business owners, developers, and other stakeholders (Throgmorton, Persuasive 367). These diverse interests create and interpret meaning in different ways, some of which Throgmorton notes rely on forecasts, scenarios, and other tools (Persuasive 370). Grabill identifies a significant literature in planning’s rhetorical practices, citing Throgmorton, Healey, and Forester as major theorists (125). Urban planners may be of interest to technical communicators for several reasons. Their communications often incorporate community-generated content, such as values statements and preferences expressed in collaborative public meetings, which must direct or be integrated into professional technical recommendations. This differs from the practices of engineers and architects as allied professions now represented in technical communication research. Also, the nature of their occupation involves the long-term development and evolution of a geographical place, and their work may involve time horizons of anywhere from ten to thirty years. Their professional communications must be technical in nature, yet immediately accessible to a variety of professional and community audiences and designed to be understood by future audiences in a similar manner. The planning profession continues to rely on a wide variety of visual forms, like maps, photography, aerial photography, and design graphics, for community
  • 3. Torres 3 development or revitalization. This inherently visual practice offers a wealth of possibilities for investigation of visual language, but those possibilities are not explored in their own professional literature. While planning is a visual practice, the noted planning theorist John Friedmann expresses concern that planners undergo diverse professional training that may be situated in schools of architecture, social science, or public policy, which results in particularity and difference in both approaches and visual skills within the profession (251). Perhaps as an outcome, Reid Ewing has identified a limited visual assessment literature in planning, comprised only of four books and several studies, dating only from the late 1980’s (269-270). This echoes Kostelnick and Hassett’s assertion that the study of genre and discourse communities within disciplines primarily is limited to verbal language (3). From a cultural perspective, planners are about the future and how it is realized through decisions that are made today. There is a rich discourse and a translation that takes place between these diverse interests and that carries a wide spectrum of interests and disagreements, reaching toward consensus. I argue this chaos and complexity offers technical communicators rich possibilities for research that serves the needs of the profession, while contributing to community needs. For at the end of the day or the decade, that is what this knowledge work produces---a community that is better or worse than we found it, but likely is not unaffected. Research Description and Findings As an example of potential technical communication research into this profession, my dissertation research examines the visual communication used in Central Florida’s “How Shall We Grow?” regional visioning project. My research
  • 4. Torres 4 investigates how practices of visual representation convey policy information and community values to planners, with values defined by an independent study of Central Florida residents conducted during the visioning. I am using focus groups, interviews, and rhetorical analysis to explore the mental context for the planners’ interpretations and the function of visual conventions in this profession. My research incorporates themes from Kevin Lynch’s seminal work The Image of the City to see how planners situate themselves within the scenario, how place and imageability are communicated, and how the scenarios are embedded with information conveying corresponding community values. Lynch’s work involved focus group interviews and the creation and review of mapping products to investigate the imageability of Boston, Los Angeles, and Jersey City (Lynch 140-145). Lynch defined “imageability” as qualities in the physical environment, such as “shape, color, and arrangement” that create “identity and structure in the mental image” (9). My research also reviews how the concept of place may be established, using examples of the Great Plains’ Buffalo Commons, Garreau’s Nine Nations of North America, and others. However, I will focus less on my own research here and more on the regional visioning concept and practice as an area with both wide accessibility and potential for technical communication research. In regional visioning as it practiced across the country over the past few decades, community residents and other stakeholders work with planners to develop and depict a regional-scale “future place” that represents the ideal articulation of community goals through the arrangement of future land development, transportation, housing, conservation, and other areas. Often, participants place dot stickers, Legos, or other
  • 5. Torres 5 tactile objects on a map of the community to indicate their preferences and values. These artifacts are filtered through Geographic Information Systems or Adobe Creative Suite software to create a map of the future place that embodies these intentions. For the “How Shall We Grow?” process, after consideration of several scenarios by the public, organizers created a final scenario called “4Cs”, based on four themes identified as Corridors, Centers, Conservation, and Countryside. At the end of a regional visioning project, a community’s preferred scenario is selected that best represents the community participants’ goals and preferences as developed and articulated by visioning project components, and the expectation is that local planning efforts will be reconciled with this larger regional vision. This implementation of regional/spatial planning at different scales throughout the region over time invests the community’s preferred land use scenario with rhetorical functions. It is a visual product and “keeper” of this vision, but the specific meanings and interpretations attributed to these scenarios by multiple stakeholders are not well- understood. In this context, the scenario embodies a set of community directives and values, while simultaneously being situated in and furthering a mental image of the place represented. As John Friedmann writes, “planners face the almost impossible task of representing the city or region in two-dimensional space that can be visualized at a single glance. Every map is a model, and every model is a radical simplification—an abstraction—of reality” (251). Planners and other project participants must decide what information is sacrificed in simplification and what is featured, constructing an apparatus and corresponding perspective. These have implications for community participation
  • 6. Torres 6 and intention and are often mediated by technologies in ways that are not transparent. The creation of scenarios, invested with the weight of community consensus and expectations, create an obligation for urban planners as a profession to meet challenging technical and visual communication needs. Without formalizing and articulating visual conventions within the planning profession, scenarios are dependent on textual reinforcement and communicative activity over time to form interpretations and create meaning within communities of practice. Kostelnick and Hassett warn that visual conventions may be fleeting and can only be assessed as a particular moment in time (190). Several implications for scenarios are apparent, including the probability that the local discourse community of planners may not sustain conventions needed to interpret the scenario over its intended life, the year 2050. My interviews with local planners reviewing the scenarios have found that the meanings they interpret vary, often by their own specializations within the field or their own value systems. Also, two of the five community values defined during the process have not been identified within the scenario by any reviewer. Their responses highlight the challenge of defining a region, as their own boundary conceptions vary and a regional sense of place does not appear to be emerging. The planning profession requires improved methods of visual training and enculturation within this professional community for enhanced dialogue and pedagogical methods. These methods only become more necessary with increasing use of accessible digital technologies for visualization of cities, such as Google Earth and GoogleSketchUp. There is an important role for communication studies in illuminating that transition for planners as a discourse community, in part to allow scenarios to
  • 7. Torres 7 perform their roles as information artifacts appropriately over time and to realize the future community. Planning and the Public as an Opportunity for Inquiry In doing research about planning communication and processes, it is clear that citizens as a public have an established and important role in that space. Conceptions and experiences with the public in research may vary and may find them less informed and participatory within their situated history or experiences. My claim is that their contributions are diverse, have varying degrees of power in the manner envisioned by Sherry Arnstein’s ladder of public participation (217-222), and exhibit rhetorical and performance-based strategies. This claim is based on my situated experience in practice in Florida, a state that may differ from other communities across the country. Florida has had land use regulation since the 1970’s that requires public participation, with the public taking a larger role since that time in Florida’s growth management process. This role encompasses required public hearings, evening meetings in community settings about proposed policies or land development projects, large-scale visioning and plan development processes, citizen-organized forums, direct communications, presentations, and other strategies. In the context of these histories, the citizens can be powerful, with well-articulated voices and very strategic rhetorical displays, which I can illustrate through stories from my practice and events seen throughout Florida. In the interests of time, I will note only that this year, Florida will vote on a constitutional amendment that would subject all comprehensive plan changes and changes to land use to public referenda, an expression of Arnstein’s citizen control.
  • 8. Torres 8 This more complex conception of the public should inform our research, as we recognize citizens’ rhetorical powers and influence. This has been expanded through their use of online technical information and new Geographic Information Systems- based web mapping tools for citizen-based research. While my local experience to date has not included examples of taking those community-based strategies to social media and locative media spaces, such as Twitter, Ning, or BlockChalk, we are certainly at a point where that may emerge as part of a larger societal turn. My hope is that these expressions, both through their experience and new platforms, also may develop to the point where their power moves to the poetic, which may encourage that regional image to be created and developed. To illustrate this possibility, Abbott and Margheim note that a regional sense of place is found in Portland, Oregon, in part, due to its Urban Growth Boundary (UGB) regulation that strictly defines which areas may be urban or rural, becoming a focus of public attention (197). Abbott and Margheim note the UGB has captured a unique place in the public imagination, as in their words, “this modernist land use regulation has experienced a postmodern apotheosis: It has become a text! People read complex meanings into the UGB that go beyond its simple legal function. They try to capture and claim its essence through metaphors, depict it in paintings and photography, write poems about it (texts about a text), and interpret it through performance” (199). With this emphasis on the visual and metaphorical, this approach to regional place echoes Ulmer’s urging to use poetics and assemblage as a lens for inquiry and agency in solving applied community problems (Ulmer 81). The recent New Media/New Methods collection on the influence of Ulmer and the Florida School highlight for us the
  • 9. Torres 9 possibilities of that poetic turn, but as Barry Mauer has suggested, “training in metaphor and image making are required.” Within technical communication theory, Jeff Rice illustrates this process of creating meaning from cultural and personal experiences with his treatment of Detroit’s Woodward Avenue, in which he applies meanings to a “rhetoric that moves meanings for purposes of exploration, a rhetoric that understands Woodward’s topology as not a fixed topos, but instead as a series of meanings merging in unestablished ways “(239-240). Within planning theory in “Inventing the Greatest: Crafting Louisville’s Future Out of Story and Clay”, James Throgmorton simultaneously weaves the story of Louisville’s urban transformation with his own narrative and that of Muhammed Ali, both as natives of this community. In doing so, Throgmorton notes “to make any city-region more sustainable, the people of that place need to begin telling a persuasive story that makes narrative and physical space for diverse locally grounded common urban narratives” (Inventing 239). Rice and Throgmorton’s experiments create a loose, inventive narrative, while accessing the rich tradition of spatial practices that ranges from the practical outlook of Jane Jacobs and William H. Whyte to the poetic nature of deCerteau. Again, we are confronted with the possibilities of the local and the tension of extrapolating them to the regional, as well as the need for training and methods to make that possible. In planning theory, Patsy Healey links mental and material states to larger relationships that shape actions on a regional level, using “particular values and histories” to create attitudes and values that become “systems of meaning” (113). However, Healey finds these meanings rely on mental models that are challenged by the different “spatial range and temporal reach of the relations that transact the space of a place” (115) and that may
  • 10. Torres 10 not be shared. Without a visible regional identity or established visual conventions, the regional scenario is in the difficult role of creating meaning without these contexts and commonplaces that could help bring the future community to light. Conclusions As noted by William J. Mitchell, communities of the future involve “balances and combinations of interaction modes…at particular times and places…within the new economy of presence” (144), creating enormous uncertainty in the process. Regional visioning processes are implemented over time with a visual image based in land use scenarios and thousands of “mental maps” created in the minds of community residents. More particularly, scenarios may be characterized as Lefebvre’s representations of space that may not allow for spaces of representation (Soja 66-68). From the perspective of each individual resident, to the 20,000 participants in the “How Shall We Grow?” process, to over three million residents living in the 9,000-square mile region today, the sense of this regional place and its possibilities is unique, particular, and not easily represented, with regional scenarios charged with containing both information and aspiration. Works Cited Abbott, Carl and Joy Margheim. “Imagining Portland’s Urban Growth Boundary: Planning Regulation as Cultural Icon.” Journal of the American Planning Association 74.2 (2008): 196-208. Print. Arnstein, Sherry R. "A Ladder of Citizen Participation." Journal of the American Institute of Planners. 35:4: 216-224. July 1969. Print. Blakeslee, Ann. “The Technical Communication Research Landscape.” Journal of Business and Technical Communication. 23.2: 129-173. April 2009. Print.
  • 11. Torres 11 Ewing, Reid, Michael R. King, Stephen Raudenbush, and Otto Jose Clemente. “Turning Highways into Main Streets: Two Innovations in Planning Methodology.” Journal of the American Planning Association 71.3 (2005): 269-282. Print. Friedmann, John. “The Uses of Planning Theory: A Bibliographic Essay.” Journal of Planning Education and Research 28 (2008): 247-257. Print. Grabill, Jeffrey T. Writing Community Change: Designing Technologies for Community Action. Cresskill: Hampton Press, 2007. Print. Healey, Patsy. “Institutionalist Analysis, Communicative Planning, and Shaping Places”. Journal of Planning Education and Research 19 (1999):111-121. Print. Kostelnick, Charles and Michael Hassett. Shaping Information: the Rhetoric of Visual Conventions. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2003. Print. Lynch, Kevin. The Image of the City. Cambridge and London: The MIT Press, 1950. Print. Mauer, Barry. “Re: dissertation committee.” Message to the author. 12 Dec. 2009. E- mail. Mitchell, William J. e-topia: Urban Life, Jim, But Not As We Know It. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2000. Print. Rice, Jeff. “Woodward Paths: Motorizing Space”. Technical Communication Quarterly 18.3 (2009): 224-241. Print. Rude, Carolyn D. “Introduction to the Special Issue on Business and Technical Communication in the Public Sphere: Learning to Have Impact.” Journal of Business and Technical Communication 22.3 (2008): 267-271. Print. Soja, Edward W. Thirdspace. Cambridge and Oxford: Blackwell. 1996. Print. Throgmorton, James A. “Inventing the Greatest: Crafting Louisville’s Future Out of Story and Clay.” Planning Theory 6.3 (2007): 237-262. Print. Throgmorton, James A. “Planning as Persuasive Storytelling in a Global Scale Web of Relationships.” Planning Theory 2.2 (2003): 125-151. Print. Ulmer, Gregory L. Internet Invention: From Literacy to Electracy. New York: Longman, 2003. Print.